RISE  OF 

THE  SPANISH-AMERICAN 

REPUBLICS 


'  a  •  • 


El  Libertador 
(Pietro  Tenerani's  Statue  of  Simon  de  Bolivar  at  Bogota) 


RISE  OF 

THE  SPANISH-AMERICAN 

REPUBLICS 


AS  TOLD  IN  THE  LIVES  OF 
THEIR  LIBERATORS 


BY 

WILLIAM  SPENCE  ROBERTSON,  Ph.D. 

ASSISTANT  PROFESSOR  OF  HISTORY,  X7NIVERSITY  OF  ILLINOIS 


3  .»^        •    •   I 


JllVSTRATP' 


D.  APPLETON-CENTURY  COMPANY 

INCORPORATED 

NEW  YORK  LONDON 

1942 


Copyright,  1918,  by 
D.  APPLETON  AND  COMPANY 


Rights  of  translation  reserved 


All  rights  reserved.  This  book,  or  parts 
thereof,  must  not  be  reproduced  in  any 
form  without  permission  of  the  publishers. 


Printed  in  the  United  States  of  America 


UNDERGRAD. 
LIBRAfiY 


TO  MY 
HISPANIC-AMERICAN  FRIENDS 


PREFACE 

Years  ago,  while  an  undergraduate  at  the  University  of  Wis- 
consin, I  was  seized  with  a  desire  to  study  the  history  and  politics 
of  Hispanic  America,  the  vast  region  inhabited  by  the  wayward 
children  of  Spain  and  Portugal.  The  first  fruit  of  this  desire  was 
an  essay  upon  that  knight-errant  of  Venezuela,  Francisco  de 
Miranda,  who  championed  the  independence  of  the  Spanish  col- 
onies from  the  motherland.  My  study  of  Miranda's  romantic 
career  naturally  aroused  within  me  an  interest  in  the  lives  of  his 
South-American  compatriots,  Bolivar  and  San  Martin.  One  day, 
while  browsing  in  the  library  of  Yale  University,  I  stumbled 
across  some  musty  and  forgotten  manuscripts  pertaining  to  Agus- 
tin  de  Iturbide :  that  incident  stimulated  my  interest  in  the  move- 
ment which  separated  New  Spain  from  Old  Spain.  From  time  to 
time  other  influences  have  aided  me  to  form  the  mold  of  the  pres- 
ent volume,  which,  in  a  series  of  lives,  tells  the  story  of  the  move- 
ments that  separated  most  of  the  Spanish  colonies  in  America — 
the  Spanish-American  colonies  as  I  have  uniformly  designated 
them — from  the  motherland.  For  criticisms  concerning  these 
biographies  I  am  indebted  to  Professor  W.  F.  Dodd,  now  of  the 
University  of  Chicago,  and  Professor  E.  B.  Greene,  of  the  Uni- 
versity of  Illinois,  both  of  whom  read  the  entire  manuscript. 

The  collecting  of  source  material  for  these  biographical  studies 
has  been  attended  by  no  small  difficulty.  Although  in  recent  years 
a  number  of  libraries  in  the  United  States  have  been  purchasing 
books  upon  Hispanic-American  history,  yet  in  few,  if  any,  cases 
have  complete  collections  been  made  of  the  learned  publications, 
books,  and  pamphlets  concerning  any  special  epoch  of  Spanish- 
American  history.  In  the  preparation  of  this  volume,  it  has  con- 
sequently been  necessary  for  me  to  use  many  libraries.  For 
courtesies  extended  to  me  I  am  especially  indebted  to  the  University 
of  Illinois  Library,  the  British  Museum,  the  National  Library  of 
Spain,  and  the  National  Libraries  of  Mexico,  Venezuela,  Colom- 
bia, Chile,  Paraguay,  and  Argentina,  as  well  as  the  Mitre  Museum 
at  Buenos  Aires.  In  various  ways  my  labors  have  been  aided  by 
scholars  in  America  and  Europe.     In  North  America  my  labors 

vn 


viii  PREFACE 

were  aided  by  Mr.  Gaillard  Hunt  of  the  Division  of  Manuscripts 
of  the  Library  of  Congress.  Certain  investigations  in  Spain  were 
facilitated  by  Professor  Rafael  Altamira  of  the  University  of 
Madrid,  and  by  Sr.  D.  Pedro  Torres  Lanzas,  chief  of  the  Spanish 
archives  at  Seville.  My  investigations  in  England  were  assisted 
by  Hubert  Hall,  Esq.,  long  connected  with  the  Public  Record  Of- 
fice. Among  Mexican  scholars,  I  mention  with  appreciation  Sr. 
Genaro  Garcia,  formerly  director  of  the  National  Museum  of 
Mexico,  and  Sr.  Luis  Gonzalez  Obregon,  formerly  director  of  the 
General  Archives  of  Mexico.  Among  South-American  scholars, 
I  must  mention  with  gratitude  Sr.  Romulo  Zabala  of  the  Mitre 
Museum,  and  Srs.  Diego  L.  Molinari  and  Carlos  L  Salas  of  Buenos 
Aires;  Professors  Domingo  Amunategui  Solar  and  Samuel  Lillo 
of  the  University  of  Chile;  Sr.  Isidro  Lopez,  Sr.  Diego  Mendoza 
and  Sr.  Antonio  Gomez  Restrepo  of  Bogota;  Sr.  Manuel  Segundo 
Sanchez,  director  of  the  National  Library  at  Caracas,  and  Sr. 
Vicente  Lecuna,  president  of  the  Bank  of  Venezuela,  who  has 
charge  of  the  archives  of  Simon  de  Bolivar. 

My  aim  throughout  has  been  to  base  this  volume  upon  the 
sources.  I  have  profited,  however,  by  the  use  of  many  secondary 
accounts,  largely  because  of  the  source  material  which  they  con- 
tain. If  indeed  it  had  not  been  for  the  numerous  contributions — 
bibliographies,  documentary  collections,  and  secondary  accounts — 
of  Spanish-American  scholars  to  the  knowledge  of  the  revolu- 
tionary period,  par  excellence,  of  their  history,  this  book  could  not 
appear  in  its  present  form.  Fortunately  for  my  literary  plans, 
that  period  has  occupied  the  attention  of  many  prominent  scholars 
of  Spanish  America.  Among  these  scholars  three  great  writers, 
who  have  passed  away,  linked  their  names  forever  with  the  liter- 
ary history  of  the  revolution,  Jose  Maria  Restrepo  of  Colombia, 
Diego  Barros  Arana  of  Chile,  and  Bartolome  Mitre  of  Argentina. 
While  preparing  this  book  I  have  become  acutely  aware  of  the 
different  opinions  of  Spanish-Americans  in  regard  to  the  respec- 
tive merits  of  their  national  heroes  of  the  revolutionary  age. 
Mexican  writers  have  generally  been  inclined  to  overestimate  the 
historical  significance  of  Hidalgo.  South-American  historical 
writers  who  live  in  Bogota  do  not  always  agree  concerning  the 
respective  merits  of  Bolivar  the  liberator  and  Santander,  "the 
organizer  of  victory."  Even  at  the  present  day  the  scholars*of 
Argentina  and  Uruguay  are  at  variance  in  regard  to  the  historical 
import  of  the  career  of  Artigas.  The  historical  scholars  of  Buenos 
Aires  are  loath  to  accept  the  views  of  scholars  in  Caracas  respect- 


PREFACE  ix 

ing  the  roles  of  San  Martin  and  Bolivar.  As  one  who,  so  to 
speak,  lives  in  a  realm  apart,  I  have  viewed  the  various  revolu- 
tionary heroes  with  sympathy  and  without  any  conscious  parti 
pris:  it  is  believed  that,  in  contrast  with  many  other  volumes 
which  deal  with  the  heroic  age  of  Spanish-American  history,  this 
volume  is  subjective. 

I  brought  my  labors  upon  this  volume  to  a  close  after  more 
than  a  year  spent  in  South  America  during  which  I  revised  my 
views  concerning  the  liberators  by  the  use  of  rare  material  which 
reposes  in  the  libraries  of  certain  South-American  capitals.  From 
a  veritable  legion  of  books  and  pamphlets  and  studies  which  I 
have  consulted  during  my  investigations  I  have  carefully  selected 
the  most  useful  works  and  included  them  in  an  annotated  bibliog- 
raphy. As  some  of  the  problems  which  confronted  me  were  partly 
solved  by  the  use  of  manuscripts  that  repose  in  certain  archives 
of  America  and  Europe,  I  have  included  in  the  select  bibliography 
a  brief  list  of  important  manuscript  collections  which  will  suggest 
the  wealth  of  archival  material  that  concerns  my  theme. 

Certain  difficulties  inherent  in  the  complexity  of  the  theme, 
which  deals  with  the  emergence  of  eleven  republics,  have,  in  my 
judgment,  been  lessened  by  the  use  of  what  may  be  styled  thejbio- 
graphical  method.  I  firmly  believe  that  the  history  of  the  Spanish- 
American  revolution  can  be  clearly  told  in  the  lives  of  its  notable 
men.  This  method  of  narration  has  enabled  me  more  easily  to 
handle,  and  will,  I  trust,  aid  the  reader  more  readily  to  compre- 
hend, the  details  of  that  far-reaching  movement,  or  rather  that 
series  of  movements.  For,  during  the  Spanish-American  revolu- 
tionary epoch,  as  rarely  in  history,  certain  figures  occupied  the 
foreground  of  the  stage.  From  those  figures  I  selected  certain 
leaders  for  detailed  consideration  and  other  leaders  for  subor- 
dinate treatment.  Another  writer  might  perhaps  have  employed 
a  different  emphasis;  some  other  writer  might  indeed  have  made 
a  somewhat  different  selection.  My  choice  of  salient  personalities 
has  had  special  regard  to  the  role  which  they  playedjn  the  origin 
and  prnp^ressjrf  fhe-.  revnlntinn  in  rertatn  sections  of  Spanish 
America.  In  general,  each  chapter  of  this  volume  is  not  so  much 
devoted  to  a  single  individual  or  to  a  single  rising  state^^as  to  a 
revolutionary  movement  in  which  a  commanding  personage  played 
the  most  important  role.  Rightly  to  portray  these  personages, 
other  figures  have  of  necessity  been  sketched  more  lightly.  Among 
the  minor  characters  of  the  great  revolutionary  drama — as  Artigas, 
Francia,  Santander — Bernapdo  O'Higgins,  in  particular,  was  an 


X  PREFACE 

attractive  figure,  who  appeared  more  significant,  however,  in  his 
relations  to  the  early  revolt  in  Chile  and  to  the  establishment  of 
an  independent  government  there,  than  to  the  broad  sweep  of  the 
South-American  revolutionary  movement. 

To  me  a  significant  figure  was  Francisco  de  Miranda,  often 
styled  "the  great  precursor"  of  the  Spanish-American  revolution. 
In  Mexico  there  were  two  personages  of  paramount  importance: 
Miguel  Hidalgo  y  Costilla,  "the  father  of  Mexican  independence," 
and  Agustin  de  Iturbide,  who  should  be  styled  the  liberator  of 
Mexico.  In  southern  South  America,  the  career  of  Mariano 
Moreno,  the  democrat  and  scholar,  furnished  an  introduction  to 
the  troubled  politics  of  the  viceroyalty  of  la  Plata.  The  struggle 
for  Argentine  independence  was  logically  continued  in  the  life- 
story  of  Jose  de  San  Martin,  a  founder  of  Argentina,  Chile,  and 
Peru.  And  the  fight  for  the  establishment  of  Peruvian  inde- 
pendence was  ultimately  crowned  with  success  largely  through 
the  achievements  of  two  Venezuelans,  Simon  de  Bolivar  and 
Antonio  Jose  de  Sucre,  who,  after  their  native  state  had  been 
liberated  from  the  Spanish  yoke,  cooperated  in  the  founding  of 
independent  republics  in  Peru  and  Bolivia.  There  were  some 
queries  which  arose  in  my  mind  regarding  the  exact  order  in 
which  the  lives  of  these  so-called  liberators  should  be  presented 
to  the  reader.  Should  the  order  be  topical,  or  chronological,  or 
geographical?  At  last,  I  decided  upon  a  sequence  which,  with 
Sidvantages  that  seemed  to  outweigh  its  disadvantages,  in  reality 
constituted  a  compromise:  a  sequence  which  began  with  the  great 
precursor  and  permitted  me  to  consider  consecutively  the  two 
most  important  leaders  of  Mexico, — a  sequence  which  made  it 
possible  for  me  to  treat  successively  four  great  personages  of  the 
South -American  revolution. 

The  Rise  of  the  Spanish-American  Republics  aims  to  furnish 
to  English  readers  an  outline  of  the  movement  which  culminated 
in  the  establishment  of  independent  states  in  the  Spanish  Indies,  as 
traced  in  the  biographies  of  notable  leaders.  While  considerable 
attention  has  necessarily  been  devoted  to  campaigns,  battles,  and 
capitulations,  yet  a  deliberate  and  sustained  attempt  has  been  made 
to  present  the  political  ideals  of  Spanish-American  leaders,  as 
expressed  in  their  declarations  of  independence,  important  con- 
stitutions, and  speeches.  Accordingly  frequent  quotations — gen- 
erally my  own  translations — have  been  made  from  the  literary 
productions  of  the  liberators.  In  particular,  are  there  many  quo- 
tations from  the  significant  productions  of  Simon  de  Bolivar,  the 


PREFACE  xi 

most  formidable  military  and  political  giant  of  Hispanic  America. 
Whenever  it  seemed  advisable  to  make  a  rather  free  translation, 
I  have  adopted  the  practice  of  enclosing  the  excerpts  in  single 
quotation  marks:  otherwise,  I  have  followed  the  American  custom 
of  using  double  quotation  marks.  This  book  deals  with  a  distinct 
period  in  the  history  of  Spanish  America,  the  transitional  epoch 
from  1808  to  1831,  which  may  be  said  to  lie  between  the  colonial 
period  proper  and  the  distinctly  national  period.  It  is  an  intro- 
duction to  a  dramatic  period  which  furnishes  a  background  for 
the  national  history  of  the  Spanish-American  republics. 

William  Spence  Robertson. 
Urbana,  Illinois. 


CONTENTS 


CHAPTER  PAGE 

I.    The  Historical  Background i 


II.    Francisco  de  Miranda 26  - 

(-^-^  HI.    Miguel  Hidalgo  y  CostilliJ 73  I 

^■**IV.      AgUSTIN    de    lTURBIDE,^<'''^5sry 107     ^'^ 

^<|i^V.    Mariano   Moreno 142  ;^ 

VI.  ^  Jose  de  San  Martin 176 

VII.  -Simon  de  BolIvar 217  J- 

VIII.    Antonio  Jose  de  Sucre 267  ^ 

IX.    Conclusion 314 

Select  Bibliography  . 333 

Index .  363 


xia 


LIST  OF 
ILLUSTRATIONS  AND  MAPS 

El  Libertador  (Pietro  Tenerani's  Statue  of  Simon  de  Boli- 
var at  Bogota) Frontispiece 

FACING  PAGE 

Map  of  Spanish  America  on  the  Eve  of  the  Revolution  .        .       i6 

Francisco  de  Miranda    (Frontispiece  of  Antepara's  "South 

American    Emancipation") 26 

Miguel   Hidalgo  y  Costilla    (From   Alaman's  "Historia   de 

Mexico") 74 

Agustin  de  Iturbide   (From  a  Painting  in  the  Hall  of  Am- 
bassadors of  the  National  Palace,  Mexico  City)     .        .     II2  _  /"f3 

Mariano  Moreno  (Manuel  Moreno's  "Vida  del  Dr.  Moreno," 

London,   1812) 142 

Francia  and  Artigas  (From  Portraits  by  Bonpland  in  Demer- 

say's  Atlas,  "Histoire  du  Paraguay")     ....    176 

Jose  de  San  Martin  (Medallion  by  Simon)      ....     182 

Bernardo  O'Higgins  (From  a  Portrait  in  the  Collection  of 

Sr.  Carios  I.  Salas,  Buenos  Aires) 194 

Simon  de  Bolivar   (Medallion  by  David  d' Angers)       .        .    218 

Antonio  Jose  de  Sucre   (From  a  Portrait  by  Tovar  in  the 

Federal  Palace,  Caracas) 268 

Plan  of  the  Battle  of  Ayacucho   (From  the  "Memoirs  of 

General    Miller") 284 

Francisco     de     Paula     Santander     (Medallion     by     David 

d'Angers) 314 

The  Hispanic-American  States  in  1831 328 


XV 


RISE  OF  THE 
SPANISH-AMERICAN   REPUBLICS 

CHAPTER  I 

THE   HISTORICAL  BACKGROUND 

During  the  first  quarter  of  the  nineteenth  century  the  vast 
empire  of  Spain  in  America  broke  into  fragments.  In  various 
parts  of  the  Indies  the  people  proclaimed  their  independence 
of  the  motherland.  The  protracted  drama  which  transformed 
the  Spanish  colonies  upon  the  American  continent  into  free, 
sovereign,  and  independent  states,  was  started  by  the  usurpa- 
tions of  Napoleon  in  the  Iberian  peninsula.  Here  and  there 
in  Spanish  America,  with  loud  protests  of  loyalty  to  their  king, 
some  colonists  asserted  the  right  to  manage  their  own  affairs. 
That  this  dissident  movement  developed  into  a  far-reaching 
rebellion  was  due  in  no  small  measure  to  the  activities  of  cer- 
tain leaders  who  played  important  roles  in  the  revolution — 
leaders  who  may  be  styled  the  liberators  of  Spanish  America. 
The  fortunes  of  the  Spanish-American  revolution  were  also 
affected  by  the  economic  and  political  conditions  which  pre- 
vailed throughout  Spain's  dominions.  It  is  the  purpose  of  this 
chapter  to  sketch  the  background  of  the  great  revolution  in  the 
Spanish  Indies. 

On  the  eve  of  the  revolution  the  king  of  Spain  claimed  title 
to  territory  in  the  New  World  which  stretched  from  the  sources 
of  the  Mississippi  River  to  Cape  Horn.  That  territory  in- 
cluded about  seven  million  square  miles, — almost  one-half  of 
the  area  of  the  Three  Americas.  "Within  this  vast  region," 
said  Henry  Clay,  "we  behoW  the  most  sublime  and  interesting 

? 


2       RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

objects  of  creation:  the  loftiest  mountains,  the  most  majestic 
rivers  in  the  world ;  the  richest  mines  of  the  precious  metals,  and 
the  choicest  productions  of  the  earth."  It  was  while  musing 
over  that  magnificent  domain  which  Spain  had  irretrievably 
lost,  that  the  exiled  minister,  Manuel  de  Godoy,  the  Prince  of 
the  Peace,  spoke  of  Spain  under  Charles  IV.  as  the  Queen  of 
the  Two  Worlds. 

In  the  reign  of  Charles  IV.,  1788-1808,  Manuel  de  Godoy, 
the  secretary  of  state  and  the  voluptuous  favorite  of  Queen 
Maria  Teresa,  exercised  a  baneful  influence  at  the  Spanish 
court.  For  many  years  Charles  IV.,  good-natured,  fond  of 
the  chase,  with  small  political  ability,  allowed  the  Prince  of 
the  Peace  to  govern  Spain  and  to  confer  favors  upon  fawning 
politicians.  Selfish  reasons  induced  Godoy  sedulously  to  foster 
an  estrangement  between  the  royal  couple  and  their  eldest  son, 
Ferdinand,  Prince  of  Asturias, — a  prince  who  was  portrayed 
by  contemporaries  as  a  superstitious,  self-willed  youth,  with  a 
poor  intellect.  This  heir  to  the  crown  of  Spain  and  the  Indies 
was  given  no  opportunity  to  learn  the  art  of  government ;  and, 
wh,en_at  a  delicate  crisis  in  the  fortunes  of  the  Spanish  people, 
Ferdinand  became  king,  events  demonstrated  that  he  was, 
neither  gifted  with  political  talent  nor  animated  by  a  liberal 
spirit.  '  *~~- 

Under  Charles  IV.  the  administration  of  the  government 
was  entrusted  to  the  secretaries  of  state,  justice,  war,  marine, 
and  finance,  who  managed  the  aflfairs  of  the  Indies  as  well  as  of 
Spain.  By  virtue  of  their  offices  those  secretaries  were  mem- 
bers of  the  royal  council  of  state  in  which  important  matters 
of  policy  were  discussed.  Over  that  council — which  other 
governmental  officials  were  at  times  invited  to  attend — the  king 
presided.  In  the  administration  of  the  Indies,  Charles.  IV.  was 
aided  by  special  institutions  in  the  peninsula  and  in  America. 
The  most  important  institution  in  the  peninsula  was  theJjLRayal 
and^Supreme  Council  of  the  Indies." 

The  council  of  the  Indies  was  composed  of  fourteen  mem- 
bers selected  by  the  king  from  persons  who  had  held  office  in 


THE  HISTORICAL  BACKGROUND  3 

America.  That  council  had  administrative,  legislative,  and  ju- 
dicial  poweTs.  m[dvi5gd~the-kittg~(mxommercial  and-political 
affairs  relating  to  the  colonies.  It  promulgated  decrees  which 
served  as  laws  for  the  Indies.  It  "wastEe  tribunal  of  last 
fesorf  for  cases  appealed  from  the  highest  courts  in  Spanish 
America,  the  audiencias.  The  council  met  regularly  at  the 
capital;  the  king  might  preside  over  its  sessions.  Evidently 
this  council  possessed  a  more  extensive  authority  over  the 
Spanish  Indies  than  the  board  of  trade  possessed  over  the 
English  colonies  in  America.  In  the  eighteenth  century  a 
minister  of  the  Indies  was  created,  who  assumed  some  of  the 
functions  of  the  council  of  the  Indies,  and  who  managed  the 
voluminous  correspondence  between  Spain  and  Spanish 
America. 

Legally  the  title  to  the  Indies  was  not  vested  in  the  Spanish 
people ;  for  that  glorious  heritage  was  viewed  as  the  property 
of  the  Spanish  monarch.  Spain  and  her  American  colonies 
were  not  joined  in  an  organic  union  but  in  a  personal  union. 
His  Catholic  Majesty  was  the  connecting  link.  With  more 
justification  than  the  dissatisfied  subjects  of  England  in  the 
thirteen  colonies  IJ  some  Spanish  colonists  later  contend  that 
they  owed  allegiance  only  to  the  king. 

In  America  the  most  important  agents  ^fJhe_Sp.anisli^ 
arcfi'wire^gre'viceroyrwho  held  office  at  his  pleas- 

ure! the  first  viceroy  appointed  to  rule  over  the  Spanish  do- 
minions in  North  America  was  sent  to  the  region  which  had 
been  won  by  the  sword  of  Hernando  Cortes.  In  1535  Antonio 
de  Mendoza  became  the  viceroy  of  New  Spain ;  he  established 
his  capital  at  Mexico  City,  upon  the  site  of  the  ancient  capital 
of  the  Aztecs.  The  viceroy  of  New  Spain,  or  Mexico,  was 
originally  considered  to  have  jurisdiction  over  the  Spanish 
possessions  in  North  and  Central  America.  The  earliest  vice- 
roy who  was  sent  to  South  America  represented  the  Spanish 
monarch  in  the  region  which  had  been  conquered  by  Francisco 
Pizarro^and  his  followers.  Jn  1543  a  viceroy  was  appointed 
forreru ;  his  capital  was  established  at  Lima,  the  city  founded 


h 


4       RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

by  Pizarro.  Originally  the  viceroy  of  Peru  was  granted  juris- 
diction throughout  Spanish  South  America.  But  in  171 8  the 
northern  part  of  South  America  was  erected  into  a  separate 
administrative  division,  the  viceroyalty  of  New  Granada,  with 
its  capital  at  Santa  Fe  de  Bogota, — a  viceroyalty  which  was 
abolished  in  1723  but  reestablished  in  1739.  It  stretched  along 
the  Pacific  coast  from  the  Isthmus  of  Panama  to  Tumbez,  a 
short  distance  south  of  the  equator.  The  royal  cedula  which 
delimited  the  viceroyalty  of  New  Granada  declared  that  its 
provinces  should  be  subordinated  to  the  viceroy  just  as  the 
provinces  of  Mexico  and  of  Peru  were  subordinated  to  their 
respective  viceroys.  In  1776  another  administrative  division 
was  carved  out  of  the  region  which  had  originally  been  assigned 
to  the  Peruvian  viceroy :  that  division  constituted  th^viceroy- 
alty  of  la  Plata,,  which  had  its  capital  at  Buenos  Aires.  The 
western  boundary  of  the  Plateau  viceroyalty  was  the  Andean 
range ;  on  the  northwest  it  included  an  extensive  region  known 
as  Upper  Peru.  Thus  the  viceroyalty  of  la  Plata  stretched 
from  the  mouth  of  the  Rio  de  la  Plata  to  the  Pacific  Ocean. 
On  the  east  the  viceroyalties  of  la  Plata,  Peru,  and  New  Grar^ 
nada  were  skirted  by  the  Portuguese  colony  of  Bra.zil. 

Originally  a  viceroy  was  vested  with  regal  authority.  In 
the  vast  region  entrusted  to  his  care  he  was  the  civil  and  mili- 
tary commander,  the  secular  head  of  the  Church  and  its  patron, 
and  the  superintendent  of  finance.  From  time  to  time  instruc- 
tions and  orders  were  sent  to  the  viceroy  which  he  was  ex- 
pected to  observe.  Each  viceroy  was  supposed  to  keep  the 
Spanish  government  informed  in  regard  to  the  condition  of  his 
viceroyalty.  Early  in  the  nineteenth  century  provision  was 
made  that,  in  case  of  the  disability  of  a  viceroy,  his  successor 
should  be  the  person  who  had  been  named  as  substitute  by  the 
government.  By  that  time,  however,  the  viceroy  had  ceased 
to  be  a  vice-king.  There  is,  perhaps,  no  better  way  to  illus- 
trate the  position  of  the  viceroy  in  Spanish  America  at  the  end 
of  the  colonial  regime  than  to  consider  the  commission  which 
was  given  to  the  viceroy  of  New  Spain  on  March  16,  1816. 


THE  HISTORICAL  BACKGROUND  5 

By  this  commission  King  Ferdinand  VII.  conferred  upon 
Juan  Ruiz  de  Apodaca  the  post  of  viceroy,  governor,  and  cap- 
tain general  of  New  Spain  during  his  pleasure.  It  stated  that 
the  viceroy  should  consider  God's  service  as  well  as  the  king's, 
promoting  the  settlement  and  civilization  of  the  region  under 
his  control.  The  viceroy  was  to  provide  that  the  Indians 
should  be  well  treated,  taught  the  mysteries  of  the  Catholic 
faith,  and  ensured  justice.  The  members  of  the  royal  audi- 
encia  of  Mexico  City  were  to  receive  from  the  viceroy  the  ac-  * 
customed  oath  that  he  would  faithfully  perform  his  duties. 
The  officials  of  the  audiencias  of  Mexico  City  and  Guadalajara, 
the  members  of  cabildos,  noblemen,  gentlemen,  and  all  other 
inhabitants  of  the  viceroyalty  were  commanded  to  obey  Apo- 
daca, just  as  they  would  obey  the  Spanish  monarch.  This  in- 
strument suggests  the  extensive  powers  over  the  people  of  New 
Spain  which  the  viceroy  retained  in  1816;  it  indicates  his 
threefold  position  as  governor,  captain  general,  and  viceroy. 
As  governor,  he  was  the  chief  magistrate  of  the  provinces 
under  hls"cbntrol.  As  captain  general,  he  was  the  commander 
in  chief  of  the  military  and  naval  forces  of  these  provinces. 
As  viceroy,  he  was  vested  with  a  supervisory  authority  over 
the  other  administrative  officials  within  his  jurisdiction.  In 
particular,  was  he  the  presiding  officer  of  the  royal  audiencia 
at  Mexico  City. 

The  authority  of  the  American  viceroys  was  gradually  cur- 
tailed by  the  appointment  of  captain  generals  who  were  placed 
in  charge  of  subdivisions  known  as  captaincies  general.  Al- 
though at  first  in  some  particulars  a  captain  general  was  ordi- 
narily subordinated  to  the  viceroy  from  whose  dominions  his 
captaincy  general  had  been  carved,  yet  in  other  respects  he  was 
a  viceroy  in  miniature.  In  fact,  a  captain  general  controlled 
many  affairs  of  an  extensive  district  which  was  located  at  a 
considerable  distance  from  the  capital  of  the  respective  viceroy- 
alty. In  the  reign  of  Charles  IV.  there  were  four  captaincies 
general  in  the  Spanish  Indies:  Cuba,  Guatemala,  Venezuela,'^^ 
and  Chile.    ^[Toward  the  enS  of  the  colonial  regime,  the  power  ^ 


^r-^,  ^-      rvA^*'' 


6       RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

|of  the  captain_£;eiierals  -ift  Spanish  A«i€r.ica. increased.     Al- 
though the  relations  between  the  viceroys  and  the  captain  gen- 
erals have  not  yet  been  studied  in  detail,  still  it  appears  that  on 
the  eve  of  the  revolution  the  captain  general  of  Guatemala  was 
practically  independent  of  the  viceroy  of  New  Spain.    A  royal 
j  order  of  1742  relieved  the  captain  general  of  Venezuela  of  any 
{  dependence  upon  the  neighboring  viceroy.    Before  the  end  of 
I  the  eighteenth  century  the  Spanish  government  had  declared 
I  that  the  captain  general  of  Chile  was  completely  independent 
of  the  viceroy  of  Peru.    While  the  authority  of  a  viceroy  ordi- 
narily extended  over  a  region  in  which  there  were  two  audien- 
cias,  the  power  of  a  captain  general  was  confined  to  a  district 
assigned  to  one  audiencia.    Thus  the  captain  general  of  Chile 
exercised  authority  over  the  territory  under  the  control  of  ihe 
audiencia  of  Chile,  which  had  its  seat  at  Santiago  de  Chile; 
and  the  viceroy  of  Peru  controlled  the  provinces  which  were 
under  the  jurisdiction  of  the  audiencias  located  at  Cuzco  and 
Lima. 

The  administrative  and  judicial  institution  known  as  the 
audiencia  had  been  transplanted  from  Spain  to  certain  colonies 
during  the  age  of  the  conquistadores.  Gradually  that  institu- 
tion had  been  established  in  important  cities  throughout  the 
Indies.  At  the  opening  of  the  nineteenth  century  there  were 
twelve  audiencias  in  Spanish  America.  The  audiencia  of  Cuba 
was  at  Havana.  In  the  viceroyalty  of  New  Spain  there  were 
two  audiencias :  one  was  located  at  Guadalajara,  and  the  other 
at  Mexico  City.  The  audiencia  of  Guatemala  had  its  seat  at 
Santiago  de  Guatemala.  The  audiencia  of  Venezuela  was  lo- 
cated at  Caracas;  the  audiencia  of  New  Granada  was  at  Bo- 
gota, while  the  audiencia  of  Quito  was  in  the  city  of  that 
name.  As  has  been  mentioned,  there  were  two  audiencias  in 
the  viceroyalty  of  Peru,  and  one  in  the  captaincy  general  of 
Chile.  In  the  viceroyalty  of  la  Plata  there  were  two  audien- 
cias :  one  was  located  at  the  city  of  la  Plata — commonly  called 
Chuquisaca — in  the  province  of  Charcas  in  Upper  Peru;  and 
the  other  was  in  the  city  of  Buenos  Aires. 


THE  HISTORICAL  BACKGROUND  7 

An  audiencia,  which  was  composed  of  magistrates  selected 
by  the  king,  acted  as  a  court  of  appeal  within  a  district  which 
had  been  roughly  delimited  by  the  council  of  the  Indies.  It 
also  served  as  an  advisory  council  to  the  personage,  ordinarily 
a  captain  general  or  a  viceroy,  who  presided  over  its  meetings. 
In  a  district  where  a  viceroy  or  a  captain  general  did  not  re- 
side, the  audiencia  also  exercised  some  political  authority.  For 
example,  the  audiencia  which  was  located  in  the  city  of  Quito, 
although  subject  to  the  viceroy  of  New  Granada,  was  never- 
theless vested  with  governmental  authority  in  certain  affairs. 
The  audiencias  located  at  Guadalajara,  Quito,  Cuzco,  and  Chu- 
quisaca — in  districts  where  a  captain  general  or  a  viceroy  did 
not  reside — were  in  a  sense  governments  within  governments. 
As  the  circumjacent  areas  were  under  control  of  the  jurists 
who  presided  over  the  meetings  of  the  audiencias,  officials 
known  as  presidents,  these  regions  were  specifically  desig- 
nated as  presidencies. 

The  presidency  which  was  located  at  Chuquisaca  in  the 
viceroyalty  of  la  Plata — sometimes  designated  as  the  presi- 
dency of  Charcas — has  a  peculiar  interest.  For  the  region  un- 
der the  jurisdiction  of  the  audiencia  of  Charcas,  known  as 
Upper  Peru,  was  nominally  subject  to  the  viceroy  of  Buenos 
Aires.  At  the  beginning  of  the  nineteenth  century  there  regu- 
larly belonged  to  that  audiencia,  besides  the  president  who  was 
lieutenant  general  of  the  royal  forces  within  its  jurisdiction, 
five  oidores,  or  judges,  an  attorney,  and  some  minor  officials. 
When  the  office  of  president  fell  vacant,  the  audiencia  tempo- 
rarily assumed  governmental  control  of  the  presidency.  In  the 
important  capitals  of  Spanish  America  there  were  more  judges 
in  the  audiencias. 

Vested  as  the  audiencias  were  with  the  right  to  correspond 
directly  with  the  Spanish  monarch,  they  served  as  a  check  upon 
the  powers  of  both  viceroys  and  captain  generals.  A  more 
efficacious  check  upon  these  officials,  however,  were  the  in- 
tendants,  who  near  the  ei^d  of  the  eighteenth  century  were 
placed  in  important  towns  and  cities  throughout  the  Spanish 


8       RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

Indies.  In  other  words,  the  viceroyalties  and  captaincies  gen- 
eral were  divided  into  districts  called  intendancies  which  were 
placed  in  control  of  officials  known  as  intendants.  In  1782 
intendants  were  introduced  into  the  viceroyalty  of  la  Plata? 
and  soon  they  were  introduced  into  Peru  and  Chile.  According 
to  the  ordinance  of  intendants  promulgated  for  New  Spain 
in  1786,  that  viceroyalty  was  carved  into  twelve  districts.  Each 
district  was  entrusted  to  an  intendant  who  was  given  charge 
of  matters  relating  to  justice,  war,  police,  and  finance  within 
his  district.  The  Mexican  intendants  were  also  given  author- 
ity over  certain  officers  in  the  cities,  towns,  and  villages  of 
their  respective  intendancies.  That  intendant  who  resided 
in  the  city  of  Mexico  exercised  a  supervisory  authority  over 
other  intendants  of  the  viceroyalty  of  New  Spain.  It  will 
accordingly  be  seen  that  the  establishment  of  the  system  of 
intendants  in  the  Indies  restricted  the  judicial  authority  of  the 
audiencias  and  reapportioned  the  governmental  power  in  the 
captaincies  general  as  well  as  in  the  viceroyalties.  There  is  no 
doubt  that  in  some  parts  of  Spanish  America — as  in  New 
France — there  were  conflicts  of  authority  between  the  intend- 
ants and  the  other  governmental  officials. 

In  1776  the  Spanish  government  took  measures  which 
aimed  to  curtail  greatly  the  power  of  the  viceroy  of  New 
Spain.  By  a  decree  of  August  22,  1776,  a  new  division  was 
carved  out  of  Spain's  over-sea  dominions.  That  decree  pro- 
vided that  the  provinces  of  northern  New  Spain  should  be 
placed  under  the  military  and  political  control  of  a  command- 
ant-general, who  was  declared  to  be  absolutely  independent 
of  the  viceroy  of  New  Spain.  As  arranged  in  1804  those 
provinces  were  to  be  divided  into  two  districts:  the  interior 
provinces  of  the  east,  and  the  interior  provinces  ol  the  west. 
The  provisions  of  the  Spanish  government  concerning  the  ad- 
ministrative organization  of  the  interior  provinces  indicate 
that  that  government  realized  the  need  of  a  better  system  of 
colonial  control;  but  the  reform  was  not  completely  carried 
out.    In  fact,  before  the  interior  provinces  were  placed  under 


THE  HISTORICAL  BACKGROUND  9 

commandants,  the  revolution  against  Spanish  authority  had 
begun. 

Although  the  institutions  of  colonial  control  located  in  the 
Spanish  peninsula  presented  a  semblance  of  unity  that  was 
markedly  absent  from  English  colonial  institutions,  yet  the 
series  of  conflicting  or  overlapping  jurisdictions  which  existed 
in  Spanish  America  made  it  difficult  to  fix  responsibility. 
Those  diverse  jurisdictions  fostered  discord  among  officials. 
Perhaps  the  most  important  political  difference  betweer  the 
English  colonies  in  America  and  the  Spanish  colonies  in  the 
middle  of  the  eighteenth  century,  was  the  absence  in  the  latter 
of  any  institutions  comparable  to  the  colonial  legislatures  of 
North  America.  In  the  early  nineteenth  century,  there  was  only 
one  institution  existing^  throughout  Spanish  America  which 
bore  any  resemblance  to  the  self-governing  institutions  of  an 
Anglo-Saxon  community, — that  was  the  cabildo. 

The  cabildo,  or  ayuntamiento,  was  the  council  of  a  city,  or 
of  a  town^  The  most  important  officials  composing  the  ca- 
bildo were  the  alcaldes,  or  justices,  and  the  regidores,  who 
may  be  styled  aldermen.  The  laws  of  the  Indies  contained  a 
provision  that  there  should  be  no  more  than  two  alcaldes  in  a 
cabildo;  that  in  the  chief  cities  there  should  be  twelve  regi- 
dores; and  that  in  other  cities  and  towns  there  should  be  no 
more  than  six  regidores.  In  the  early  nineteenth  century  there 
belonged  to  the  cabildo  of  the  city  of  Caracas  two  alcaldes  who 
were  elected  annually  by  the  regidores,  twelve  regidores  who 
had  secured  their  offices  by  purchase  from  the  king,  and  four 
regidores — natives  of  Spain — who  held  their  positions  by  royal 
appointment.  At  rare  intervals  certain  American  cabildos  had 
revived  the  mediaeval  Spanish  custom  of  holding  a  cabildo 
abierto  (open  council), — a  meeting  which  prominent  citizens 
who  did  not  have  seats  in  the  cabildo  were  invited  to  attend. 
But  a  cabildo  abierto,  which  by  a  flight  of  the  imagination 
may  be  compared  with  a  New  England  town  meeting,  could 
not  be  summoned  without  the  consent  of  a  representative  of  the 
kin|j^^^ According  to  the  laws  of  the  Indies,  the  meetings  of  a 


[ 


lo     RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

cahildo  could  only  be  held  in  the  casa  de  ayuntamiento,  of 
town  hall.  It  was  only  natural  that,  when  circumstances  ap- 
peared auspicious,  the  cahildo,  and  especially  the  cahildo 
abierto,  should  have  been  used  as  an  instrument  by  those  colo- 
nists who  dreamed  of  separation  from  Spain. 

The  laws  of  the  Indies  were  composed  of  the  cedulas,  in- 
structions, and  ordinances  which  the  Spanish  government  had 
from  time  to  time  promulgated  concerning  its  colonies  in 
America.  In  1680  a  digest  of  those  laws  was  pubHshed  in  a 
code  called  the  Recopilacion  de  Leyes  de  los  Reinos  de  las 
Indias.  These  laws  necessarily  dealt  with  a  vast  variety  of 
subjects,  such  as  the  Church,  universities,  the  council  of  the 
Indies,  viceroys,  fortifications,  public  works,  mines,  fisheries, 
Indians,  negroes,  and  taxes.  There  was  a  clause  in  the  code 
which  declared  that,  as  the  kingdoms  of  Spain  and  the  Indies 
belonged  to  the  same  monarch,  their  laws  should  be  as  much 
alike  as  possible.  Another  elastic  clause  provided  that  the 
code  was  to  be  supplemented  by  the  laws  of  Castile.  This 
meant,  after  1805,  that  the  laws  of  the  Indies  should  be  sup- 
plemented by  the  Spanish  laws  which  had  been  codified  by  or- 
der of  Charles  IV.,  the  Novisima  Recopilacion  de  las  Leyes 
de  Espana.  That  revised  code  contained  only  those  laws  of 
Spain  which  were  actually  in  force, — the  legislative  institu- 
tion known  as  the  cortes  was  not  even  mentioned.  There  is 
no  doubt  that  in  certain  sections  of  the  Indies  some  of  the 
humane  provisions  in  the  Spanish  laws  relating  to  America 
were  habitually  ignored  by  agents  of  the  crown. 

The  number  of  people  who  were  under  the  jurisdiction  of 
the  laws  of  the  Indies,  it  is  impossible  to  determine  with  ex- 
actness. According  to  the  estimates  of  Alexander  von  Hum- 
boldt, in  the  early  nineteenth  century  there  were  in  Spanish 
America  about  seventeen  million  inhabitants.  He  calculated 
that  of  those  people  about  seven  and  one-half  million  were 
Indians,  three  and  a  quarter  million  were  whites,  three-quarters 
of  a  million  were  negroes,  and  more  than  five  and  one-quarter 
million  were  of  mixed  race.    In  general  the  population  in  the 


THE  HISTORICAL  BACKGROUND 

American  colonies  of  Spain  was  composed  of^^o  distinct] 
classes,  freemen  and  slavea  Whites  and  Indians7oF1tKeir~de- 
scendants,  were  usually  considered  free ;  negroes  and  their  de- 
scendants, unless  they  had  been  emancipated,  were  slaves. 
The  negro  slaves  occupied  a  subordinate  position :  they  were 
often  ignorant,  superstitious,  and  licentious,  while  the  negroes 
who  had  been  set  free  did  not  always  enjoy  the  rights  of 
colonial  Spaniards.  The  Indians  were  composed  of  two  some- 
what distinct  classes :  those  Indians  called  civilized,  and  those 
considered  independent.  In  certain  parts  of  Spanish  America, 
as  in  the  viceroyalty  of  Mexico,  the  Indians  were  a  special 
menace  to  the  rule  of  Spain. 

In  various  sections  of  Spanish  America,  there  had  been 
mucnmmgling~oT"Tndian,  negro,  and  white  blood.    As  exam- 
ples of  the  resulting  blends  may  be  mentioned  the  ^esti^os, 
the  offspring  of  Indians  and  Spaniards;  the  mulattoes^  de,-  ^ 
scendants  of  whites  and  negroes;  the  sambos,  descendants  of 
Indians  and  negroes,;  and  the  pardos,  descendants  of  whites  * 
and  mulattoes.    From  the  intermixture  of  those  groups  there 
sprang  a  large  number  of  ethnic  types.    In  general  the  mixed 
classes^  the  colored  people,  and  the  Indians  were  densely^ig- 
norant.    Although  in  some  parts  of  Spanish  America  the  vari- 
ous classes  had  not  hardened  into  castes,  yet  these  classes 
often  furnished  a  basis  for  the  formation  of  factions.     The 
white  inhabitants  of  Spanish  America  belonged  to  two  dis- 
tinct groups :  the  Spaniards  who  had  been  born  in  the  penin- 
sula ;  and  the  so-called  Creoles,  persons  of  Spanish  des^cent  j 
who  had  been  born  in  the  Indies.     The  policy  which  Spain 
pursued  toward  her  colonies  often  illustrated  the  maxim  divide 
et  impera,  for  the  European  Spaniards — in  Mexico  vulgarly 
called  the  Gachupines — although  relatively  small  in  numbers, 
were  appointed  to  most  of  the  important  offices  in  Church  and 
state.    In  consequence  the  proud  Creoles  viewed  the  peninsulan  \ 
fiSpaniards  with  jealousy: — indeed,  the  preference  accorded  the    \  . 
peninsular  Spaniard  over  the  creole  was  often  considered  by    / 
the  colonists  as  a  crying  grievance.  / 


12     RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

The  aristocracy  of  the  Spanish  colonies  in  America  was 
largely  composed  of  Creoles.  Some  of  the  leading  creole 
families  indeed  traced  their  descent  from  the  followers  of  the 
conquistadores.  The  laws  of  the  Indies  declared  that  the 
descendants  of  the  conquerors  and  the  founders  of  cities  and 
towns  were  to  be  considered  as  hijosdalgo  and  as  persons  gj 
noble  descent  with  all  the  privileges  of  nobles  of  a  similar  class 
in  the  kingdom  of  Castile.  Some  wealthy  descendants  of  later 
colonists  anxiously  sought  titles  of  nobility  despite  the  fact 
A^  that  sometimes  they  were  not  of  pure  Spanish  blood.     In  the 

V^  words  of  the  Mexican  historian  and  publicist,  Lucas  Alaman, 

"A  title  of  count  or  marquis,  a  cross  of  Santiago  or  Cala- 
trava  .  .  .  was  an  object  of  ambition  for  the  person  who  had 
become  rich  by  commerce,  or  who  had  found  a  bonanza  in  the 
mines.'*  There  was  a  tendency  to  consider  the  descendants 
of  Spaniards  as  entitled  to  special  privileges  with  regard  to 
the  learned  professions:  a  royal  cedula  sent  to  the  viceroy 
of  Peru  on  July  14,  1758,  declared  that  "sambos,  mulattoes, 
and  other  low  castes"  should  be  prohibited  from  practicing 
the  legal  profession.  The  members  of  the  social  or  intellec- 
tual aristocracy  of  the  Spanish  Indies  resided  mostly  in  the 
capitals  of  viceroyalties  and  captaincies  general:  this  aris- 
tocracy was  composed  largely  of  the  lower  clergy,  landowners, 
merchants,  and  local  office-holders.  From  that_  self-conscious 
/  group  of  the  creole  aristocracy  there  sprang  many  partisans  of 
\  the  Spanish- American  revolution.  Each  one  of  the  seven 
/    salient  leaders  considered  in  this  book  was  a  creole. 

A  certain  feature  of  Spain's  colonial  policy  affected  even 
the  barbarous  Indians, — that  is,  the  complicated  system  of  tax-*" 
atior^.^,  Some  of  the  most  important  sources  of  the  king's 
revenue  were :  the  alcabala,  or  the  tax  upon  the  sale  of  articles 
according  to  their  price;  the  king's  share  of  the  tithes,  the  duty^ 
upon  the  product  of  the  silver,  quicksilver,  and  gold  mines, 
the  income  arising  from  governmental  monopolies,  the  tribute 
levied  upon  the  Indians,  the  excise  duties  upon  the  manufac- 
ture of  intoxicating  liquors,  and  the  duties  upon  irnports  and 


THE  HISTORICAL  BACKGROUND  13 

exports.  In  many  particulars  the  system  of  taxation  was  mere- 
ly an  application  of  the  Spanish  commercial  policy. 

The  commercial  policy  which  Spain  followed  toward  her 
colonies  resembled  the  colonial  policy  of  France.  It  was  ani- 
mated by  a  spirit  of  monoply  and  paternalism.  Here,  again, 
a  few  illustrations  must  suffice.  At  various  times  the  viceroys 
were  instructed  to  promote  the  cultivation  by  the  Indians  of 
hemp  and  flax.  In  1595  the  extension  of  grape  culture  was 
prohibited  in  the  Indies.  Further,  the  Peruvian  viceroy  was 
not  to  allow  the  vineyards  within  his  jurisdiction  to  be  re- 
planted, while  the  owners  of  these  grapevines  were  to  pay  a 
tax  of  two  per  cent  annually  upon  the  products.  In  the  early 
seventeenth  century  Peruvian  viniculturists  were  further 
hampered  by  a  prohibition  which  was  laid  upon  the  exporta- 
tion of  their  wines.  Obviously  the  government  of  Spain  thus 
aimed  to  prevent  Peruvian  wines  from  competing  with  Spanish 
wines  in  certain  colonial  markets.  Another  illustration  of  the 
spirit  of  Spain's  colonial  system  may  be  found  in  a  decree  of 
1595  which  instructed  the  viceroys  of  Peru  that  neither  mer- 
chandise nor  slaves  from  any  part  of  the  Portuguese  dominions 
should  be  allowed  to  enter  Peru  by  la  Plata  River.  A  decree 
of  1614  provided  that  tobacco  might  be  freely  sown  in  Spanish 
America,  on  the  condition  that  the  tobacco  which  was  not 
consumed  in  the  colonies  should  straightway  be  transported 
to  Seville.  Early  in  the  nineteenth  century  the  wool  produced 
in  the  colonies  was  allowed  to  enter  Spain  free  of  duty,  but  a 
heavy  tax  was  laid  upon  its  exportation  to  foreign  countries. 

At  first  the  privilege  to  trade  with  the  Spanish  colonies  m 
America  had  been  restricted  to  the  merchants  of  Seville.  At 
a  later  date  the  merchants  of  Cadiz  had  the  preference.  By 
various  regulations  Spain  attempted  to  prevent  foreigners 
from  engaging  in  commerce  with  her  colonies.  In  general  no 
commerce  whatever  was  permitted  from  other  than  Spanish 
ports.  For  a  long  period  there  were  only  a  few  ports  in 
Spanish  America  which  enjoyed  the  privilege  of  trading  direct- 
ly with  Spain.     On  October  12,  1778,  however^  a  law  was 


14     RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

promulgated  which  modified  the  regulations  concerning  com- 
merce between  Spain  and  the  Indies.  The-law  opened  seveml 
Spanish  ports  to  American  trade;  it  also  opened  a  number  of 
ports  in  Spanish  America  to  Spanish  trade.  That  reform  law 
still  aimed  to  encourage  Spanish  shipbuilders  and  shipowners, 
for  it  provided  that  vessels  used  in  the  commerce  with  Amer- 
ica should  be  Spanish-built  and  Spanish-owned.  But  in  con- 
sequence of  this  reform  goods  could  be  carried  in  Spanish 
vessels  directly  between  a  number  of  ports  in  Spain  and  ports 
in  various  sections  of  the  Indies.  In  important  cities  of  Spain 
the  commercial  activities  were  managed  by  local  organizations 
which  were  called  consulates.  Those  organizations  were  regu- 
lated by  ordinances  of  the  Spanish  monarchs  which  contained 
provisions  regarding  such  matters  as  the  trial  of  commercial 
disputes.  Among  these  ordinances  the  most  important  were 
the  Ordenanzas  de  la  villa  de  Bilbao  issued  by  King  Philip  V. 
in  1737.  This  institution  of  consulate  was  also  established  in 
important  cities  in  the  Indies,  where  the  ordinances  of  Bilbao 
:Dften  served  as  a  species  of  commercial  code. 

The  tariff  policy  of  Spain  in  the  early  nineteenth  century 
considered  the  financial  needs  of  the  government,  the  neces- 
sities of  Spanish  America,  and  the  protection  of  Spain's  in- 
dustries. Depicms,.jan_obser^  Frenchman  who  resided  for 
some  time  at  Caracas,  divided  the  goods  entering  Venezuela 
into  three  classes.  The  first  class  included  those  products 
raised  or  manufactured  in  Spain:  such  products  were  desig- 
nated as  "free  articles,"  because  the  duties  levied  upon  them 
appeared  insignificant  in  comparison  with  the  duties  which 
were  laid  upon  other  classes  of  goods.  The  duties  upon  ar- 
ticles of  this  class  on  leaving  Spain  and  entering  America 
amounted  to  about  nine  and  one-half  per  cent.  The  second 
class  included  articles  which  were  produced  abroad,  but  fin- 
ished in  Spain:  such  articles  paid  duties  amounting  to  about 
twelve  and  one-half  per  cent  on  leaving  Spain  and  entering 
America.  The  third  class  included  all  goods  of  foreign  manu- 
facture, which  paid  duties  on  entering  Spain  that  amounted 


THE  HISTORICAL  BACKGROUND  15 

to  fifteen  per  cent,  on  departing  for  America  seven  per  cent, 
and  on  arriving  there  seven  per  cent,  besides  various  port  du- 
ties which  "increased  the  price  of  all  foreign  merchandise,  im- 
ported from  the  mother  country,  about  forty-three  per  cent." 
With  the  exception  of  cacao,  colonial  productions  paid  only 
"inconsequential  duties"  on  leaving  America,  and  on  entering 
Spain;  and  they  were  generally  exempt  from  duty  when  ex- 
ported from  Spain  for  foreign  markets;  but  all  "unwrought 
materials"  that  went  to  supply  foreign  manufacturers,  "paid 
heavy  duties  on  their  exportation"  which  gave  the  Spanish 
manufacturers  an  advantage. 

Accordingly  it  is  clear  that  although  in  the  beginning  of  the 
nineteenth  century  Spain's  commercial  policy  had  been  con- 
siderably modified,  yet  the  faith  of  her  statesmen  in  the  mer- 
cantile policy  had  not  been  destroyed :  the  Spanish  colonies 
were  still  considered  as  estates  which  should  be  exploited  for 
the  benefit  of  the  mother  country.  In  certain  parts  of  the 
Indies  the  monopolistic  policy  of  Spain  was  sometimes  rudely 
disturbed  by  smugglers.  In  1797  a  merchant  of  Caracas  al- 
leged that  every  man  in  that  city  from  the  captain  general 
down  to  the  humblest  citizen  was  clad  in  contraband  clothing. 
/  The  financial  burdens  which  Spain  imposed  upon  her  colon- 
ists were  made  heavier  by  the  venality  of  her  officials.  In  con- 
sequence there  were  many  Spanish-Americans  who  felt  that 
the  fiscal  policy  of  Spain  was  oppressive.  That  policy  was 
largely  responsible  for  several  uprisings  against  Spanish  rule. 
In  1780,  alleging  that  the  taxes  were  oppressive  and  that 
the  misgovernment  by  Spain's  officials  was  unendurable,  Tupac 
Amaru,  a  lineal  descendant  of  the  Incas,  led  a  formidable  in- 
surrection of  the  Indians  against  Spanish  rule  in  Recu-  In  a 
manifesto  attributed  to  Tupac  Amaru,  which  was  widely  dis- 
tributed in  South  America,  that  chieftain  apparently  pro- 
claimed himself  "Don  Jose  I.,  by  the  grace  of  God,  King  of 
Peru,  Quito,  Chile,  Buenos  Aires,  and  the  continents  of  the 
South  Sea."  This  rebellion  caused  much  consternation  among 
the  Spaniards,  but  it  was  suppressed,  and  its  leader  was  con- 


i6     RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

demned  to  a  horrible  death.  Again,  in  April,  1781,  the  inhabi* 
tants  of  certain  towns,  or  comunes,  in  New  Granada  rose  in 
revolt  against  the  Spanish  officials.  Those  revolutionists  de- 
clared that  the  main  reason  for  their  discontent  was  the  griev- 
ous burden  imposed  upon  them  by  the  tobacco  monopoly,  the 
alcahala,  and  other  taxes.  In  June,  1781,  certain  representa- 
tives of  the  Spanish  government  agreed  to  the  requests  of  the 
rebels  for  economic  and  financial  reforms  and  the  tumult 
was  stilled.  But  the  pledge5~of  reform  were  not  kept.  Con- 
sequently fresh  signs  of  discontent  were  soon  manifested ;  in 
January,  1782,  the  audiencia  of  New  Granada  condemned  a 
number  of  the  conspirators  to  an  ignominious  death.  The  re- 
volt of  the  comuneros,  as  well  as  other  revolts  which  may  not 
be  mentioned  here,  left  embers  of  discontent  smouldering  in 
northern  South  America.  In  1783  certain  conspirators  in  that, 
region  actually  dispatched  an  emissary  who  laid  their  revolu- 
tionary projects  before  the  government  of  England. 
^  The  dissatisfaction  of  some  Spanish  colonists  with  the 
fiscal  policy  of  the  motherland  was  occasionally  fomented  by 
English  officials  in  America.  K  striking  illustration  of  that 
influence  is  found  in  the  action  of  Governor  Picton  of  Trini- 
dad. In  June,  1797,  when  England  was 'at  war  with  Spain, 
Picton  spread  broadcast  upon  the  adjacent  coast  of  South 
America  a  proclamation  which  assured  the  inhabitants  that 
they  would  find  in  the  island  of  Trinidad  a  commercial  em- 
porium. He  also  assured  the  Spanish  colonists  that,  whenever 
they  were  disposed  to  resist  the  authority  of  Spain,  they  would 
receive  succor  from  the  English  government.  This  incendiary 
manifesto  undoubtedly  fomented  a  revolutionary  spirit  among 
the  Venezuelan  colonists. 

It  was  probably  a  desire  for  commercial  conquest  which, 
in  1806,  prompted  the  English  captain,  Sir  Home  Popham, 
with  a  few  vessels  bearing  a  small  force  of  soldiers  under  Gen- 
eral Beresford  to  sail  from  his  station  on  the  Cape  of  Good 
Hope  for  South  America.  In  the  end  of  June  the  small  fleet 
sailed  up  la  Plata  River.    The  terrified  viceroy,  the  Marquis 


Spanish  America  on  the  Eve  of  the  Revolution 


THE  HISTORICAL  BACKGROUND 


,U^^7 


of  Sobremonte,  offered  only  a  weak  resistance  to  BeresiQtd's 
spirited  attack.  On  June  2.y  British  redcoats  entered  the  gates 
of  Buenos  Aires.  The  conquerors  soon  announced  that  Buenos 
Aires  would  enjoy  the  same  freedom  in  regard  to  export  trade 
as  the  English  West  India  colonies ;  and  they  reduced  the  du- 
ties on  imports  about  twenty  per  cent.  iWhile  Beresford  was 
waiting  for  reenforcements,  the  citizens  of  Buenos  Aires 
took  steps  to  expel  the  invaders.  Juan  Martin  de  Pueyrredon, 
the  son  of  a  Frenchman  who  had  settled  in  Buenos  Aires, 
organized  a  squadron  of  huzzars.  Cornelio  de  Saavedra,  a 
prominent  creole,  was  made  the  commander  oF  a  volunteer 
company  of  infantry.  On  August  12  the  colonial  soldiers 
commanded  by  Santiago  de  Liniers,,  a  French  officer  who  had 
fought  under  the  Spanish  banner  in  North  Africa,  _Jorced 
General  Beresford  to  surrender,  j  A  cabildo  abierto  soon  se- 
lected De~Liniers  to  be  the  military  commander  of  Buenos 
Aires  in  place  of  the  recreant  viceroy.  About  two  months  later 
by  a  royal  order  De  Liniers  was  appointed  the  viceroy  of  la 
Plata.  On  July  5,  1807,  under  the  direction  of  De  Liniers,  the 
citizen  solcfie'ryTepuIsed  a  fresh  attack  of  the  English  un3^ 
the  command  of  General  Whitelocke.  Although  the  English 
failed  in  their  attempts  to  conquer  the  southern  part  of  South 
America,  yet  their  attacks  upon  the  viceroyalty  of  la  Plata 
were  not  without  influence ;  for  they  broke  down  the  commer- 
cial barriers  which  surrounded  that  colony,  and  furnished 
some  colonists  a  training  in  the  art  of  war.  A  Spanish-Eng-^ 
lish  journal,  the  Star  of  the  South,  which  was  founded  in  Mon- 
tevideo during  the  English  occupation,  stimulated  a  spirit  of 
hostility  to  the  Spanish  regime. 

Many  laws  of  Spain  and  the  Indies  contained  provisions 
in  regard  to  the  colonial  Church.  Since  the  age  of  Charles  I., 
the  Spanish  monarchs  had  acted  as  the  spiritual  lords  of 
America.  The  Pope  could  not  communicate  directly  with  the 
faithful  in  the  Spanish  colonies :  bulls  could  only  be  circu- 
lated in  Spanish  America  after  having  been  approved  by  the 
council  of  the  Indies.    As  the  Catholic  faith  progressed,  Span- 


i8     RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

ish  America  had  been  carved  into  bishoprics  which  were  not 
always  coterminous  with  the  secular  subdivisions.    American 
archbishops  and  bishops  were  appointed  by  the  king ;  and  the 
problems  that  arose  respecting  the  patronage  were  decided  in 
the  council  of  the  Indies.    The  ordinances  of  American  church 
councils  could  only  be  published  after  being  approved  by  the 
omniscient  council  at  Madrid.    In  Spanish  America  members 
of  the  secular  clergy  were  found  in  those  towns  where  Span- 
iards constituted  a  large  part  of  the  population.    Among  the 
Indians  on  the   frontiers,  Dominican  and  Franciscan   friars 
/  often  served  as  missionaries.    Throughout  the  Indies  an  enor- 
I     mous  amount  of  property  had  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the 
\    Church:  thus  the  influence  of  the  clergy  was  steadily  aug- 
y  mented.    Largely  because  of  the  intimate  relations  which  ex- 
/    isted  between  the  colonial  clergy  and  the  king,  in  many  sections 
{     of  Spanish  America  the  Church  was  a  great  buttress  of  royal 
•'power.    Nevertheless,  some  Creoles  who  belonged  to  the  lower 
.  clergy  were  animated  by  liberal  ideas. 

The  conservative  influence  of  the  clergy  in  Spanish  America 
was  sometimes  reenforced  by  the  inquisition.  Tribunals  of 
the  holy  office  were  located  at  Carthagena,  Lima,  and  Mexico 
City.  Those  tribunals  strove  to  suppress  witchcraft,  blas- 
phemy, and  heresy,  as  well  as  to  prevent  the  circulation  of  pro- 
hibited books.  In  a  list  of  more  than  five  thousand  volumes 
which  Depons  mentioned  as  being  prohibited  in  South  Amer- 
ica at  the  opening  of  the  nineteenth  century,  there  are  found 
works  of  Rousseau,  Montesquieu,  Diderot,  Helvetius,  Hume, 
Addison,  and  De  Foe.  Although  at  the  end  of  the  colonial 
regime  edicts  were  still  published  and  officials  of  the  inquisi- 
tion still  acted  as  censors,  yet  the  holy  office  in  Spanish  Amer- 
ica was  in  a  decadent  condition.  Count  Segur,  a  French  mili- 
tary officer  who  visited  Venezuela  early  in  1783,  quoted  a 
Spanish  officer  as  saying : 

Here  the  Inquisition  does  not  .  .  .  order  any  auto-de-fe, 
nor  light  any  fires,  but  it  endeavors  to  extinguish  every  ray 
of  light.    I.  as  well  as  several  of  my  friends,  burn  to  read  the 


THE  HISTORICAL  BACKGROUND  19 

works  of  the  celebrated  writers  of  France;  but  the  intendant 
forbids  their  importation  under  the  severest  penalties,  as  if 
they  were  infected  with  the  plague. 

An  illustration  of  the  attitude  of  the  Spanish  authorities 
toward  the  publication  of  books  may  be  had  from  the  annals 
of  the  viceroyalty  of  Peru.  In  an  official  report  which  Teo- 
doro  de  Croix,  viceroy  of  Peru,  wrote  for  his  successor  in 
1790,  he  said  that  certain  prohibited  books  had  been  seized 
and  burned. 

A  proclamation  has  been  published  declaring  that  no  printer 
shall  publish  any  paper  whatsoever  without  a  license  under 
penalty  of  severe  punishments.  An  order  has  been  sent  to  the 
royal  university  that  neither  the  disputations  customarily  held 
on  the  arrival  of  the  viceroys,  nor  the  panegyrics  ordinarily 
delivered  before  those  officials,  nor  the  Latin  orations  with 
which  the  university  is  annually  opened,  nor  any  paper  what- 
soever, can  be  printed  without  the  examination  and  the  license » 
of  this  viceregal  government. 

In  spite  of  the  efforts  of  the  inquisition,  which  were  sup- 
ported by  the  secular  authorities,  prohibited  books  circulated 
secretly  in  the  viceroyalty  of  Peru.  In  the  viceroyalty  of  la 
Plata  certain  colonists  were  influenced  by  the  Declaration  j)f  t 
Independence  of  July  4,  1776.  ^:)ome  bpanish-American  col-f 
onists  considered  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  as  a 
grand  exemplar.  Further,  the* political  opinions  of  the  intel- 
lectual aristocracy  were  greatlyltiiflueiiLtJd  by  the  revolutionary 
philosophy  of  France.  The  ''pestiferous"  Encyclopedie  was  1 
smuggled  into  Peru.  Jean  Jacques  Rousseau's  Le  Contrat 
Social  was  read  by  enterprising  colonists  in  Mexico,  Vene- 
zuela, and  la  Plata.  Count  Segur  stated  that  in  Venezuela  a 
physician  led  him  to  the  most  secluded  part  of  his  house,  where 
he  showed  him  "with  infinite  satisfaction  the  works  of  J.  J. 
Rousseau  and  Raynal,  which  he  kept  concealed  as  his  most 
precious  treasure  in  a  beam  scooped  out  for  that  purpose."  The 
Declaration  des  Droits  de  VHomme,  translated  into  Spanish 
and  printed  by  Antonio  Narino,  an  enterprising  creoie  of  New 


20     RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

Granada,  was  clandestinely  circulated  in  Peru,  New  Granada, 
and  Venezuela.  Copies  of  French  revolutionary  documents 
were  found  among  the  papers  of  Manuel  Gual,  a  leader  of  the 
insurrection  against  Spanish  rule  which  broke  out  in  Vene- 
zuela in  1797.  But  akhough  the  French  philosophy,  in  par- 
ticular, became  a  source  of  inspiration  for  conspirators  who 
dreamed  of  revolutionizing  Spanish  America,  yet  it  is  only 
reasonable  to  suppose  that  a  large  majority  of  the  inhabitants 
of  the  Spanish  Indies  remained  entirely  una,ffected  by  the 
revolutionary  leaven. 

For  to  them  the  educational  facilities  furnished  by  print- 
ing presses  and  schools  and  colleges  remained  more  or  less 
unknown.  Although  printing  presses  were  set  up  in  Mexico 
and  Peru  during  the  sixteenth  century,  yet,  as  has  been  shown, 
books  and  pamphlets  could  not  be  printed  openly  without  the 
sanction  of  the  civil  and  ecclesiastical  authorities.  A  few 
books  were  printed  surreptitiously  by  Jesuit  fathers  in  South 
America.  About  1780  a  printing  press  was  brought  to  the  city 
of  Buenos  Aires  from  the  dismantled  Jesuit  college  at  Cordoba. 
The  first  capital  of  Spanish  America  in  which  a  periodical  reg- 
ularly appeared  was  Mexico  City,  where  the  Gaceta  de  Mexico 
was  published  during  a  large  part  of  the  eighteenth  cen- 
tury. In  1785  there  was  published  at  the  capital  of  the  vice- 
royalty  of  New  Granada  the  first  number  of  la  Gaceta  de 
Santa  Fe.  In  1790  there  appeared  the  first  number  of  El 
Diario  erudito,  economico,  y  comercial  de  Lima.  The  Gaceta 
de  Caracas,  which  began  to  appear  in  1808,  was  evidently 
printed  upon  a  small  press  which  Francisco  de  Miranda  had 
left  in  the  West  Indies  after  his  unsuccessful  attempt  to  revo- 
lutionize Venezuela.  A  notable  colonial  periodical  was  the 
Mer curio  Peruano  de  historia,  literatura,  y  noticias  publicaSj 
which  was  founded  at  Lima  in  1791.  Such  periodicals  or- 
dinarily contained  only  a  small  amount  of  news,  besides  the 
reports  of  governmental  activities.  While  they  helped  to  pre- 
pare the  minds  of  certain  intellectual  leaders  for  a  new  order, 
they  did  not  reach  the  common  people,  because  elementary  edu- 


THE  HISTORICAL  BACKGROUND  21 

cation  was  much  neglected.  For  example,  in  Venezuela  the 
Creole  boys  of  the  better  class  were  taught  to  read  miraculous 
tales  and  instructed  in  the  rudiments  of  Latin  grammar.  A 
well-informed  Venezuelan  said  of  his  educated  fellow-country- 
men: ''They  fancy  that  all  the  sciences  are  contained  in  the 
Latin  grammar  of  Nebrija,  the  philosophy  of  Aristotle,  the 
institutes  of  Justinian,  the  Curia  Philip  pica,  and  the  theological 
writings  of  Gonet  and  Larraga.  If  they  can  make  extracts 
from  these  works,  say  mass,  display  the  doctor's  badge,  or 
appear  in  the  dress  of  a  priest  or  a  monk,  they  consider  that 
they  are  sufficiently  accomplished." 

In  the  sixteenth  century  universities  were  founded  in  the 
viceroyalties  of  Mexico  and  Peru.  As  early  as  1551  Charles  I. 
issued  a  cedula  which  provided  for  the  establishment  of  uni- 
versities at  Lima  and  Mexico  City.  The  chief  subjects  of 
study  in  the  University  of  San  Marcos  at  Lima  were  theology, 
civil  and  canon  law,  and  certain  sciences.  Perhaps  the  most 
famous  of  the  colonial  institutions  of  learning  was  the  *'Royal 
and  Pontifical  University  of  Mexico."  The  prologue  of  its  con- 
stitution, as  printed  in  1775,  declared  that  it  had  granted  about 
thirty  thousand  degrees.  According  to  this  constitution,  the 
administration  of  the  university  was  vested  in  a  rector,  who 
was  elected  annually  by  a  board  of  councilors.  At  that  univer- 
sity, in  addition  to  the  subjects  which  have  been  mentioned 
as  being  studied  at  the  University  of  San  Marcos,  some  at- 
tention was  given  to  Indian  dialects.  In  the  constitution  of 
the  University  of  Mexico  there  were  many  interesting  pro- 
visions concerning  matriculation,  prerequisites  for  certain 
courses,  student  lodging-houses,  and  methods  of  teaching.  The 
teachers  were  to  spend  one-half  of  each  hour  in  dictating  to 
the  students;  and  the  other  half  in  making  explanations  in 
Latin:  if  the  subject  was  very  difficult,  the  teachers  were  to 
elucidate  the  matter  in  Spanish.  On  the  roll  of  its  graduates 
this  university  numbered  many  men  who  had  acquired 
distinction  in  public  life  and  in  professional  employ- 
ments.    Besides  the  universities  at  Lima  and  Mexico  City, 


22    RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

universities,  or  colleges,  were  founded  by  decrees  of  Spanish 
monarchs,  or  by  the  action  of  beneficent  ecclesiastics,  at  many 
other  points  in  the  Indies,  notably  at  Buenos  Aires,  Cordoba, 
Chuquisaca,  and  Caracas.  At  some  of  these  colleges,  as  Cor- 
doba, the  teachers  for  a  time  were  Jesuit  padres.  It  was  at 
the  universities  and  colleges  which  sprang  up  in  important 
cities  of  Spanish  America  that  the  favored  sons  of  the  colonial 
aristocrats — the  counts,  marquises,  officeholders,  and  land- 
owners— were  mostly  educated. 

The  policy  which  the  government  of  Spain  adopted  in  re- 
gard to  the  Jesuit  order  injured  the  cause  of  learning  in  the 
New  World  and  lowered  the  prestige  of  the  crown.  The  in- 
defatigable disciples  of  Ignatius  Loyola  had  established  mis- 
sions and  planted  colleges  in  various  sections  of  Spanish 
America.  Although  the  members  of  the  Society  of  Jesus  kept 
the  Indian  neophytes  in  a  state  of  subordination  which  re- 
sembled serfdom,  yet  in  many  other  respects  their  influence 
(;was  beneficial.  But  in  the  course  of  generations,  a  consider- 
able amount  of  property  passed  into  their  possession,  and  they 
incurred  the  jealousy  of  other  religious  orders.  Worst  of  all, 
they  were  suspected  of  being  disloyal  to  the  king  of  Spain. 
Hence,  early  in  1767,  the  Spanish  council  of  state  decided  that 
the  Jesuits  should  be  expelled  from  the  dominions  of  Spain  in 
both  hemispheres.  On  February  2j,  1767,  Charles  III.  signed 
an  order  providing  that  the  members  of  the  Society  of  Jesus 
should  be  expelled  from  his  possessions  in  Spain,  the  Indies, 
and  the  Philippines,  and  that  the  property  of  the  society  should 
be  sequestrated.  A  short  time  afterwards  it  was  provided  that 
the  Jesuits  should  be  deported  from  the  Indies  to  Europe. 
Governors,  or  other  civil  magistrates,  were  to  be  given  com- 
mand over  the  Jesuit  provinces  in  America,  while  the  missions 
were  to  be  placed  under  the  care  of  the  members  of  other  re- 
ligious orders.  A  royal  decree  dated  April  5,  1787,  provided 
that  the  income  accruing  from  the  confiscated  property  should 
be  used  to  pension  the  exiled  Jesuits.  It  has  been  estimated 
that  in  consequence  of  those  decrees,  about  five  thousand  Jesuit 


THE  HISTORICAL  BACKGROUND  23 

fathers  were  transported  from  the  Indies  to  Italy.  After  the 
expulsion  of  the  Jesuits  the  missions  decayed,  and  the  neo- 
phytes relapsed  into  barbarism.  Further,  some  colonists  re- 
sented the  harsh  measures  which  had  been  adopted  by  the 
Spanish  government.     In  Jthdj^££ju;^^3JXy'^^^  dis^^ 

affection  which  was  produced  by  the  expulsion  of  the  Jesuit  j 
fathers  stimulated  thoughts  of  separation,  from  Spain. 

In  the  Papal  states  some  of  the  embittered  Jesuit  exiles 
dreamed  of  subverting  the  royal  authority  in  Spanish  America. 
Fatherjuan  Pablo  Viscardo  y  Guzman  wrote  a  stirring  pam- 
phlet entitledLetiFeaux  Espagnols  americains  par  un  de  leur 
compatriots.  In  the  pamphlet  the  exile  declared  that  the  his- 
tory of  Spanish  rule  in  America  could  be  epitomized  in  four 
words,  "ingratitude,  injustice,  slavery,  and  desolation."  He 
likened  the  title  which  the  Spanish  colonists  had  acquired  to 
America  during  the  era  of  conquest  to  the  title  which  the 
Goths  had  acquired  to  Spain  by  the  conquest  of  the  Iberian 
peninsula.  In  a  scathing  denunciation  of  the  colonial  policy 
of  Spain,  he  affirmed  that,  even  in  times  of  peace,  wine  was 
so  scarce  in  the  city  of  Cartljagena  that  mass  could  be  cele- 
brated only  in  one  church.  The  spirit  and  the  argument  of 
this  remarkable  pamphlet  will  be  suggested  by  the  following 
excerpts : 

The  pretension  of  Spain  to  blind  obedience  to  her  arbitrary 
laws  is  based  mainly  upon  the  '"gnorance  which  she  has  per- 
mitted and  encouraged,  especially  in  regard  to  the  inalienable 
rights  of  man  and  the  imprescriptible  duties  of  every  gov- 
ernment. Spain  has  attempted  to  persuade  the  common  peo- 
ple that  it  is  a  crime  to  reason  upon  matters  of  the  greatest 
importance  to  every  individual;  and  consequently  that  it  is 
always  a  duty  to  extinguish  the  precious  flame  which  the 
Creator  gave  us  for  enlightenment  and  guidance.  But  despite 
the  dissemination  of  such  fatal  doctrines,  the  entire  history 
of  Spain  bears  witness  against  their  truth  and  legitimacy.  .  .  . 
Nature  has  separated  us  from  Spain  by  immense  seas.  A  son 
who  found  himself  at  such  a  distance  from  his  father  would 
doubtless  be  a  fool,  if,  jn  the  management  of  his  own  affairs, 
he  constantly  awaited  the  decision  of  his  father.    The  son  is 


J 


24     RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

emancipated  by  natural  law.  In  a  parallel  case  should  a 
riunTefous"peopie,  who  are  not  dependent  upon  another  nation 
whom  they  do  not  need,  remain  subject  to  it  like  the  vilest 
slave  ? 

Our  distance  from  Spain,  which  proclaims  our  independ- 
ence, is,  however,  less  significant  than  the  difference  in  inter- 
ests. We  imperatively  need  a  government  in  our  midst  for 
the  distribution  of  benefits,  the  object  of  the  social  union. 
To  depend  upon  a  government  two  or  three  thousand  leagues 
distant,  is  to  renounce  these  benefits;  for  such  is  the  policy 
of  the  court  of  Spain,  that  it  aspires  only  to  give  us  laws 
which  monopolize  our  commerce,  our  industry,  our  property, 
and  our  persons,  and  which  sacrifice  them  to  her  ambition, 
her  pride,  and  her  avarice.  .  .  . 

In  fine,  in  whatever  aspect  our  dependence  upon  Spain  is 
considered,  one  will  see  that  every  obligation  impels  us  to 
terminate  it.  We  ought  to  do  so  because  of  gratitude  towards 
our  ancestors  who  did  not  waste  their  sweat  and  their  blood 
in  order  that  the  theater  of  their  labors  and  their  glory  should 
become  the  scene  of  our  miserable  servitude.  We  owe  that  to 
ourselves  because  of  the  indispensable  obligation  to  preserve 
the  natural  rights  granted  by  our  Creator — precious  rights 
which  we  cannot  alienate — rights  which  no  one  can  wrest 
from  us  without  committing  a  crime.  Can  man  renounce  his 
reason,  or  can  this  be  taken  from  him  by  force?  Personal 
liberty  is  not  less  essentially  his  property  than  reason.  The 
free  enjoyment  of  these  natural  rights  is  the  inestimable  heri- 
tage which  we  ought  to  transmit  to  our  posterity.  .  .  .  The 
valor  with  which  the  English  colonists  in  America  fought  for 
the  liberty  that  they  gloriously  enjoy  shames  our  indo- 
lence. .  .  .  There  is  no  longer  any  pretext  to  excuse  our  resig- 
nation; and,  if  we  longer  endure  the  vexations  which  over- 
whelm us,  people  will  truthfully  declare  that  our  laziness  has 
merited  them:  our  descendants  will  burden  us  with  impreca- 
tions, when,  champing  the  bit  of  slavery, — a  slavery  which 
they  inherited — they  remember  the  moment  in  which  ...  we 
did  not  wish  to  become  free. 

The  writer  can  think  of  no  expression  of  colonial  grievances 
with  which  this  document  can  be  more  aptly  compared  than 
Thomas  Jefferson's  Summary  View  of  the  Rights  of  British 
America.    The  Jesuit's  pamphlet  was  an  exceptional  expression 


THE  HISTORICAL  BACKGROUND  25 

of  sentiment,  which  was  indubitably  intended  to  serve  as  an  ap- 
peal to  the  inhabitants  of  Spanish  America  to  cast  off  the 
Spanish  yoke.  It  was  composed  in  Europe  about  1790,  and 
published  posthumously  at  Philadelphia  in  1799.  In  some 
manner  a  copy  of  this  pamphlet  fell  into  the  hands  of  Fran- 
cisco de  Miranda.  When,  in  1806,  that  expatriated  Venezue- 
lan led  a  filibustering  expedition  against  the  coast  of  South 
America,  he  printed  Viscardo  y  Guzman's  pamphlet  in  Spanish 
and  distributed  it  among  his  fellow-countrymen.  A  biographi- 
cal sketch  of  Francisco  de  Miranda  will  furnish  an  outline  of 
the  early  revolution  against  Spain  in  the  captaincy  general  of 
Venezuela.  His  career  will  also  show  clearly  the  attitude 
of  the  English  government  toward  the  Spanish  empire  in 
America  during  the  epoch  which  preceded  the  usurpations  of 
Napoleon  in  the  Iberian  peninsula. 


CHAPTER  II 


FRANCISCO  DE   MIRANDA 


A  VAST  hive  of  revolution,  the  captaincy  general  of  Vene- 
zuela extended  along*  the  Atlantic  coast  of  South  America 
from  the  gulf  of  Maracaibo  on  the  northwest  to  the  Essequibo 
River  on  the  southeast.  That  administrative  division  was 
bounded  on  the  south  and  west  by  Dutch  and  Portuguese 
Guiana  and  by  the  viceroyalty  of  New  Granada.  Near  the 
center  of  the  captaincy  general  was  the  province  of  Caracas 
which  was  under  the  immediate  control  of  the  captain  general 
who  acted  as  the  governor  of  the  province.  The  capital  of 
the  province  of  Caracas,  and  also  of  the  captaincy  general, 
was  the  city  of  Caracas:  when  our  story  begins  it  was  the 
seat  of  an  audiencia  and  of  a  consulate,  as  well  as  the  resi- 
dence of  an  archbishop  and  an  intendant. 

Francisco  de  Miranda,  the  promoter  of  Spanish-American 
independence,  was  born  in  the  city  of  Caracas  on  March  28, 
1750.  His  mother  was  Francisca  de  Espifiosa,  who,  in  1749,  had 
married  Sebastian  de  Miranda.  In  an  autobiographical  sketch 
written  in  early  manhood,  Francisco  declared  that  his  ancestors 
were  men  of  pure  descent  and  orthodox  faith,  who  had  often 
held  honorable  offices  in  Spain.  On  his  father's  side,  Fran- 
cisco de  Miranda  was  apparently  a  descendant  of  the  noble 
family  of  Miranda,  which  had  its  ancestral  home  in  Asturias. 
According  to  a  mediaeval  Spanish  chronicler,  in  the  ninth  cen- 
tury Alvaro  Fernandez  de  Miranda,  the  founder  of  the  Mi- 
randa family,  rescued  five  Christian  maidens  from  the  Moors 
" — this  adventure  was  commemorated  by  granting  to  him  a  coat 
of  arms  which  bore  heraldic  symbols  of  his  chivalrous  deed. 
In  the  last  half  of  the  eighteenth  century,  Sebastian  de  Mi- 

26 


Francisco  de  Miranda 
(Frontispiece  of  Antepara's  "South  American  Emancipation") 


FRANCISCO  DE  MIRANDA  27 

randa,  who  had  emigrated  from  the  Canary  Islands  to  South 
America,  was  a  thriving  merchant  of  Caracas,  who  had  won 
the  esteem  of  the  captain  general  of  Venezuela  by  faithful 
service  as  the  captain  of  a  volunteer  militia  company. 

The  education  of  Francisco  de  Miranda  began  in  the 
schools  of  his  native  city.  Whether  or  not  he  graduated  from 
the  College  of  Santa  Rosa  at  Caracas,  Miranda  evidently  ac- 
quired some  knowledge  of  Latin,  philosophy,  and  law.  When 
a  mere  lad,  Francisco  showed  a  fondness  for  the  profession 
of  arms;  for  he  sailed  from  Venezuela  for  Spain,  where,  in 
1772,  he  secured  by  purchase  a  commission  as  captain  in  the 
Spanish  infantry  company  of  the  Princess.  The  young  cap- 
tain received  his  baptism  of  fire  while  fighting  the  Moors  on 
the  coast  of  northern  Africa.  He  then  spent  many  months  in 
dull  Spanish  garrisons,  where  he  employed  part  of  his  leisure 
in  study.  According  to  his  own  story,  the  officials  of  the  in- 
quisition threw  some  of  his  favorite  books  into  the  flames. 
It  is  certain  that  the  high-spirited  youth  had  an  acrimonious 
dispute  with  one  of  his  superior  officers.  Incidents  in  Mi- 
randa's career  in  Spain  indeed  suggest  that  he  became  dis- 
satisfied with  his  employment  and  pined  for  other  scenes  of 
activity. 

The  French  alliance  with  the  revolting  colonists  of  Eng- 
land in  North  America  opened  to  Miranda  the  door  of  oppor- 
tunity. This  alliance  drew  Spain  into  the  American  revolu- 
tion, for  that  nation  was  bound  to  France  by  the  treaty  known 
as  the  family  compact.  An  expedition  was  accordingly  pre- 
pared in  Spain  to  cooperate  with  the  French  in  an  attack  upon 
the  English  dominions  in  America.  Captain  Miranda,  who 
had  been  transferred  to  the  company  of  Aragon,  returned  to 
the  New  World  with  that  expedition  in  1780.  Soon  after  ar- 
riving in  the  West  Indies,  he  was  made  the  aide-de-camp  of 
General  Juan  de  Cagigal,  the  governor  of  Cuba.  With  this 
general,  Miranda  participated  in  the  capture  of  Pensacola, 
West  Florida,  and  of  Providence,  the  capital  of  the  Bahama 
Islands.     He  won  the  confidence  of  Governor  Cagigal,  who 


28     RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

breveted  him  colonel  and  urged  the  minister  of  the  Indies, 
Jose  de  Galvez,  to  promote  him.  Other  Spanish  officials  in 
the  West  Indies,  however,  disliked  and  distrusted  Miranda; 
and,  when  occasion  offered,  they  sent  to  Madrid  venomous 
complaints  against  him. 

Those  complaints  centered  around  a  trip  which  Colonel 
Miranda  made  from  Cuba  to  Jamaica  in  178 1.  He  was  com- 
missioned by  Cagigal  to  arrange  for  an  exchange  of  prisoners 
between  the  Spanish  and  the  English  forces  in  the  West  In- 
dies. While  on  this  errand,  Miranda  quietly  gathered  informa- 
tion in  regard  to  the  military  condition  of  Jamaica:  in  fact, 
he  acted  as  a  spy.  At  the  same  time,  he  gave  to  Governor 
Bailing  of  Jamaica  a  detailed  description  of  the  various  expe- 
ditions which  the  Spaniards  had  fitted  out  against  Pensacola. 
Further,  on  returning  to  Cuba,  Miranda  brought  back  a  quan- 
tity of  merchandise.  He  was  soon  denounced  to  the  govern- 
ment of  Spain  because  of  the  arrangement  which  he  had  made 
for  the  exchange  of  prisoners  with  the  English,  even  though 
that  agreement  had  been  approved  by  Governor  Cagigal.  He 
was  accused  of  having  connived  at  the  covert  inspection  of 
the  fortifications  of  Havana  by  the  English  general,  John 
Campbell,  who  visited  Cuba  while  on  a  voyage  from  Pensa- 
cola to  New  York.  He  was  also  accused  of  having  smuggled 
goods  into  Cuba.  Accordingly,  in  March,  1782,  a  royal  com- 
missioner, Juan  Antonio  de  Vrunuela,  was  sent  to  Cuba  to  in- 
vestigate Colonel  Miranda's  conduct. 

In  December,  1783,  Vrunuela  pronounced  judgment  against 
Miranda.  He  declared  that  even  the  carts,  the  oxen,  and  the 
horses  which  had  conveyed  the  contraband  goods  from  Guan- 
tanamo  to  Havana  were  to  be  confiscated.  Colonel  Miranda 
was  to  be  heavily  fined,  deprived  of  his  military  commission, 
and  banished  for  ten  years.  A  strange  light  is  cast  upon  this 
judgment  by  the  fact  that  the  council  of  the  Indies  afterwards 
fully  exonerated  the  disgraced  officer.  Even  before  Vrunue- 
la's  judgment  was  pronounced,  that  officer  had  closed  ten  years 
oi  service  under  the  Spanish  banner  by  a  secret  and  hasty 


FRANCISCO  DE  MIRANDA  29 

flight.  When  departing  from  the  West  Indies,  Miranda  wrote 
to  his  true  friend,  Governor  Cagigal,  to  inform  him  that  he 
intended  to  appeal  to  King  Charles  III.  for  justice.  Further, 
he  declared  that  he  wished  to  improve  his  education  by  a  tour 
of  the  United  States  and  Europe.  He  said  that  'the  only  way 
in  which  he  might  complete  the  great  work  of  making  himself 
a  sound  and  useful  man  was  to  study  carefully  the  laws,  gov- 
ernment, agriculture,  military  condition,  navigation,  sciences, 
and  arts  of  the  most  wise  and  virtuous  societies  in  the  uni- 
verse.' 

The  ten  years  spent  as  a  Spanish  military  officer  consti- 
tuted a  formative  period  in  Miranda's  life.  He  gained  some 
knowledge  of  the  art  of  war,  and  became  aware  of  the  crying 
evils  of  Spain's  colonial  system.  In  1772  he  was  a  loyal 
youth.  By  1783  he  had  become  a  resentful  man.  Whether 
Miranda  was  deliberately  disloyal  to  his  king  or  not,  it  is  clear 
that  the  Spanish  government  viewed  him  as  a  dangerous  con- 
spirator. Several  years  later  he  asserted  that  it  was  during  his 
sojourn  in  the  West  Indies  that  he  first  received  representa- 
tions from  certain  discontented  inhabitants  of  northern  South 
America.  According  to  his  own  statements,  at  least  as  early 
as  1783  he  possessed  a  collection  of  papers,  maps,  and  plans 
concerning  the  Spanish  colonies.  It  was  probably  during  his 
military  service  in  the  West  Indies — ^when  he  was  fighting  for 
the  independence  of  England's  revolted  colonists — that  Miran- 
da first  harbored  the  thought  which  was  to  dominate  his  life. 
As  was  suggested  by  a  writer  in  the  Edinburgh  Review — who 
evidently  secured  his  information  from  Miranda  himself — in 
a  scene  where  the  cause  of  liberty  was  the  object  of  men's 
desires,  and  in  a  country  which  somewhat  resembled  South 
America,  it  was  only  natural  that  a  design  to  liberate  his  native 
land  should  have  been  suggested  to  Miranda's  mind. 

After  the  treaty  of  peace  had  been  signed  between  England 
and  the  United  States,  Miranda  visited  that  country.  In  a 
vain-glorious  autobiographical  sketch  written  in  1785,  he  de- 
clared that,  while  travelii!g  through  the  United   States,  he 


30     RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

visited  the  scenes  "of  the  most  important  operations  of  the 
revolutionary  war,  and  conversed  at  length  with  the  heroes 
and  sages  who  had  promoted  that  immortal  work."  It  is  cer- 
tain that  the  fugitive  from  Spanish  justice  visited  Charleston, 
Philadelphia,  New  York,  and  Boston.  In  June,  1784,  Miranda 
was  in  New  Haven,  Connecticut,  where  he  called  on  President 
Stiles  of  Yale  College,  and  visited  some  of  the  college  classes. 
The  South  American  described  to  President  Stiles  the  educa- 
tional system  of  Mexico,  and  characterized  Mexican  learning 
as  "inferior,  trifling,  and  contemptible."  Miranda  not  only 
impressed  Stiles  as  being  too  free-spoken  and  too  liberal- 
minded  to  live  in  either  Old  or  New  Spain,  but  he  also  con- 
vinced the  latter  that  he  had  "a  perfect  acquaintance  with  the 
policy  and  history  of  all  Spanish  America."  Of  the  bustling, 
self-important  South  American,  President  Stiles  wrote  in  his 
diary  that  he  was  "a  learned  Man  and  a  flaming  Son  of 
Liberty." 

Colonel  Miranda  doubtless  became  acquainted  with  many 
other  citizens  of  the  United  States.  Among  them  were 
Thomas  Paine,  the  ardent  lover  of  liberty,  Stephen  Sayre, 
who  soon  took  a  keen  interest  in  Spanish  America,  and  Rufus 
King,  who  became  an  enthusiastic  champion  of  Miranda's 
revolutionary  schemes.  Possibly  the  South  American  also  met 
General  Washington;  he  certainly  became  acquainted  with 
Alexander  Hamilton  and  Henry  Knox.  About  twenty  years 
later,  Miranda  apparently  asserted  that  those  three  generals 
had  promised  to  cooperate  with  him  in  the  revolutionizing  of 
Spanish  America, — an  assertion  that  is  not  supported  by  the 
•evidence  which  is  available.  Nothing  has  been  found  to  show 
that  Miranda  even  discussed  this  topic  with  General  Wash- 
ington. There  is  no  doubt,  however,  that  the  ardent  South 
American  talked  to  both  Hamilton  and  Knox  regarding  the 
liberation  of  America  from  Spanish  rule,  and  that,  for  the 
time  being,  they  were  interested.  To  judge  by  letters  which 
Miranda  sent  to  Knox,  these  two  men  held  several  symposiums 
in  regard  to  the  liberation  of  Spanish  America:  and,  when 


FRANCISCO  DE  MIRANDA  31 

Miranda  left  Boston,  he  entrusted  Knox  with  the  key  to  a 
secret  cipher.  But  in  later  years,  when  Miranda  tried  to  get 
Generals  Hamilton  and  Knox  to  cooperate  in  his  revolutionary 
designs,  their  interest  in  Spanish  America  had  cooled. 

In  February,  1785,  Miranda  had  reached  the  British  Isles. 
He  soon  visited  the  Spanish  Ambassador  in  London,  Bernardo 
del  Campo,  and  tried  to  get  an  honorable  dismissal  from 
Spain's  military  service.  To  promote  that  object,  on  April  10, 
1785,  Colonel  Miranda  addressed  to  King  Charles  III.  a  long 
petition,  which  was  accompanied  by  justificatory  documents. 
In  this  petition  that  officer  spoke  of  his  long  service  to  the 
Spanish  king.  The  petitioner  attributed  the  shabby  treatment 
which  he  had  been  given  in  the  West  Indies  to  the  undermin- 
ing influence  of  jealous  enemies.  He  gave  his  version  of  the 
events  which  had  caused  his  flight  from  Cuba,  alleging  that 
false  accusations  had  been  brought  against  him.  He  declared 
that  he  labored  lander  the  disadvantage  of  being  a  creole: 

I  am  tired  of  struggling  with  powerful  enemies,  inveterate 
prepossessions,  and  the  jealousies  of  all  classes;  for  the  tri- 
umphs of  a  Creole,  however  complete  they  may  be  in  theory, 
can  never  repay  him  for  the  injuries  which  they  cause  him  in 
honor,  in  estate,  and  in  time — the  most  precious  of  all — from 
which  inestimable  advantages  may  be  drawn  if  it  is  dedicated 
to  the  solid  studies  and  useful  occupations  which  are  most 
suitable  to  his  genius.  I  humbly  beseech  your  Majesty  to  dis- 
miss me  from  the  office  which  I  enjoy  in  the  army  by  your 
royal  bounty, — an  office  which,  by  this  petition,  I  lay  at  your 
royal  feet.  I  merely  desire  your  Majesty  to  know  that,  in  the 
matters  entrusted  to  me,  I  have  always  proceeded  with  purity 
and  have  always  been  animated  by  the  lofty  desire  to  promote 
the  service  and  glory  of  my  king,  without  allowing  jealousies, 
persecutions,  or  the  threats  of  commanders  and  ministers  to 
alter  my  intentions,  or  to  incline  my  spirit  to  indecorous  sub- 
mission. I  also  desire,  if  it  please  your  Majesty,  to  be  reim- 
bursed the  amount  of  eight  thousand  pesos,  the  price  of  the 
office  of  captain  in  which  I  began  to  serve  in  the  army;  so 
that  I  may  be  recompeijsed  for  the  serious  injuries  which  I 
have  recently  suff"ered. 


32     RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

But  the  court  of  Madrid  did  not  accq)t  Miranda's  version 
of  the  suspicious  events  in  the  West  Indies.  Although  Bernardo 
del  Campo  told  Miranda  that  his  petition  might  be  granted, 
yet  that  ambassador  tried  to  spy  upon  Miranda's  movements 
and  to  seize  his  precious  papers.  In  fact,  the  Spanish  govern- 
ment would  doubtless  have  made  a  formal  demand  upon  the 
government  of  England  for  the  person  of  Miranda,  if  the 
laws  of  that  country  and  the  attitude  of  her  cabinet  had  prom- 
ised success.  Although  the  quick-witted  creole  soon  suspected 
that  the  Spanish  ambassador  was  trying  to  hoodwink  him,  yet 
it  is  unlikely  that  he  laid  any  plans  for  the  liberation  of 
Spanish  America  before  the  English  cabinet  at  this  juncture. 
Nevertheless,  Miranda  must  have  aired  his  views  concerning 
the  Indies  in  the  English  metropolis;  for,  in  the  summer  of 
1785,  the  Political  Herald  and  Review  declared  that  there  was 
then  in  London  a  Spanish-American  of  "great  consequence  and 
possessed  of  the  confidence  of  his  fellow-citizens,"  who  aspired 
"to  the  glory  of  being  the  deliverer  of  his  country."  The 
review  declared  that  that  "distinguished  character"  had  spent 
many  years  in  the  study  of  politics  and  government,  and  that 
he  was  a  man  of  sublime  views  and  penetrating  under- 
standing, skilled  in  the  ancient  and  modern  languages,  con- 
versant with  books  and  acquainted  with  the  World."  That 
personage  had  proceeded  from  North  America  to  England, 
which  he  regarded  as  "the  mother  country  of  liberty,  and  the 
school  for  political  knowledge."  There  is  no  doubt  that  Fran- 
cisco de  Miranda  had  posed  for  this  flattering  portrait. 

In  August,  1785,  Miranda  proceeded  from  London  to 
Harwich.  He  then  traversed  the  continent  from  the  meadows 
of  Holland  to  the  Russian  steppes,  visiting  Prussia,  Austria, 
Italy,  Turkey,  Russia,  and  Sweden.  Possibly  he  also  visited 
Egypt  and  Asia  Minor.  While  in  Italy  he  met  some  of  the 
Jesuits  who  had  been  exiled  from  South  America  and  con- 
ceived the  idea  of  using  those  embittered  exiles  to  promote  his 
revolutionary  projects.  It  is  likely  that  Miranda  communi- 
cated his  views  concerning  the  liberation  of  Spanish  America 


FRANCISCO  DE  MIRANDA  33 

to  Empress  Catherine  11.  He  returned  safely  to  London  in 
June,  1789,  having  cleverly  outwitted  various  agents  of  Spain 
who  had  tried  to  ensnare  him. 

The  observant  tourist  profited  greatly  by  his  trip  through 
the  United  States  and  Europe.  He  had  acquired  a  better 
knowledge  of  the  English  and  French  languages;  he  had  be- 
come acquainted  with  adventurers  and  statesmen  in  two  hemi- 
spheres, and  had  observed  the  condition  of  the  military  art  at 
several  European  capitals.  In  his  retentive  memory  Miranda 
had  stored  many  anecdotes  of  courts  and  camps  with  which  he 
later  regaled  the  politicians,  merchants,  philanthropists,  and 
vagabonds  whom  he  sought  to  interest  in  his  conspiracies 
against  Spanish  rule  in  America.  Even  though  he  may  not 
have  pleaded  for  American  independence  at  every  court  which 
he  visited,  still  he  must  have  interested  many  people  in  Spanish 
America. 

From  1790  to  1808  the  plans  which  Miranda  had  been 
gradually  maturing  for  the  separation  of  the  Spanish  colonies 
from  the  mother  country  were  laid  before  various  cabinets. 
He  generally  took  advantage  of  events  which  threatened  to 
involve  Spain  in  a  war.  In  1790,  when  the  Nootka  Sound 
controversy  arose  out  of  the  conflicting  claims  of  Spain  and 
England  to  territory  on  the  northwest  coast  of  North  America, 
Miranda  first  formally  presented  his  designs  to  the  English 
government.  At  that  juncture  he  proposed  to  the  prime 
minister,  William  Pitt,  that  England  should  liberate  the  In- 
dies from  the  rule  of  Spain. 

In  the  first  plans  which  Miranda  laid  before  Pitt,  he  pro- 
posed that  one  independent  government  should  be  established 
in  the  vast  region  stretching  from  the  sources  of  the  Missis- 
sippi River  to  Cape  Horn,  from  Brazil  to  the  Bay  of  San 
Francisco.  The  system  of  government  which  he  thought 
should  be  introduced  into  South  America  was  analogous  to 
the  government  of  Great  Britain.  The  executive  power  was 
to  be  "represented  by  an^  Inca  with  the  title  of  emperor." 
That  office  was  to  be  hereditary.     The  power  to  make  laws 


34     RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

was  to  be  vested  in  a  bicameral  legislature.  The  upper  house, 
or  senate,  was  to  be  composed  of  a  fixed  number  of  senators, 
or  caciques,  selected  by  the  Inca  from  citizens  who  had  held 
important  offices.  The  senators  were  to  hold  office  for  life. 
The  members  of  the  lower  house,  or  ''chamber  of  communes," 
were  also  to  be  selected  by  the  Inca.  They  were  to  hold  of- 
fice for  five  years :  they  might,  however,  be  reappointed.  The 
members  of  the  federal  judiciary  were  likewise  to  be  chosen 
by  the  Inca.  Ordinarily  they  were  to  hold  office  for  life. 
Provision  was  also  made  for  the  choice  of  censors,  ediles,  and 
questors  for  five-year  terms.  The  questors  and  the  ediles 
were  to  be  eligible  for  reelection.  The  two  censors,  nomi- 
nated by  the  citizens  and  confirmed  by  the  Inca,  were  to  watch 
over  the  morals  of  the  youth,  of  senators,  and  of  educators. 
They  might  expel  a  senator  from  the  legislature,  if  they 
thought  such  a  step  necessary  for  the  public  welfare.  The 
ediles  were  to  be  nominated  by  the  senators  and  confirmed 
by  the  Inca.  They  were  to  take  care  of  ports,  canals,  public 
monuments,  national  vessels,  and  national  feasts.  The  ques- 
tors, selected  by  the  chamber  oi  communes  and  confirmed  by 
the  Inca,  were  to  take  charge  of  the  finances  of  the  empire. 
Various  provisions  were  made  regarding  the  amendment 
of  this  constitution.  No  law  contrary  to  the  spirit  of  the 
constitution  was  to  be  valid.  The  fundamental  law  of  the 
projected  state  might  be  modified  in  two  ways:  either  an 
amendment  to  the  constitution  might  be  proposed  by  two- 
thirds  of  both  houses  of  the  legislature  and  should  become 
operative  if  approved  by  three-fourths  of  a  council  composed 
of  the  Inca  and  the  judges  presiding  over  the  high  tribunals 
of  justice;  or  an  amendment  to  the  constitution  might  be  made 
by  two-thirds  of  this  council,  if  approved  by  three-fourths 
of  both  houses  of  the  legislature.  Obviously,  the  framer  of 
this  constitution,  who  could  have  been  no  other  person  than 
Miranda  himself,  had  borrowed  suggestions  from  various 
sources.  The  clauses  concerning  the  amendment  of  the  con- 
stitution were  patterned  after  the  Constitution  of  the  United 


FRANCISCO  DE  MIRANDA  35 

States.  The  provisions  for  an  hereditary  executive  and  for 
the  upper  house  of  the  legislature  were  modeled  upon  English 
institutions.  The  provisions  regarding  questors,  censors,  and 
ediles  were  derived  from  the  constitution  of  Rome.  The  pro- 
ject of  a  vast  Spanish-American  monarchy  ruled  by  an  Inca 
was  evidently  suggested  to  Miranda  by  the  papers  which  he 
possessed  concerning  the  revolution  of  Tupac  Amaru. 

In  some  particulars  Miranda's  plan  for  a  monarchy  in 
America  was  supplemented  by  a  proclamation  found  among 
Pitt's  papers,  which  provided  for  the  establishment  of  a  pro- 
visional local  government  that  was  to  replace  the  institutions 
of  the  Spanish  regime.  A  "Native  and  Noble  Citizen  of 
South  America"  was  temporarily  to  assume  the  powers  of  the 
Spanish  viceroy  or  captain  general.  That  provisional  governor 
was  to  hold  his  office  for  five  years ;  he  was  to  govern  with  the 
advice  of  a  council  of  thirty-five  members  who  were  to  be 
chosen  for  five  years  by  indirect  election.  Twenty  members  of 
the  council  were  to  constitute  a  quorum;  and  a  majority  of  the 
members  present  was  required  for  the  sanction  of  any  measure. 
In  the  case  of  a  tie,  the  governor  was  to  cast  the  deciding  vote. 
The  governor  and  the  council  were  to  have  the  power  to  ap- 
point judges,  to  make  laws,  and  even  to  negotiate  alliances 
with  foreign  powers.  The  laws  of  the  Indies  were  to  remain 
in  force,  unless  altered  by  the  action  of  the  governor  and 
council.  The  tithes  and  properties  of  the  church  were  to  be 
preserved.  The  Spanish  taxes  were  still  to  be  levied,  but  the 
revenue  accruing  was  to  be  *'the  property  of  the  nation."  If 
possible,  the  governor  and  council  were  to  diminish  the  duties, 
taxes,  and  contributions.  Monopolies  were  to  be  swept  away. 
The  capitation  tax  levied  upon  the  Indians  was  to  be  "im- 
mediately abolished."  The  inquisition,  having  become  unnec- 
essary, was  to  be  "abolished  forever." 

To  enable  Pitt  to  judge  the  attitude  of  the  inhabitants  of 
the  Indies  toward  Spanish  rule,  Miranda  sent  to  that  minister 
his  papers  relating  to  the  insurrection  of  Tupac  Amaru.  The 
agitator  apparently  believed  that  these  papers  would  convince 


36     RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

Pitt  that  the  majority  of  the  South  Americans  were  ready  for 
emancipation,  if  care  were  taken  to  adjust  properly  the  deli- 
cate problems  concerning  their  religion  and  independence.  He 
submitted  to  that  minister  his  plan  of  attack  and  operations, 
elucidating  his  ideas  with  the  aid  of  maps  and  plans.  In  ad- 
dition to  the  information  derived  from  Miranda,  the  English 
government  gathered  data  regarding  strategic  positions  in 
Central  America,  Mexico,  and  the  Philippine  Islands.  On  his 
part,  the  revolutionary  promoter  tried  to  enlist  the  sympathy  of 
General  Knox,  who  had  become  secretary  of  war  for  the 
United  States. 

Nothing  came  of  Miranda's  elaborate  designs  in  1790; 
for  the  Nootka  Sound  dispute  was  adjusted  peacefully,  and 
the  far-reaching  schemes  which  England's  great  prime  minister 
had  been  contemplating  were  laid  aside.  Soon  afterwards 
Miranda  went  to  France.  There  is  reason  to  believe  that  he 
hoped  to  interest  French  leaders  in  his  designs;  as  his  papers 
concerning  the  Nootka  Sound  controversy  followed  him  to 
Paris. 

Through  letters  of  introduction,  and  by  other  means,  Mi- 
randa soon  became  acquainted  with  some  of  the  French  leaders, 
notably  Brissot  de  Warville,  leader  of  the  Girondists,  and 
Joseph  Servan,  minister  of  war.  His  arrival  in  Paris  was 
opportune;  for  certain  Frenchmen  were  contemplating  an  at- 
tack upon  the  Spanish  colonies  in  America.  Brissot  soon 
selected  Miranda  as  the  best  leader  for  such  an  attack  with 
Santo  Domingo  as  a  base.  On  December  13,  1792,  Brissot  wrote 
to  Miranda  to  suggest  that  the  French  forces  at  that  island 
would  be  aided  in  the  project  by  a  large  number  of  valiant 
soldiers  from  the  United  States,  who  were  "sighing  for  this 
revolution."  Brissot  declared  that  he  had  presented  his  views 
"to  all  the  ministers,"  who  had  appreciated  the  advantages 
proposed.  His  plan  was  that  Miranda  should  be  appointed 
governor  of  Santo  Domingo  from  which  he  might  direct  the 
revolution.  Miranda  was  so  far  interested  in  the  scheme  that 
he  held  a  conference  regarding  it  with  Lebrun,  the  minister 


FRANCISCO  DE  MIRANDA  37 

of  foreign  affairs.  The  French  plan  to  employ  Miranda  in  the 
revolutionizing  of  Spanish  America  was  most  fully  presented 
in  a  letter  of  Brissot  to  General  Dumouriez  dated  November 
28,  1792.     So  we  will  quote  that  letter  here: 

It  is  necessary  to  promote  this  revolution  in  the  Spanish 
peninsula  and  in  the  Indies  at  the  same  time.  The  fate  of  the 
revolution  in  Spanish  America  depends  upon  one  man;  you 
know  him,  you  esteem  him,  you  love  him:  that  is,  Mi- 
randa. .  .  .  He  will  soon  check  the  miserable  quarrels  of  the 
colonies;  he  will  soon  pacify  the  whites  who  are  so  trouble- 
some; and  he  will  become  the  idol  of  the  people  of  color. 
And  then  with  what  ease  will  he  not  be  able  to  revolutionize 
either  the  islands  of  the  Spaniards  or  the  American  continent 
which  they  possess.  At  the  head  of  twelve  thousand  brave 
troops  of  the  line  which  are  now  at  Santo  Domingo,  and  of 
from  ten  to  fifteen  thousand  brave  mulattoes  that  our  colonies 
will  furnish  him,  having  besides  a  squadron  under  his  orders, 
with  what  facility  will  he  not  be  able  to  invade  the  Spanish 
possessions,  while  the  Spaniards  have  no  forces  with  which  to 
oppose  him.  The  name  of  Miranda  will  be  worth  an  army: 
his  courage,  his  genius, — all  promise  success.  But  in  order 
to  ensure  success,  there  is  not  a  moment  to  lose.  It  is  neces- 
sary that  he  should  leave  upon  the  Capricieuse  which  sails  for 
Santo  Domingo;  it  is  necessary  that  he  should  depart  before 
Spain  discovers  our  plans.  I  know  well  that  his  nomination 
will  strike  Spain  with  terror  and  confound  Pitt  with  his  poor 
dilatory  politics;  but  Spain  is  impotent,  and  England  will  not 
move. 

Further,  Brissot  assured  Dumouriez  that  all  of  the  minis- 
ters had  agreed  to  the  choice  and  that  Monge,  the  minister  of 
marine,  had  promised  to  make  Miranda  the  governor  of  Santo 
Domingo,  if  Dumouriez  would  consent.  Apparently  Dumou- 
riez was  interested  in  the  execution  of  Miranda's  "superb 
project."  In  the  meantime  Miranda  again  turned  toward  the 
United  States;  for  he  hoped  to  engage  General  Knox  and 
Henry  Lee  in  the  scheme.  In  all  likelihood  Lebrun,  as  well  as 
Miranda,  hoped  to  enlist  some  American  leaders  in  the  cam- 
paign against  Spanish  Am^ica.    But  perhaps  because  of  the 


38     RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

belief  of  certain  French  leaders  that  Spain  was  trying  to 
maintain  an  attitude  of  neutrality  towards  the  war  between 
France  and  other  powers,  in  January,  1793,  France  laid  the 
project  aside.  From  this  ambitious  project,  however,  the 
revolutionary  mission  of  Citizen  Genet  to  the  United  States 
took  its  origin. 

While  his  favorite  project  was  being  considered  at  Paris, 
Miranda  had  become  a  soldier  of  France.  His  thrilling  ex- 
periences during  the  French  revolution  may  only  be  suggested. 
On  April  20,  1792,  France  had  declared  war  on  Austria.  In 
September,  1792,  Miranda  was  placed  in  command  of  a 
division  of  the  French  army  that  was  operating  in  the  Austrian 
Netherlands  under  General  Dumouriez.  Early  in  the  follow- 
ing month,  he  was  made  brigadier  general.  General  Miranda 
soon  distinguished  himself  by  capturing  Antwerp;  and  a 
dazzling  future  seemed  to  open  before  him.  But  he  refused 
to  enter  into  the  treasonable  designs  of  General  Dumouriez. 
After  the  inglorious  defeat  of  the  French  soldiers  at  Neer- 
winden,  where  the  South  American  commanded  a  wing  of 
the  army,  he  was  recalled  to  Paris,  partly  because  of  the  ac- 
cusations of  his  former  friend,  Dumouriez.  There  he  had  to 
stand  trial  before  the  revolutionary  tribunal.  After  being 
triumphantly  acquitted,  Miranda  retired  to  the  suburbs  of 
Paris,  where  he  lived  in  the  midst  of  books,  pictures,  and 
other  mementoes  of  his  travels.  Suspicion  soon  gathered 
around  him,  however,  and  in  July,  1793,  he  was  cast  into  the 
prison  La  Force,  Despite  his  vehement  protests,  it  was  the 
beginning  of  1795  before  he  was  set  at  liberty.  Miranda  soon 
essayed  to  formulate  a  policy  and  to  suggest  a  frame  of  gov- 
ernment for  France:  he  published  his  views  in  a  pamphlet 
entitled  Opinion  du  General  Miranda  sur  la  Situation  Actuelle 
de  la  France  et  sur  les  Remedes  convenables  a  ses  Maux.  A 
short  time  afterwards  Miranda  was  denounced  to  the  con- 
vention ;  hence,  on  November  2y,  1795,  he  was  again  imprisoned. 
But  nothing  could  be  proven  against  him,  and  he  was  soon  set 


FRANCISCO  DE  MIRANDA  39 

free.  It  appears  that  General  Miranda  was  again  accused  of 
engaging  in  intrigues,  or  was  distasteful  to  the  government, 
for  he  was  soon  ordered  to  leave  the  soil  of  France.  While 
being  conveyed  to  the  frontier,  he  audaciously  left  his  escort, 
and  returned  to  Paris,  where  he  publicly  petitioned  the  gov- 
ernment to  pay  him  for  his  military  services.  Although 
Miranda's  name  was  inscribed  on  the  list  of  emigres,  yet  he 
continued  to  live  in  seclusion  near  Paris  until  the  beginning 
of  1798,  when  he  crossed  the  Straits  of  Dover  disguised  as  a 
merchant. 

On  January  16,  1798,  Miranda  signed  a  letter  to  William 
Pitt  which  was  couched  in  these  words : 

The  undersigned,  principal  agent  of  the  Spanish-American 
colonies,  has  been  chosen  by  the  junta  of  deputies  of  Mexico, 
Lima,  Chile,  Buenos  Aires,  Caracas,  Santa  Fe,  etc.,  to  present 
himself  to  the  ministers  of  his  Britannic  Majesty;  in  order  to 
renew  in  favor  of  the  absolute  independence  of  these  colonies 
the  negotiations  which  were  begun  in  1790  and  to  conduct 
them,  as  quickly  as  possible,  to  that  stage  of  maturity  which 
the  existing  circumstances  appear  to  favor,  completing  them 
by  a  treaty  of  amity  and  alliance  which  should  resemble  (so 
far  as  circumstances  permit)  the  treaty  concluded  by  France 
with  the  English  colonies  of  North  America  in  1778.  That 
example  can  serve  as  an  apology  in  the  absence  of  strict  legal- 
ity in  the  present  case.  .  .  .  The  spirit  of  frankness  and  loy- 
alty which  animates  his  compatriots  and  which  attaches  them 
to  the  interests  of  Great  Britain  is  best  expressed  in  the 
instrument  that  serves  the  undersigned  as  powers  and  instruc- 
tions for  this  important  commission. 

Miranda  declared  that  he  was  happy  at  being  able  to  claim 
"by  a  lucky  chance"  the  ''protection  of  the  English  nation  in 
promoting  the  independence  of  his  country  and  in  negotiating 
a  treaty  of  amity  and  alliance  which  would  be  useful  and  ad- 
vantageous to  both  parties."  He  expressed  his  confidence  in 
"the  importance  and  the  reciprocal  utility  of  his  mission."  He 
affirmed  that  circumstances  favored  his  project,  because  Pitt 
had  declared  to  him  thaf  a  war  between  Spain  and  England 


40     RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

would  furnish  the  occasion  for  the  revolutionizing  of  Spanish 
America. 

With  this  letter  Miranda  submitted  a  copy  of  the  document 
which  he  declared  served  him  as  his  instructions.  That  docu- 
ment was  composed  of  articles  purporting  to  be  drawn  up 
by  a  South- American  revolutionary  junta  at  Paris  on  December 
22,  1797.  The  junta  professed  to  be  composed  of  deputies 
from  the  principal  provinces  of  Spanish  America,  who  had 
been  sent  to  Europe  to  concert  with  Miranda  a  plan  for  the 
liberation  of  their  native  land  from  the  rule  of  Spain.  The 
instructions  affirmed  that  the  Spanish-American  colonists, 
having  unanimously  resolved  to  proclaim  their  independence 
and  to  place  their  liberty  upon  a  firm  basis,  addressed  them- 
selves to  the  British  government,  which  they  invited  to  join 
them  in  the  enterprise.  Spanish  America,  it  was  declared, 
agreed  to  pay  England  for  her  assistance.  The  aid  demanded 
of  England  was  not  to  exceed  twenty-seven  vessels,  eight 
thousand  infantry,  and  two  thousand  cavalry.  It  was  declared 
that  a  defensive  alliance  of  England,  the  United  States,  and 
Spanish  America  was  "the  only  hope  which  remained  to 
liberty,  that  had  been  so  boldly  outraged  by  the  detestable 
maxims"  avowed  by  France.  It  was  suggested  that  a  treaty 
of  alliance  be  entered  into  by  England  and  Spanish  America, 
which,  although  not  granting  monopoly  privileges,  should  be 
conceived  in  terms  most  advantageous  for  Great  Britain.  A 
proposal  was  made  for  the  construction  of  a  canal  between 
the  Atlantic  and  the  Pacific  oceans  by  way  of  Lake  Nicaragua, 
as  well  as  by  the  Isthmus  of  Panama.  The  freedom  of  such 
transit  was  to  be  guaranteed,  although  not  exclusively,  to  Eng- 
land and  the  United  States.  It  was  provided  that,  after  the 
independence  of  Spanish  America  had  been  established,  depu- 
ties from  various  sections  of  America  were  to  meet  in  a  general 
representative  body  in  order  to  make  arrangements  for  com- 
mercial intercourse  within  the  liberated  territory.  It  was 
pointed  out  that  the  relations  which  the  bank  of  London  would 
be  able  to  form  with  the  banks  of  Lima  and  Mexico  would 


FRANCISCO  DE  MIRANDA  41 

not  be  the  least  advantage  which  the  alliance  with  Spanish 
America  would  secure  to  England.  The  thirteenth  article 
of  the  instructions  intrusted  the  military  operations  on  the 
American  continent,  as  well  as  the  negotiations  with  England, 
to  Francisco  de  Miranda.  Certain  blank  passages  in  the  in- 
structions concerning  the  amount  to  be  paid  England  for  her 
assistance  and  the  disposition  of  the  insular  possessions  of 
Spain  in  America,  were  to  be  filled  out  when  an  agreement 
had  been  reached  by  negotiations. 

These  instructions  constitute  the  most  explicit  authoriza- 
tion which  has  been  found  for  Miranda's  activities  as  a  pro- 
moter of  Spanish-American  independence.  They  bear  the 
signatures  of  Jose  del  Pozo  y  Sucre,  Manuel  de  Salas,  and 
Francisco  de  Miranda.  It  appears  that  Sucre  and  Salas  were 
expatriated  Jesuits;  but  no  evidence  has  been  discovered  to 
support  the  statement  that  they  were  the  authorized  agents  of 
certain  inhabitants  of  Spanish  America.  Still  it  is  possible 
that  the  signatories  may  have  been  authorized  by  a  group  of 
revolutionary  agitators  from  Spanish  America  composed  of 
such  men  as  Antonio  Narifio.  Those  agitators  may  have  had 
some  authorization  from  their  revolutionary  sympathizers  in 
Spanish  America.  Such  authorization,  however,  could  hardly 
have  been  more  than  an  expression  of  the  desire  of  a  minority 
of  the  inhabitants  of  certain  sections  of  America  to  free  them- 
selves from  the  odious  rule  of  Spain.  Viewed  in  this  light, 
the  instrument  of  December  22,  1797,  was  a  farcical  document. 
Furthermore,  it  seems  likely  that  the  document  was,  in  the 
main,  an  expression  of  Miranda's  ideas.  To  a  large  extent, 
Francisco  de  Miranda  was  a  self-constituted  agent. 

Following  the  plan  which  he  had  outlined,  Miranda  soon 
attempted  to  engage  the  aid  of  the  United  States.  He  first 
approached  his  friend,  Rufus  King,  the  American  minister 
in  London,  to  whom  on  January  30,  1798,  he  partly  disclosed 
his  scheme.  The  South  American  declared  that,  if  England 
and  the  United  States  should  be  driven  to  oppose  France, 
nothing  would  be  easier  tTian  for  these  powers  by  joint  opera- 


42     RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

tions  to  separate  the  Indies  from  Spain.  In  the  Spanish  set- 
tlements on  the  American  continents  there  were  ten  million 
people  who  were  civilized  and  "capable  of  being  happy  as 
members  of  a  polished  Society."  Everything  was  ripe  for 
the  completion  of  the  plan:  Spain  had  given  to  the  United 
States  good  reasons  for  going  to  war  with  her.  When  King 
visited  Miranda,  on  February  8,  the  Creole  further  explained 
his  plan.  The  attack  which  he  projected  was  to  be  made  on  the 
east  side  of  the  Isthmus  of  Darien.  He  wished  to  secure  from 
England  eight  thousand  infantry  and  two  thousand  cavalry — 
seasoned  West  Indian  troops — besides  a  naval  squadron  which 
should  be  sent  to  the  Peruvian  coast.  From  the  United  States 
Miranda  desired  five  thousand  woodmen,  or  soldiers  who 
understood  new  countries.  He  entertained  sanguine  hopes 
of  cooperation  from  the  Spanish  soldiers  stationed  near  the 
isthmus;  for  many  of  the  officers,  he  declared,  were  in  sym- 
pathy with  his  plan.  Miranda  declared  that  England  was  to 
be  paid  thirty  million  pounds  for  her  aid,  while  England  and 
the  United  States  were  to  enjoy  the  trade  of  liberated  Spanish 
America.  Goods  from  England  and  the  United  States  which 
passed  across  the  Isthmus  of  Panama  were  to  pay  lower  tolls 
than  the  goods  of  other  nations.  There  is  a  likelihood  that 
Miranda  had  in  his  possession  at  this  time  a  copy  of  a  Spanish 
map  of  that  isthmus  and  the  adjacent  section  of  South 
America,  which  delineated  the  strategic  positions  where  forti- 
fications should  be  constructed. 

For  a  time,  Miranda  considered  the  attitude  of  England 
toward  his  plan  as  favorable.  But  Lord  Grenville,  the  Eng- 
lish secretary  for  foreign  affairs,  expressed  himself  to  King 
unfavorably  in  regard  to  Miranda's  designs.  He  stated  that 
he  did  not  favor  the  plan  presented  by  Miranda,  fearing  that 
it  might  lead  to  "scenes  of  wretchedness"  on  the  American 
continent  like  those  which  had  characterized  the  French  revo- 
lution. By  the  middle  of  February,  the  English  ministers  had 
apparently  reached  a  tentative  conclusion  in  regard  to  the 
revolutionizing  of  Spanish  America.     For  Grenville  informed 


FRANCISCO  DE  MIRANDA  43 

King  that  "if  it  was  really  to  be  apprehended  that  Spain  should 
fall  beneath  the  control  of  France,  then  it  was  their  intention  to 
prevent  France  from  gaining  to  her  cause  the  resources  of 
South  America."  At  that  juncture,  they  would  "immediately 
open  their  views  and  commence  a  negotiation  upon  the  subject 
with  the  United  States." 

Meanwhile,  Miranda  and  King  were  attempting  to  interest 
the  United  States  in  the  ambitious  design.  On  March  24 
Miranda  addressed  a  letter  to  President  Adams,  inclosing  a 
copy  of  his  instructions.  He  expressed  the  opinion  that  Eng- 
land's exasperating  delay  was  due  to  her  expectation  that  the 
United  States  would  break  definitely  with  France  and  to  her 
desire  to  cooperate  with  the  United  States  in  achieving  "the 
absolute  independence"  of  Spanish  America.  He  hoped  that 
six  or  eight  vessels  and  four  or  five  thousand  men,  which 
were  needed  to  begin  the  attack  on  Spanish  America,  could 
easily  be  secured  in  England  and  the  United  States.  Miranda 
also  wrote  several  letters  to  Alexander  Hamilton,  asking  for 
his  cooperation  in  the  attack  on  Spanish  America.  Rufus  King 
also  wrote  to  Hamilton  suggesting  that  the  spread  of  French 
revolutionary  doctrines  upon  the  European  continent  made  it 
necessary  for  the  United  States  to  take  offensive  measures: 
"The  Destiny  of  the  new  world,  and  I  have  a  full  and  firm 
persuasion  that  it  will  be  both  happy  and  glorious,  is  in  our 
hands."  In  August,  Hamilton  wrote  to  King  declaring  himself 
in  favor  of  the  enterprise,  and  wishing  that  the  United  States 
would  furnish  the  land  forces  which  should  be  commanded  by 
himself.  At  the  same  time,  Hamilton  wrote  to  Miranda  declar- 
ing that  he  could  not  participate  in  the  scheme  unless  it  was 
patronized  by  the  government  of  the  United  States,  and  that 
such  aid  could  hardly  be  hoped  for  then.  Still,  he  declared 
that  in  a  short  time  the  project  might  mature,  and  "an  effec- 
tual cooperation"  by  the  United  States  might  take  place.  Ham- 
ilton's letters  evidently  encouraged  Miranda  to  entertain  san- 
guine hopes  in  regard  to  tlje  outcome  of  his  plans.  He  wrote 
a  letter  to  Hamilton  declaring  that  it  was  agreed  in  England 


44     RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

that  the  auxiliary  land  forces  were  to  be  exclusively  Amer- 
ican, while  the  naval  forces  were  to  be  entirely  English.  "All 
is  approved,  and  we  await  only  the  Hat  of  your  illustrious 
President  to  depart  like  lightning." 

The  revolutionary  ardor  of  Miranda  had  led  him  to  dis- 
regard the  facts;  as  the  contingency  of  the  absorption  of 
Spain  by  France  was  still  the  pivot  on  which  English  policy 
toward  Spanish  America  depended.  It  is  possible,  of  course, 
that,  if  President  Adams  had  decided  to  favor  Miranda's  de- 
signs, England  might  have  equipped  a  squadron  for  an  attack 
upon  South  America.  However,  the  government  of  the  United 
States — largely  because  of  the  reluctance  of  President  Adams 
and  of  his  secretary  of  state,  Timothy  Pickering — did  not  even 
reply  to  Miranda's  impassioned  pleas.  The  agitator  was  con- 
sequently compelled  to  dismiss  the  hope  of  linking  together 
the  two  Anglo-Saxon  nations  in  his  pretentious  designs. 

The  regret  which  Miranda  entertained  at  this  outcome  was 
profound.  On  March  19,  1799,  he  addressed  a  memorial  to 
William  Pitt  reviewing  his  relations  with  that  minister.  An 
extract  from  a  copy  of  that  document  which  is  preserved  in 
the  papers  of  Timothy  Pickering  will  suggest  his  mood: 

What  will  be  the  result  when,  in  place  of  the  long-expected 
succor  which  has  been  so  often  promised  the  Spanish-Amer- 
icans, they  learn  that  England,  after  having  made  them  wait 
in  expectancy  for  several  years,  and  after  having  promised 
more  than  fourteen  months  ago  to  the  agents  of  Spanish 
America  who  were  in  London  an  immediate  and  frank  re- 
sponse, has  not  furnished  the  slightest  succor?  It  is  difficult 
to  judge  the  effect  which  despair  will  produce  in  such  cir- 
cumstances; but  it  is  certain  that  the  wise  and  intelligent 
persons,  who  hoped  to  see  established  throughout  the  Amer- 
ican continent  a  system  of  order  and  morality  which  might 
counterbalance  the  destructive  maxims  propagated  by  France, 
will  be  deprived  of  their  hopes  and  will  be  lowered  in  the 
estimation  of  the  Spanish-American  people.  It  is  certain  that 
the  interests  and  the  future  security  of  the  United  States  of 
America  will  be  gravely  compromised.  And  that  the  advan- 
tages which  would  accrue  to  Great  Britain  through  commerce 


FRANCISCO  DE  MIRANDA  45 

and  by  virtue  of  an  alliance  with  the  immense  American  con- 
tinent will  be  a  real  loss  to  her.  If,  on  the  other  side,  one 
supposes  that  the  varied  genius  of  the  French  directory  is 
capable  of  successfully  executing  its  plans  for  a  general  inva- 
sion and  of  extending  its  perfidious  vengeance  to  the  United 
States  as  well  as  to  Great  Britain,  in  view  of  the  colossal 
and  revolutionary  power  which  it  possesses  at  the  present 
moment,  one  naturally  trembles  in  contemplating  the  fate  of 
the  human  race. 

From  1799  to  1805  "the  agent  of  the  Spanish- American 
colonies,"  as  Miranda  sometimes  styled  himself,  resided  for 
the  most  part  in  London.  He  urged  his  revolutionary  plans 
upon  English  ministers  v^henever  circumstances  seemed  pro- 
pitious. On  certain  occasions  the  cabinets  of  Pitt  and  Ad- 
dington  listened  to  him.  Among  the  persons  who  became 
interested  in  his  project  was  Sir  Home  Popham.  In  October, 
1800,  Miranda  crossed  the  English  Channel  and  succeeded  in 
reaching  Paris,  where  he  probably  hoped  to  interest  General 
Bonaparte  in  his  designs.  But  the  former  general  of  the 
French  republic,  who  was  now  an  indigent  soldier  of  fortune, 
was  viewed  with  suspicion.  He  was  soon  thrust  into  prison; 
and,  in  April,  1801,  he  left  French  soil  without  having  been 
able  to  present  his  views  concerning  Spanish  America  to  Bona- 
parte. Miranda  finally  became  much  dissatisfied  with  the 
attitude  of  England  toward  his  plans ;  in  June,  1805,  he  wrote 
a  letter  to  Pitt,  which  shows  that  he  was  discredited.  Speak- 
ing of  Miranda,  a  fellow-conspirator,  Joseph  Pa  via,  later  de- 
clared that  "Mr.  Pitt,  who  knew  him  well,  kept  a  strict  eye 
upon  him,  but  granted  him  protection  from  no  other  motive 
than  that  of  giving  uneasiness"  to  the  Spanish  government 
which  was  always  "afraid  of  his  freaks  and  plans  to  revolu- 
tionize America."  This  narrow  interpretation  of  Miranda's 
relations  with  the  English  government  is  probably  most  cor- 
rect in  regard  to  the  period  from  1799  to  1805.  It  seems  im- 
possible to  determine  the  exact  amount  of  aid  or  encourage- 
ment which  that  government  gave  to  Miranda  when,  in  the 
end  of  1805,  he  sailed  from  England  for  North  America. 


46     RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

At  that  time,  Miranda  entertained  great  expectations  of 
aid  from  the  United  States,  because  of  the  differences  existing 
between  that  nation  and  Spain.  After  landing  in  New  York 
City,  he  tried  to  interest  certain  Americans  in  his  plans.  He 
made  a  hasty  trip  from  New  York  to  Washington  to  solicit  the 
aid  or  sanction  of  the  government  of  the  United  States  for 
his  revolutionary  undertaking.  In  the  capital  city  he  met 
President  Jefferson  and  James  Madison,  the  secretary  of 
state.  To  use  Madison's  own  words,  Miranda  "disclosed  in 
very  general  terms  his  purpose  of  instituting  a  revolution  in 
a  portion  of  Spanish  America."  But  the  government  of  the 
United  States  would  not  cooperate.  Meanwhile  the  misleading 
representations  of  Miranda's  agents  in  New  York  City  in- 
duced a  number  of  adventurous  individuals  to  join  an  expe- 
dition which  was  destined  to  attack  the  Spanish  colonies.  In 
February,  1806,  the  armed  vessel  Leander  sailed  from  New 
York  City,  bearing  two  hundred  men,  munitions  of  war,  and 
Miranda.  Years  of  agitation  by  Miranda  had  culminated  in 
a  filibustering  expedition  which  was  directed  against  his 
native  land. 

After  the  Leander  reached  the  high  seas,  the  commander 
in  chief  appeared  on  deck.  According  to  one  of  his  followers, 
he  was  attired  in  a  red  gown  and  slippers.  The  commander 
soon  interested  the  ship's  company  by  telling  marvelous  tales 
of  his  own  adventures.  The  real  object  of  the  voyage  became 
known  to  all ;  the  recruits  were  drilled  in  the  manual  of  arms ; 
and  many  speculations  were  made  regarding  the  attitude  of 
England  and  the  United  States  toward  the  enterprise.  The 
expedition  first  proceeded  to  the  West  Indies.  There  Miranda 
gathered  a  few  more  recruits,  and  secured  the  cooperation  of 
some  English  naval  officers,  notably  Admiral  Cochrane.  In 
the  meantime  the  Spanish  officials  in  northern  South  America 
had  been  warned  of  Miranda's  approach  by  the  Marquis  of 
Casa  Yrujo,  the  vigilant  Spanish  ambassador  in  the  United 
States.  Partly  because  of  those  warnings,  the  first  attempt 
of  Miranda  to  land  in  the  captaincy  general  of  Venezuela 


FRANCISCO  DE  MIRANDA  47 

failed;  and  some  of  the  filibusters  fell  into  the  hands  of  the 
Spaniards.  The  unfortunate  captives  were  summarily  tried 
and  sentenced  to  imprisonment  or  death.  Miranda's  second 
attack  was  more  successful;  for  the  invaders  captured  the 
town  of  Coro,  and  marched  a  short  distance  into  the  interior. 
The  tribunal  of  the  inquisition  at  Carthagena  proclaimed  that 
Miranda  was  a  traitor  to  God  and  his  king,  while  the  captain 
general  gathered  a  small,  motley  army  to  repel  the  invaders. 
The  colonists  did  not  join  the  filibusters ;  so  that  Miranda  soon 
decided  to  withdraw.  When  the  English  naval  commanders 
who  were  stationed  near  northern  South  America  declined  to 
aid  him,  the  expedition  was  disbanded,  and  the  discredited 
leader  took  refuge  in  the  British  West  Indies.  The  first  at- 
tempt which  Miranda  made  to  revolutionize  South  America 
had  completely  failed,  mainly  because  the  inhabitants  did  not 
rally  to  his  standard  of  red,  yellow,  and  blue. 

As  soon  as  circumstances  seemed  auspicious,  Miranda  sent 
agents  to  London  to  present  his  views  to  the  English  govern- 
ment again.  On  June  10,  1807,  Miranda  addressed  from 
Trinidad  to  Lord  Castlereagh,  who  had  become  secretary  of 
war  and  the  colonies  in  the  Portland  ministry,  a  letter  con- 
cerning Spanish  America: 

The  present  situation  and  disposition  of  the  People  in  the 
whole  Province  of  Caracas  is  very  favorable  to  this  under- 
taking yet,  notwithstanding  the  terror  that  the  Governmeat 
tries  to  inspire  by  a  few  executions,  and  the  tremendous  pur- 
suits of  the  Inquisition,  made  an  absolute  political  tool  on 
this  occasion.  The  general  Orders  given  to  the  Commanders 
of  the  principal  Towns  in  this  Province,  with  the  exception 
of  La  Guayra  and  Puerto  Cabello,  is  to  evacuate  them  in  case 
of  my  landing  with  any  substantial  force,  and  the  inhabitants 
to  retire  into  the  Country;  but  these  have  sent  me  informa- 
tion, that  they  will  do  no  such  thing,  when  the  opportunity 
arrives.  ...  I  really  perceive  an  incalculable  mischief  in  the 
delay  of  the  proposed  operation,  for  if  we  do  not  subtract  and 
protect  the  Continent  of  South  America  now,  from  the  influ- 
ence and  domineering  ambition  of  France,  the  whole  will 
very  soon  and  ultimately  be  absorbed  in  the  same  fatal  and 


48     RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

universal  dominion.  ...  I  beseech  You,  My  Lord,  on  these 
considerations,  to  take  some  prompt  and  definitive  measure 
that  may  put  a  stop  to  this  incalculable  evil;  or  release  the 
American  People  from  the  dangerous  exertions  in  which  they 
are  embarked,  by  opposing  the  French  and  Spanish  Govern- 
ments' views,  which  ultimately  must  be  fatal  to  themselves, 
if  not  efficaciously  supported  by  the  Government  of  Great 
Britain.  .  .  .  My  own  exertions  in  this  Island  are  almost  at 
an  End,  if  I  do  not  receive  the  promised  support  from  G.  B. 

Miranda's  hope  for  aid  from  England,  which  was  at  war 
with  Spain,  the  ally  of  France,  soon  induced  him  to  return 
to  London.  On  January  lo,  1808,  he  addressed  to  Castle- 
reagh  a  long  letter  which  was  accompanied  by  illustrative 
documents.  Miranda  averred  that  the  inhabitants  of  New 
Granada  and  Venezuela  still  favored  independence,  but  that 
their  anxiety  had  been  aroused  by  rumors  that  Spain  had 
secretly  ceded  Cuba  and  Porto  Rico  to  France.  He  expressed 
serious  apprehensions  in  regard  to  the  prospective  cession  of 
the  captaincy  general  of  Venezuela  by  Spain  to  France  in 
return  for  Portugal,  and  besought  from  the  English  govern- 
ment the  assistance  which,  he  declared,  it  had  so  often  prom- 
ised, to  promote  Spanish-American  independence.  He  de- 
clared that  among  the  Spanish-American  people  there  was  no 
difference  of  opinion  in  regard  to  emancipation  from  Spanish 
rule,  if  independence  was  fairly  and  openly  offered  to  them, 
and  if  *'the  delicate  point  of  their  religion"  v^ras  respectfully 
attended  to. 

With  regard  to  the  political  organization  of  independent 
Spanish  America,  Miranda  now  proposed  that  four  states 
should  be  established  upon  the  "Colombian  Continent":  the 
first  state  should  include  Mexico  and  Guatemala;  the  second. 
New  Granada,  Venezuela,  and  Quito;  the  third,  Peru  and 
Chile ;  and  the  fourth,  la  Plata.  He  declared  that  the  people 
of  Spanish  America  had  not  shown  a  leaning  towards  "any 
particular  form  of  government,"  but  expressed  a  belief  that 
the  identity  of  language,  religion,  and  civil  administration 
would  greatly  decrease  the  difficulty  of  changing  the  fonn  of 


FRANCISCO  DE  MIRANDA  49 

government  "without  convulsions/*  Among  Miranda's  volu- 
minous papers  there  probably  reposed  an  elaborate  project  of 
government  for  his  compatriots. 

Miranda  wished  that  an  attack  on  the  Spanish  dominions 
should  begin  in  northern  South  America.  If  the  military  opera- 
tions in  Venezuela  and  New  Granada  were  successful,  and,  if 
the  governmental  arrangements  were  ''wise  and  acceptable  to 
the  people,"  he  thought  that  the  movement  would  soon  spread, 
on  the  one  hand,  through  the  Isthmus  of  Panama  and  Guate- 
mala  to  Mexico,  and,  on  the  other  hand,  through  Quito  to 
Peru  and  Chile,  and  even  to  la  Plata.  He  believed  that  an 
army  of  ten  thousand  men  with  a  cooperating  naval  force 
would  be  sufficient  to  execute  this  plan  of  operations.  Sir 
Arthur  Wellesley,  a  military  officer  who  had  served  with  dis- 
tinction in  India,  became  deeply  interested-  in  Miranda's 
projects.  He  drew  up  several  memoranda  concerning  a  revo- 
lution which  was  "to  establish  an  independent  government  in 
a  part  or  the  whole"  of  Spanish  America.  After  carefully 
weighing  the  advantages  and  the  disadvantages  of  an  attack 
upon  Mexico  or  upon  Venezuela,  Wellesley  decided  in  favor 
of  an  expedition  of  ten  thousand  soldiers  to  execute  Miranda's 
designs.  Early  in  June,  1808,  thousands  of  redcoats 
bivouacked  on  the  Irish  coast ;  a  fleet  was  gathered  at  Cork ; 
and  Wellesley  was  selected  as  the  commander  of  an  expedi- 
tion which  was  to  start  a  revolution  in  northern  South 
America. 

But  at  this  critical  juncture,  when  it  seemed  that  Miranda's 
hope  of  Enghsh  aid  to  revolutionize  Spanish  America  was  at 
last  to  be  realized,  Napoleon's  attempt  to  crush  England  by 
extending  the  continental  system  to  the  Iberian  peninsula, 
changed  the  face  of  politics.  In  November,  1807,  the  invasion 
of  Portugal  by  French  soldiers  forced  the  royal  family  of 
Braganza,  including  the  heir  to  the  Portuguese  throne.  Prince 
John,  and  his  wife,  Carlota  Joaquina,  the  daughter  of  Charles 
IV.  of  Spain,  to  flee  precipitately  from  Lisbon  to  Rio  de 
Janeiro,  escorted  by  an  Enghsh  squadron.     In  the  following 


50     RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

year  French  soldiers  seized  fortresses  in  northern  Spain;  a 
popular  tumult  at  Aranjuez  forced  the  Prince  of  Peace  from 
power;  and  Charles  IV.  temporarily  relinquished  his  right  to 
the  Spanish  throne  in  favor  of  his  eldest  son,  Prince  Ferdi- 
nand. In  May,  1808,  by  a  treaty  signed  at  Bayonne  Charles 
IV.  renounced  his  right  to  the  crown  of  Spain  and  the  Indies 
in  favor  of  Napoleon,  while  Ferdinand  VII.  was  forced  to 
abdicate  his  right  to  that  crown.  Those  Napoleonic  usurpa- 
tions provoked  a  national  uprising  among  the  Spaniards,'wliich 
was  stimulated  by  the  news  that  on  June  6,  1808,  Napoleon 
had  arrogantly  proclaimed  his  brother  Joseph,  King  of  Spain. 
Juntas,  or  local  assemblies,  sprang  up,  as  if  by  magic,  from 
Oviedo  to  Granada.  On  May  25,  1808,  the  patriotic  junta  of 
the  principality  of  Asturias  sent  two  envoys  to  beseech  aid 
from  England  against  Napoleon.  Early  in  the  following 
month — when  Wellesley's  soldiers  were  bivouacking  on  the 
coast  of  Ireland — these  envoys  were  promised  munitions  and 
soldiers  by  England's  foreign  secretary,  George  Canning.  On 
July  4,  1808,  England  published  a  formal  proclamation  of 
peace  with  Spain.  In  the  speech  of  King  George  III.  to 
parliament  on  that  day,  it  was  declared  that,  because  of  the 
resistance  of  Spain  to  the  usurpations  of  France,  the  Spanish 
nation  could  "no  longer  be  considered  as  the  enemy  of  Great 
Britain "  but  was  recognized  by  his  Majesty  es  "a  natural 
friend  and  ally."  It  was  expressly  declared  that  the  king 
had  "no  other  object  than  that  of  preserving  unimpaired  the 
integrity  and  independence  of  the  Spanish  monarchy." 

When  England  thus  decided  to  aid  the  Spanish  patriots 
against  Napoleon,  Miranda's  project  to  revolutionize  Spanish 
America  was  discarded.  Sir  Arthur  Wellesley  was  deputed 
to  tell  the  Venezuelan  agitator  of  the  change  in  England's 
military  plans.  Twenty-seven  years  afterwards,  the  Duke  of 
Wellington  thus  described  the  dramatic  scene  which  ensued: 

I  think  I  never  had  a  more  difficult  business  than  when  the 
Government  bade  me  tell  Miranda  that  we  would  have  nothing 
to  do  with  his  plan.    I  thought  it  best  to  walk  out  in  the  streets 


FRANCISCO  DE  MIRANDA  5^ 

with  him  and  tell  him  there,  to  prevent  his  bursting  out.  But 
even  there  he  was  so  loud  and  angry,  that  I  told  him  I  would 
walk  on  first  a  little  that  we  might  not  attract  the  notice  of 
everybody  passing.  When  I  joined  him  again  he  was  cooler. 
He  said:  "You  are  going  over  into  Spain.  .  .  .  You  will  be 
lost — nothing  can  save  you ;  that,  however,  is  your  affair ;  but 
what  grieves  me  is  that  there  never  was  such  an  opportunity 
thrown  away." 

To  attempt  to  suggest  the  outcome  of  Miranda's  plans,  if 
they  had  been  executed  by  England,  is  to  discuss  what  might 
have  been.  The  result  might  have  been  to  found  independent 
states  in  Spanish  America.  On  the  other  hand,  viceroyalties 
of  Spain  might  have  been  transformed  into  dependencies  of 
England.  Some  South  American  patriots  might  have  reviled 
Miranda,  the  apostle  of  Spanish-American  independence. 

But  in  July,  1808,  Sir  Arthur  Wellesley  embarked  for  the 
Iberian  peninsula  to  engage  in  those  campaigns  which  were 
to  play  so  great  a  part  in  thwarting  the  ambitions  of  Napo- 
leon. The  rapprochement  between  England  and  the  Spanish 
patriots  was  an  insuperable  obstacle  to  the  execution  of  Mi- 
randa's favorite  design.  His  highest  hopes  of  English  coopera- 
tion sailed  away  with  the  soldiers  of  Wellesley.  On  January 
14,  1809,  in  the  name  of  Ferdinand  VII.,  the  central  junta* 
located  at  Seville  and  the  English  government  cemented  their 
relations  by  a  formal  treaty  of  peace,  friendship,  and  al- 
liance. For  several  years  England  devoted  her^nergies  to  a 
life-or-death  struggle  with  Napoleon  upon  the  European 
continent. 

This  is  a  convenient  place  to  notice  some  common  features 
of  the  schemes  which  Miranda  urged  upon  various  govern- 
ments from  1790  to  1808.  Against  Spanish  rule  in  America 
he  brought  the  charge  that  the  colonists  were  "excessively 
oppressed."  As  proof  of  the  accusation,  Miranda  was  accus- 
tomed to  cite  the  insurrections  which  had  occurred  in  Spanish 
America,  for  example,  the  revolt  of  Tupac  Amaru.  Ordinarily, 
he    assumed    that    many    Spanish-Americans    were    dissatis- 


52     RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

fied  with  the  colonial  regime.  He  was  accustomed  to  argue 
that  the  inhabitants  of  South  America  would  rise  against 
Spain,  if  he  appeared  on  its  coast  with  a  liberating  expedition 
»— an  argument  which  was  not  substantiated  by  the  attitude  of 
the  Venezuelans  towards  the  expedition  of  1806.  In  general, 
he  maintained  that  the  Spanish-Americans  were  not  able  to 
cast  off  the  heavy  yoke  of  Spain  without  assistance.  Ac- 
cordingly Miranda  tried  to  interest  one  or  more  important 
nations  in  his  venture.  Burdened  with  letters,  maps,  and 
plans,  the  enthusiastic  creole  would  appear  in  the  capital  of 
a  nation  at  a  crucial  juncture  in  its  relations  with  Spain.  Tena- 
cious of  purpose,  if  he  failed  to  interest  ministers,  he  turned  to 
private  individuals,  merchants,  philanthropists,  and  adven- 
turers. Thus  he  traveled  from  court  to  court,  offering,  though 
he  knew  it  not,  a  New  World  to  European  nations  for  con- 
quest. Miranda  argued  that,  if  her  colonies  were  liberated, 
Spain  would  be  grievously  injured.  Sometimes  he  offered  her 
enemies  special  commercial  advantages;  such  as  lower  import 
duties  on  articles  sent  to  the  liberated  colonies.  After  1797,  the 
upshot  of  his  argument  to  England  was  that  only  the  revolu- 
tionizing of  the  Indies  would  thwart  the  designs  of  France 
upon  those  dominions.  To  the  imagination  of  patriot  and  fili- 
buster, Miranda  suggested  the  alluring  vision  of  a  continent 
of  freedmen. 

The  first  objective  point  of  the  proposed  attack  on  Spanish 
America  was  Miranda's  native  land.  A  map  found  among 
some  papers  in  the  French  archives  proves  that  on  one  oc- 
casion, at  least,  he  aimed  to  get  a  foothold  in  northern  South 
America,  to  secure  control  of  the  Isthmus  of  Panama,  to  for- 
tify himself  there,  and  gradually  to  extend  the  area  of  free- 
dom. His  design  was  far-reachmg,  for  he  glibly  talked  of 
ultimately  emancipating  all  the  subjects  of  Spain  in  America 
from  Tierra  del  Fuego  to  the  northern  limits  of  the  Mississippi 
Valley.  The  ambitious  scope  of  these  designs  tempts  one  to 
compare  Francisco  de  Miranda  with  the  anti-slavery  fanatic, 
John  Brown. 


FRANCISCO  DE  MIRANDA  53 

It  IS  easy  to  exaggerate  or  to  underestimate  the  influence 
of  Miranda  upon  certain  leaders  of  the  revolution  in  Spanish 
America.  His  apostolic  role  favors  the  interpretation  that 
he  promoted  the  revolts  which  broke  out  in  1810  from  Mexico 
to  Buenos  Aires,  but  contemporary  evidence  concerning  the 
influence  which  he  exerted  upon  his  compatriots  from  1783  to 
1 810  is  fugitive.  The  evidence  shows  that  Miranda  persistently 
tried  to  correspond  with  certain  agitators  who  played  a  more  or 
less  mysterious  part  in  the  revolutionary  movements  in  dif- 
ferent parts  of  Spanish  America :  as  illustrations  may  be  cited 
Manuel  Gual  of  Venezuela,  and  Saturino  Pena  of  the  vice- 
royalty  of  la  Plata.  While  in  London  Miranda  met  Bernardo 
O'Higgins,  a  young  Chilean,  Pedro  F.  Vargas,  a  revolutionist 
who  had  fled  from  Caracas,  Pedro  J.  Caro,  a  conspirator  from 
Cuba,  and  Simon  de  Bolivar.  On  these  men,  and  on  other 
Spanish-Americans,  Miranda  doubtless  exerted  a  stimulating 
influence  which  cannot  be  measured.  There  is  no  doubt  that 
Miranda's  abiding-place,  whether  in  London  or  Paris,  served 
as  a  rendezvous  for  discontented  Spanish-Americans.  Some 
students  of  Hispanic  history  have  asserted  that  Miranda  found- 
ed in  Europe  a  secret  revolutionary  association,  or  lodge, 
which  was  transplanted  to  various  sections  of  South  America. 
But  this  story,  which,  in  its  most  ample  form,  would  make 
Miranda  the  revolutionary  godfather  of  Mariano  Moreno, 
Bernardo  O'Higgins,  Jose  de  San  Martin,  and  Simon  de 
Bolivar,  is  at  present  hardly  more  than  a  legend. 

Amid  all  the  fluctuations  of  fortune  Miranda  preserved  an 
interest  in  learning.  His  leisure  was  often  employed  in  the 
study  of  government  and  politics  and  war.  A  quondam  asso- 
ciate declared  that  the  South  American  learned  Greek  when 
forty  years  of  age.  There  is  also  a  tradition  that  he  wrote  a 
history  of  France.  Nevertheless  he  was  a  dilettante  scholar; 
Joseph  Pavia  not  inaptly  said  of  Miranda  that  he  "deemed  him- 
self an  adept  in  every  science  and  art ;  indeed  he  was  a  specious 
smatterer."  While  living  in  London  Miranda  possessed  a 
choice  library.    A  part  of  tRat  library  which  was  sold  at  public 


54     RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

auction  several  years  after  his  death  contained  histories  of 
European  countries,  voyages  and  travels  in  various  parts  of 
the  world,  books  on  art  and  art  galleries,  and  a  number  of 
Spanish  books  concerning  North  and  South  America.  At  his 
elbow  Miranda  otten  had  a  secretary  who  took  charge  of  his 
extensive  correspondence.  At  least  during  a  part  of  his  ca- 
reer, he  kept  copies  of  his  own  letters  which  were  filed  with 
the  epistles  received  from  his  widely-scattered  correspondents, 
who  often  occupied  prominent  positions  in  public  and  private 
life.  Vanity,  or  literary  ambition,  incited  Miranda  at  times  to 
keep  a  journal,  and  to  collect  papers  which  concerned  himself, 
his  family,  and  his  projects. 

The  following  description  of  Miranda  was  written  by  James 
Biggs,  who  took  part  in  the  expedition  of  1806 : 

He  is  about  five  feet  ten  inches  high.  His  limbs  are  well 
proportioned;  his  whole  frame  is  stout  and  active.  His  com- 
plexion is  dark,  florid  and  healthy.  His  eyes  are  hazel  col- 
ored, but  not  of  the  darkest  hue.  They  are  piercing,  quick 
and  intelligent,  expressing  more  of  the  severe  than  the  mild 
feelings.  He  has  good  teeth,  which  he  takes  much  care  to 
keep  clean.  His  nose  is  large  and  handsome,  rather  of  the 
English  than  Roman  cast.  His  chest  is  square  and  prominent. 
His  hair  is  gray  and  he  wears  it  tied  long  behind  with  powder. 
He  has  strong  gray  whiskers  growing  on  the  outer  edges  of 
his  ears,  as  large  as  most  Spaniards  have  on  their  cheeks. 
In  the  contour  of  his  visage  you  plainly  perceive  an  expres- 
sion of  pertinaciousness  and  suspicion.  Upon  the  whole  with- 
out saying  he  is  an  elegant,  we  may  pronounce  him  a  hand- 
some man.  He  has  a  constant  habit  of  picking  his  teeth. 
When  sitting  he  is  never  perfectly  still;  his  foot  or  hand 
must  be  kept  moving  to  keep  time  with  his  mind  which  is 
always  in  exercise.  He  always  sleeps  a  few  minutes  after 
dinner,  and  then  walks  till  bed  time,  which  with  him  is  about 
midnight.  He  is  an  eminent  example  of  temperance.  A 
scanty  or  bad  meal  is  never  regarded  by  him  as  a  subject  of 
complaint.  He  uses  no  ardent  spirits;  seldom  any  wine.  .  .  . 
He  is  a  courtier  and  gentleman  in  his  manners.  Dignity  and 
grace  preside  in  his  movements.  Unless  when  angry,  he  has 
a  great  command  of  his  feelings;  and  can  assume  what  looks 


FRANCISCO  DE  MIRANDA  55 

and  tones  he  pleases.  In  general  his  demeanor  is  marked  by 
hauteur  and  distance.  ...  In  discourse  he  is  logical  in  the 
management  of  his  thoughts.  He  appears  conversant  on  all 
subjects.  His  iron  memory  prevents  his  ever  being  at  a  loss 
for  names,  dates,  and  authorities. 

For  tv^o  years  after  Wellesley's  departure  for  the  Iberian 
peninsula,  Miranda  lived  in  London  and  attempted  the  role 
of  a  propagandist.  Although  the  English  ministers — mindful 
of  their  pledges  to  Spain — v^arned  the  South  American  to 
desist  from  his  revolutionary  correspondence  with  the  Indies, 
yet  he  busied  himself  dispatching  incendiary  letters  and  pam- 
phlets to  certain  Spanish-Americans  and  to  the  cabildos  of 
Buenos  Aires,  Havana,  Mexico,  and  Caracas.  Perhaps  his 
most  important  letter  was  addressed  to  the  Marquis  of  Toro 
of  Caracas  and  the  cahildo  of  that  city  on  October  6,  1808. 
In  that  epistle  Miranda  expressed  his  fear  that  a  fatal  conflict 
would  soon  be  precipitated  between  the  Spanish  officials  and 
the  people  of  Spanish  America.  He  affirmed  that,  because  of 
the  lack  of  a  representative  organization,  the  Spanish  patriots 
were  compelled  to  establish  an  imperfect  system  of  govern- 
ment; and  that  afterwards  they  hardly  had  time  to  concert 
a  plan  for  the  general  defense  before  the  kingdom  was  over- 
run by  French  soldiers.  He  declared  that  although  he  did  not 
consider  the  Spanish  people  capable  of  enjoying  a  rational  lib- 
erty, yet  he  believed  the  Venezuelan  people  capable  of  enjoying 
it,  for  they  had  not  been  corrupted.  That  his  fellow-country- 
men might  be  prepared  for  an  emergency,  he  transmitted  a 
"sketch  of  a  representative  organization  and  government"  for 
Spanish  America. 

The  plan  of  government  which  Miranda  transmitted  to  the 
cahildo  of  Caracas  is  worthy  of  careful  consideration.  Doubt- 
less it  embodied  his  ripest  ideas  concerning  the  government  of 
independent  Spanish  America.  It  was  probably  based  upon 
the  plan  which  he  had  ready  to  take  with  him  to  South  America 
in  June,  1808.  In  October  of  that  year  Miranda  recommended 
to  the  Spanish-Americans*a  provisional  scheme  for  a  federal 


56     RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

government.  In  the  provisional  scheme  he  proposed  to  use 
the  cabildos  as  local  organs  of  government.  Extraordinary 
cabildos  were  to  select  the  members  of  provincial  assemblies, 
which  were  to  legislate  for  the  province  and  to  supervise  the 
provincial  administration.  Each  provincial  assembly  was  to 
choose  two  citizens  called  curacas,  who  were  to  exercise  the 
executive  authority  in  their  respective  provinces.  During  the 
war,  the  armed  forces  of  the  patriots  were  to  be  commanded 
by  a  citizen  called  the  hatunapa,  who  was  to  be  nominated 
by  the  general  assembly  and  confirmed  by  the  local  assemblies 
of  the  provinces.  All  the  existing  laws  were  to  remain  in 
force,  except  those  imposing  a  personal  tax.  Customs  duties 
were  to  be  levied  at  the  uniform  rate  of  fifteen  per  cent  on 
importations,  and  twenty  per  cent  on  exportations.  All  laws 
relating  to  the  "odious  tribunal"  of  the  inquisition  were  to  be 
swept  away.  Roman  Catholicism  was  to  be  the  national  re- 
ligion of  the  Colombian  people,  but  religious  toleration  was 
to  be  observed  as  "a  principle  of  natural  right." 

The  most  significant  part  of  Miranda*s  plan  was  the  scheme 
for  a  general  government,  which  was  to  be  of  a  federal  type. 
The  provincial  assemblies  were  to  choose  the  members  of  the 
unicameral  legislature,  or  "Colombian  council,"  which  was  to 
make  laws  for  "the  entire  American  federation."  In  regard 
to  the  executive  power,  it  was  provided  that  the  council  was 
to  select  from  the  citizens  two  persons  at  least  forty  years 
of  age,  the  owners  of  two  hundred  acres  of  land,  who  had  held 
one  of  the  great  offices  of  the  empire.  Those  two  citizens 
were  to  serve  as  chief  executives  for  ten  years :  "They  shall 
be  called  Inca§|  a  name  venerated  in  the  country.  One  of  the 
Incas  shall  remain  constantly  where  the  legislature  is  in  ses- 
sion at  the  federal  capital,  while  the  other  shall  traverse  the 
provinces  of  the  empire."  As  in  the  plan  of  1790,  special 
provision  was  made  for  the  choice  of  an  executive  in  perilous 
times : 

In  extraordinary  circumstances,  the  council  will  decree 
the  choice  of  a  dictator,  with  the  same  power  which  he  had  at 


FRANCISCO  DE  MIRANDA  57 

Rome:  this  officer  will  hold  his  position  for  one  year;  but  he 
may  be  dismissed  before  the  expiration  of  that  period.  The 
Incas  will  name  the  personage  who  is  to  fill  this  sacred  of- 
fice: he  must  be  at  least  forty-five  years  of  age,  and  must 
have  occupied  at  least  one  of  the  great  offices  of  the  empire. 

Careful  provisions  were  made  for  a  provincial  and  for  a 
national  judiciary.  Jury  trial  was  to  be  introduced.  It  was 
provided  that  the  federal  supreme  court  was  to  have  juris- 
diction over  cases  relating  to  the  law  of  nations,  those  arising 
from  treaties  with  foreign  powers,  or  from  the  misdeeds  of 
federal  magistrates.  Both  the  provisional  and  the  federal 
schemes  contained  age  and  property  qualifications  for  office- 
holders, which  varied  according  to  the  importance  of  the 
position. 

In  1808  Miranda  evidently  aimed  to  include  more  territory 
in  the  projected  state  than  the  captaincy  general  of  Venezuela, 
for  this  constitution  provided  that  the  capital,  which  was  to 
be  named  Colombo,  should  be  built  at  the  most  central  point  in 
the  territory  of  the  state,  ''perhaps  on  the  Isthmus  of  Panama.*' 
Although  the  plan  for  a  federal  government  did  not  designate 
the  boundaries  of  the  projected  state,  yet  Miranda  probably 
desired  to  include  within  its  limits  New  Granada  as  well  as 
Venezuela.  The  plan  of  1808  constituted  an  attempt,  in  part, 
to  evolve  from  the  colonial  institutions  of  Spanish  America 
a  representative  government  of  a  monarchical  type.  This  plan 
proposed  to  found  in  Spanish  America  not  a  democracy,  or  a 
federal  republic,  but  an  empire,  or  an  imperial  republic.  In 
1808  Miranda  wished  to  sponsor  an  autocratic  regime. 

Miranda  was  probably  the  chief  author  of  th^i  governmental 
plan.  In  the  letter  which  he  sent  to  Caracas,  enclosing  a  copy 
of  the  plan,  he  declared  that  it  had  been  approved  by  Ameri- 
cans and  Englishmen  who  were  well  versed  in  such  matters. 
Perhaps  Pitt  was  partly  responsible  for  some  of  its  pro- 
visions. Certain  parts  of  the  plan  had  probably  been  modi- 
fied as  the  result  of  the  suggestions  of  Sir  Arthur  Wellesley. 
Some  provisions  of  the  ifhperial  constitution,  like  the  earlier 


58    RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

products  of  Miranda's  pen,  show  that  he  had  borrowed  sug- 
gestions from  various  governmental  systems.  As  in  the  project 
presented  to  Pitt,  careful  provisions,  resembling  those  in  the 
constitution  of  the  United  States,  were  made  for  the  amend- 
ment of  the  fundamental  law.  Unlike  the  project  of  1790, 
however,  the  plan  of  1808  provided  that  the  national  legisla- 
ture should  be  composed  of  only  one  house. 

In  letters  which  Miranda  sent  to  certain  cabildos  of  Span- 
ish America  after  England  had  discarded  his  revolutionary 
designs,  he  urged  those  bodies  to  seize  the  reins  of  govern- 
ment. Likewise  he  strove  to  incite  the  people  to  rise  against 
the  rule  of  Spain.  But  the  Spanish-Americans  could  not  al- 
ways appreciate  his  advice ;  when  the  Marquis  of  Toro  received 
such  a  letter,  he  transmitted  it  to  the  captain  general  of  Vene- 
zuela, and  denounced  Miranda  as  a  traitor.  Meanwhile,  that 
inveterate  revolutionist  turned  some  of  his  energy  into  jour- 
nalistic channels.  He  inspired  an  article  which  appeared  in 
the  Edinburgh  Review  in  January,  1809,  entitled  South  Ameri- 
can Emancipation,  That  article  was  a  review  of  Viscardo  y 
Guzman's  Lettre  aux  Espagnols-Americains.  The  author  of 
that  review,  who  evidently  drew  a  part  of  his  information 
from  Miranda,  took  occasion  to  consider  at  length  the  struggle 
between  France  and  England,  the  advantages  which  would  re- 
sult to  England  if  she  revolutionized  Spanish  America,  and 
the  persistent  efforts  of  Miranda  for  the  emancipation  of  his 
native  land.  The  English  people  were  taken  into  confidence 
regarding  a  subject  which  for  a  long  time  had  been  ^'almost 
exclusively  the  nursling  of  Ministers." 

Then,  too,  in  March,  1810,  a  Spanish  journal,  El  Colom- 
hiano,  was  founded  at  London  under  Miranda's  auspices.  The 
second  number  of  that  journal,  dated  April  i,  18 10,  discussed 
the  extension  "of  the  monstrous  power  of  Napoleon"  over 
the  European  continent.  The  hope  was  expressed  that  Provi- 
dence might  preserve  America  from  that  "most  oppressive 
system."  The  third  number  of  the  journal,  dated  April  15, 
1810,  published  a  decree  of  the  Spanish  council  of  regency 


FRANCISCO  DE  MIRANDA  59 

to  which  the  central  junta  had  transferred  its  authority.  In 
the  editorial  columns  the  mode  in  which  the  central  junta  had 
directed  the  war  against  France  was  criticised.  The  junta  was 
described  as  an  illegal  body  which  did  not  possess  sovereign 
authority.  A  quotation  from  the  article  will  suggest  Miranda's 
reasoning. 

Even  if  the  assumption  is  made  that  the  junta  was  legiti- 
mate, can  one  rightly  infer  that  this  body  could  transmit 
sovereignty?  Sovereignty  resides  solely  in  the  people,  and 
when  they  deposit  that  power  in  an  individual,  that  individual 
does  not  acquire  the  right  to  dispossess  himself  of  it,  or  to 
transfer  it  without  the  consent  of  the  people.  .  .  .  How  can 
the  council  of  regency  say  that  the  supreme  junta,  without 
the  participation  of  the  nation,  is  able  to  create  a  sovereign 
authority  and  to  transfer  the  sovereignty  to  five  individuals, 
who  have  no  right  whatever  to  it  ?  To  admit  that  sovereignty 
may  be  transferred  without  the  consent  of  the  people  would 
not  only  be  absurd,  but  would  also  be  in  contradiction  to  the 
actual  conduct  of  the  Spaniards  themselves. 

This  number  of  Miranda's  journal,  at  least,  reached  Spanish 
America;  for,  on  October  4,  1810,  Mariano  Moreno  published 
the  above  excerpt  in  the  Gaceta  de  Buenos  Aires,  These  two 
numbers  of  El  Colomhiano — numbers  which  have  been  found 
in  English  archives — indicate  that  the  purpose  of  Miranda 
was  to  make  the  people  of  Spanish  America  dissatisfied  with 
the  French  regime  in  Spain  by  spreading  broadcast  a  hatred 
of  Napoleon.  Qearly  he  also  strove  to  disseminate  surrepti 
tiously  among  the  Spanish- Americans  a  spirit  of  dissatisfaction 
with  the  government  of  the  Spanish  patriots.  Thus  in  one  way 
or  another  he  hoped  to  foment  a  revolutionary  spirit. 

In  1810  there  was  also  published  in  London  under  the 
nominal  editorship  of  J.  M.  Antepara,  a  native  of  Guayaquil, 
a  book  entitled  "South  American  Emancipation,  Documents, 
historical  and  explanatory,  shewing  the  designs  which  have 
been  in  progress,  and  the  exertions  made  by  General  Miranda, 
for  the  attainment  of  theft  object  during  the  last  twenty-five 
years."    In  the  introduction  to  the  volume  Antepara  stated 


6o    RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

that  the  documents  had  been  selected  from  a  large  collection  of 
manuscripts  in  Miranda's  archives.  These  papers  were  evi- 
dently chosen  with  a  view  to  rehabilitate  Miranda,  as  well  as 
to  inform  the  public  of  the  real  scope  of  his  designs.  Antepara 
reprinted  in  *'South  American  Emancipation"  the  article  from 
the  Edinburgh  Review  concerning  Viscardo  y  Guzman's  Lettre 
aux  Espagnols-Americains.  The  conclusion  is  irresistible  that 
Antepara  must  have  prepared  the  book  under  the  supervision 
of  Miranda  himself. 

At  that  time  Miranda  became  the  leader  of  a  coterie  which 
was  seriously  interested  in  the  fortunes  of  Spanish  America. 
Among  its  members  were  Lady  Hester  Stanhope,  the  erratic 
niece  of  William  Pitt,  Jeremy  Bentham,  the  philosopher,  Wil- 
liam Wilberforce,  the  reformer,  and  Joseph  Lancaster,  the 
educator.  In  1810  there  were  added  to  the  group  three  fellow- 
countrymen  of  Miranda:  Andres  Bello,  Luis  Lopez  Mendez, 
and  Simon  de  Bolivar. 

These  men  appeared  in  London  because  of  a  movement 
in  Miranda's  native  land  which  was  provoked  by  Napoleon's 
usurpations  in  Spain.  After  Napoleon  had  deposed  Ferdinand 
VII.,  he  sent  vessels  to  the  Indies  bearing  the  news  of  the 
accession  of  Joseph  Napoleon  to  the  Spanish  throne.  Napo- 
leon's agents  who  brought  the  news  of  the  dynastic  changes 
to  Venezuela  were  spurned  by  the  people  of  Caracas.  Soon 
afterwards  leading  citizens  of  Caracas  vainly  expressed  their 
desire  to  form  a  provisional  junta  in  imitation  of  the  Span- 
iards. Some  of  the  leaders  in  this  movement  were  evidently 
loyal  to  Ferdinand  VII.,  while  others  probably  cherished 
thoughts  of  a  separation  from  Spain.  The  ferment  was  pro- 
moted by  the  policy  of  the  Spanish  patriots.  On  January  22, 
1809,  the  central  junta  announced  that  the  American  posses- 
sions of  Spain  were  not  colonies,  but  that  they  constituted  an 
integral  part  of  the  Spanish  nation  with  the  right  to  represen- 
tation in  the  junta.  On  February  14,  1810,  the  council  of  re- 
gency addressed  a  proclamation  to  the  inhabitants  of  Spanish 
America  which  invited  them  to  select  delegates  to  a  national 


FRANCISCO  DE  MIRANDA  6i 

cortes.  The  regency  declared  that  the  colonists  were  now  ele- 
vated to  the  dignity  of  freemen,  that  they  would  no  longer 
be  viewed  with  indifference,  or  vexed  by  stupid  officials,  or  de- 
stroyed by  ignorance,  and  that  their  destinies  did  not  depend 
upon  ministers,  viceroys,  and  governors  but  upon  themselves. 
On  April  19,  1810,  after  agents  arrived  in  Caracas  with  orders 
that  the  Spanish  regency  should  be  recognized,  a  cabildo  abi- 
erto  deposed  the  weak  captain  general  and  established  a  pro- 
visional junta,  which  loudly  professed  to  act  on  behalf  of 
Ferdinand  VII.  The  junta  of  Caracas  soon  deposed  other 
colonial  officials,  organized  certain  administrative  departments, 
and  initiated  various  political  and  social  reforms.  On  April 
27y  1810^  the  junta  sent  a  manifesto  to  the  cabildo s  of  the 
important  cities  of  Spanish  America  inciting  them  to  rise 
against  King  Joseph,  to  declare  in  favor  of  Ferdinand  VII., 
and  to  promote  the  formation  of  a  Spanish- American  con- 
federation. In  reality,  the  proceedings  of  April,  1810,  in 
Caracas  constituted  a  revolution  in  disguise.  A  short  time 
afterwards  the  provisional  junta  addressed  a  manifesto  to  the 
Spanish  regency  boldly  disavowing  its  authority.  Rightly  did 
the  junta  of  Caracas  style  itself  a  *'new  government." 

This  junta  had  commissioned  Bello,  Mendez,  and  Bolivar  to 
proceed  to  the  court  of  London.  They  were  instructed  to 
solicit  the  English  cabinet  to  recognize  that  junta;  at  least  they 
were  to  secure  from  England  a  promise  of  aid  for  the  new 
government  of  Venezuela.  But  the  alliance  between  England 
and  the  Spanish  patriots  prevented  Marquis  Wellesley,  who 
had  become  the  English  secretary  for  foreign  affairs,  from 
recognizing  the  provisional  government  of  Venezuela,  or  from 
promising  aid  to  the  Venezuelans  except  to  protect  them 
against  France.  Nevertheless  the  mission  of  Bolivar  and 
Mendez  to  London  was  important,  for  it  brought  Miranda  into 
direct  touch  with  the  secessionist  movement  in  his  native  land, 
and  enabled  him  to  meet  Simon  de  Bolivar.  A  short  time 
after  meeting  the  Venezuelan  commissioners,  in  October,  1810, 
Miranda   started    for    South   America   by   way   of   Curagao. 


62    RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

When  he  disembarked  in  Venezuela  in  December,  1810,  he 
found  that  his  fellow-countrymen,  in  accordance  with  the  pro- 
visions of  the  junta,  were  selecting  the  delegates  to  a  con- 
gress. 

Since  Miranda  had  left  his  father*s  house  the  conditions  in 
Caracas  had  changed,  for  his  compatriots  had  taken  a  great 
step  along  the  road  toward  independence  from  Spain.  The 
role  which  Miranda  attempted  in  Venezuela  was  difficult;  for 
he  was  imperfectly  acquainted  with  conditions  there;  and  the 
list  of  his  friends  or  acquaintances  was  not  long.  Some  of 
the  Venezuelans,  who  were  just  awakening  to  political  self- 
consciousness,  hailed  General  Miranda  as  a  gift  of  favoring 
Providence,  while  others  considered  him  an  adventurous  sol- 
dier of  fortune.  Although  he  was  fifty-four  years  of  age, 
yet  he  had  not  lost  his  youthful  enthusiasm  for  liberty.  There 
was  no  Spanish-American  leader  of  this  era  who  was  better 
fitted  than  Miranda  to  transmit  to  South  America  the  spirit, 
the  doctrines,  and  the  methods  of  the  French  revolution. 

For  some  time  after  the  arrival  of  Miranda  in  Venezuela, 
he  partly  eclipsed  Simon  de  Bolivar,  who  had  landed  there  sev- 
eral days  before  him.  The  ability  and  prestige  of  General 
Miranda  enabled  him  to  become  the  most  influential  leader  ef 
the  independent  party  in  his  native  land.  He  was  a  prominent 
member  of  the  patriotic  society  of  Caracas, — a  society  which 
resembled  the  Jacobin  club.  Further,  he  was  selected  as  the 
delegate  for  the  district  of  Pao  in  the  Venezuelan  congress. 
There  he  became  the  eloquent  champion  of  an  immediate  dec- 
laration of  independence  from  Spain.  On  July  3,  181 1,  he 
made  two  harangues  in  congress  in  favor  of  independence. 
In  his  first  speech  Miranda  argued  that  the  formation  of  a 
republican  government  was  inconsistent  with  an  acknowledg- 
ment of  the  sovereignty  of  Spain.  In  his  second  speech  he  dis- 
cussed the  advantages  that  a  declaration  of  independence 
would  afford  to  Venezuela  in  her  diplomatic  relations  with  for- 
eign powers :  "We  ought  to  declare  our  independence ;  so  that 
we  may  enjoy  the  advantages  of  it:  in  order  that  European 


FRANCISCO  DE  MIRANDA  63 

nations  may  make  alliances  with  us,  which  will  aid  us  by  en- 
gaging directly  the  forces  of  our  enemies." 

July  5,  181 1,  was  a  glorious  day  for  Miranda.  On  that 
day  the  congress  composed  of  delegates  from  seven  provinces 
of  the  captaincy  general  of  Venezuela  voted  in  favor  of  a 
declaration  of  independence  from  Spain.  Two  days  later,  the 
formal  declaration  of  independence  was  sanctioned  by  con- 
gress. In  the  declaration  the  delegates  only  suggested  some 
of  the  evils  of  the  Spanish  colonial  regime ;  for,  in  a  charitable 
spirit,  they  drew  a  veil  "over  the  three  hundred  years  of  Span- 
ish domination  in  America."  They  affirmed  that  the  usurpa- 
tion of  the  throne  of  Spain  by  Napoleon  had  restored  their 
rights  and  had  summoned  Spanish  America  to  a  new  exist- 
ence. The  delegates  denounced  the  policy  which  the  govern- 
ment of  the  Spanish  patriots  had  adopted  toward  America. 
They  affirmed  that  war  had  been  declared  against  them  as 
revolutionists ;  that  their  coasts  had  been  blockaded,  and  their 
representation  in  the  cortes  reduced  to  a  mockery.  They  said 
that  the  hostile  and  unnatural  conduct  of  Spain  had  forced 
them  out  of  a  position  of  ''political  ambiguity."  They  spoke 
of  the  imprescriptible  rights  of  a  people  to  destroy  "every 
pact,  convention,  or  association"  that  did  not  fulfill  the  purpose 
for  which  governments  were  established.  Accordingly,  the 
representatives  of  the  United  Provinces  of  Venezuela,  as  they 
styled  themselves,  solemnly  declared  that  those  provinces  were 
and  ought  to  be  "by  act  and  right,  free,  sovereign,  and  in- 
dependent states."  In  this  manner  the  inhabitants  of  the  cap- 
taincy general  of  Venezuela  formally  proclaimed  their  inde- 
pendence of  the  mother  country.  Venezuela  was  thus  the 
first  of  the  revolted  Spanish  colonies  formally  to  declare  her- 
self independent  of  Spain.  While  some  phrases  of  the  Vene- 
zuelans suggest  the  phraseology  of  the  Declaration  of  Inde- 
pendence of  July  4,  1776,  yet  the  Venezuelan  declaration  con- 
tained neither  a  philosophy«which  justified  the  revolution  nor 
a  terrible  indictment  of  the  motherland.     Nevertheless,  the 


64     RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

declaration  of  independence  dated  July  5,  181 1,  voiced  the 
sentiments  of  Venezuelan  radicals. 

Miranda  became  a  member  of  the  committee  of  congress 
which  was  chosen  to  select  the  design  for  the  flag  of  the  new 
nation.  He  succeeded  in  having  the  colors  red,  yellow,  and 
blue  which  had  fluttered  from  the  masthead  of  the  Leander, 
selected  for  the  Venezuelan  ensign.  When  a  counter-revolu- 
tion broke  out  in  Valencia,  General  Miranda  was  ultimately 
entrusted  with  the  army  which  was  sent  to  subjugate  the  royal- 
ists. He  also  acted  as  a  member  of  the  committee  which  was 
charged  with  the  task  of  framing  a  constitution  for  Vene- 
zuela. There  is  reason  to  believe  that  Miranda  urged  the 
committee  to  adopt  the  plan  which  he  had  brought  with  him 
from  London  vesting  the  executive  authority  in  two  Incas. 
With  his  intimate  friends  Miranda  pleaded  earnestly  for  the 
adoption  of  his  imperial  constitution.  But  his  arguments  were 
in  vain.  On  September  2,  181 1,  Francisco  Javier  de  Ustariz 
laid  a  federal  plan  of  government  before  the  constituent  con- 
gress. Only  fleeting  references  to  the  congressional  debates 
concerning  that  plan  are  available.  It  is  evident  that  a  ma- 
jority of  the  delegates,  influenced  by  the  example  of  the  United 
States,  favored  the  adoption  of  a  federal  constitution.  For, 
in  spite  of  the  opposition  of  Miranda  in  congress  and  of 
Bolivar  outside  of  congress,  on  December  21,  181 1,  that  assem- 
bly adopted  a  constitution  which  provided  a  frame  of  gov- 
ernment for  a  federal  republic. 

In  this  constitution  the  provinces  of  Venezuela  were  treated 
as  states  composing  a  confederation.  In  some  respects  the 
^acto  federal  was  modeled  after  the  Constitution  of  the  North- 
AmericanlR.epublic,  while  many  clauses  showed  the  influence 
of  the  French  Declaration  of  the  Rights  of  Man.  Neverthe- 
less, Roman  CathoHcism  was  declared  to  be  the  religion  of  the 
state.  The  executive  authority  was  vested  in  the  hands  of 
three  persons,  who  were  styled  the  supreme  executive  power. 
The  legislative  authority  was  entrusted  to  a  senate  and  a  house 
of  representatives.    The  judicial  power  was  given  to  one  su- 


FRANCISCO  DE  MIRANDA  65 

preme  court  and  other  inferior  courts.  The  constitution  con- 
tained a  provision  for  the  admission  into  the  union  of  any 
other  province  of  Spanish  America. 

Meantime,  emissaries  had  been  sent  from  Caracas  to  the 
United  States  to  plead  for  aid  and  recognition.  In  July,  181 1, 
Venezuela  was  represented  at  Washington  by  Telesforo  de 
Orea  and  Jose  R.  Revenga.  Those  envoys  became  the  first 
diplomatic  representatives  to  the  government  of  the  United 
States  from  an  Hispanic-American  state  which  had  proclaimed 
its  independence  of  the  motherland.  Orea  promptly  sent  a 
copy  of  the  Venezuelan  declaration  of  independence  to  James 
Monroe,  the  secretary  of  state  of  the  United  States,  and  tried 
to  secure  the  recognition  of  Venezuela's  independence  by  that 
government.  The  utmost  that  Orea  could  obtain,  however, 
was  an  assurance  in  December,  181 1,  that  the  ministers  of 
the  United  States  in  Europe  had  been  instructed  that  their 
government  viewed  with  interest  the  rise  of  new  states  in 
Spanish  America.  This  friendly  attitude  was  perhaps  partly 
due  to  the  interest  of  France  in  the  independence  of  Venezuela. 
Unofficially,  Serurier,  the  French  ambassador  in  Washington, 
assured  Orea  that  a  Venezuelan  envoy  would  be  favorably  re- 
ceived by  Napoleon.  But  the  French  interest  in  Venezuela 
declined  when  the  progress  of  the  revolution  was  checked. 

Events  soon  demonstrated  that  the  constitution  of  181 1  was 
not  adapted  to  Venezuelan  conditions.  The  formation  of  an^ 
independent  government  inevitably  provoked  the  animosity  of 
a  loyalist  party.  The  ambitious  designs  and  intriguing  dis- 
position of  Miranda,  who  apparently  aimed  to  form  a  party 
devoted  to  himself,  stimulated  jealousy  and  factional  strife. 
The  ship  of  state  might  have  been  wrecked  even  though  na- 
ture had  not  conspired  against  her.  On  March  26,  181 2,  an 
earthquake  visited  Venezuela,  which  destroyed  towns,  crushed 
patriot  soldiers,  and  inspirited  the  loyalists.  The  priests,  many 
of  whom  were  fanatically  opposed  to  independence,  harangued 
the  panic-stricken  people,  and  told  them  that  the  disastrous 
earthquake  was  a  punishment  from  God  because  they  had  for- 


eS     RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

saken  their  king.  After  that  visitation,  the  royalist  soldiers 
made  rapid  progress  under  the  Spanish  general,  Doniingo- 
Monteverde.  Treason  thinned  the  ranks  and  thwarted  the 
plans^of  the  patriots,  while  it  increased  the  strength  and  as- 
surance of  their  enemies.  On  April  23  the  congress  of  Vene- 
zuela appointed  Miranda  commander-in-chief  of  the  army; 
and  soon  afterwards  it  entrusted  him  with  the  nation's  funds. 
A.  strange  chance  thus  clothed  Miranda  with  powers  similar 
to  those  of  the  dictator  in  his  own  governmental  projects. 

The  first  dictator  of  Venezuela  pursued  a  Fabian  policy. 
Instead  of  immediately  making  an  attack  on  the  enemy,  which 
might  have  resulted  in  the  discomfiture  of  the  royalists, 
Miranda  paused  to  gather  soldiers  and  munitions.  He  sent 
agents  into  neighboring  provinces  to  recruit  soldiers  and  to 
plead  for  aid.  His  secretary,  Thomas  Molini,  was  sent  on 
a  special  mission  to  London,  while  Pedro  Gual,  one  of 
Miranda's  comrades,  was  selected  as  envoy  to  Washington. 
But  the  followers  of  Miranda  were  soon  disheartened  by  the 
news  that  the  fortified  city  of  Puerto  Cabello,  which  had  been 
entrusted  to  Colonel  Simon  de  Bolivar,  had  been  captured  by 
the  royalists.  In  a  letter  to  Miranda,  Bolivar  profoundly  re- 
gretted the  loss  of  the  city,  expressing  his  despair  that  he  had 
not  been  left  lifeless  "under  the  ruins  of  a  city  which  ought  to 
have  been  the  last  refuge  of  the  liberty  and  the  glory  of  Vene- 
zuela.'* The  dismal  news  of  the  fall  of  that  port  might  well 
have  evoked  from  Miranda  the  remark  which,  many  years 
later,  Gual  attributed  to  him,  "Venezuela  is  wounded  to  the 
heart."  The  loss  of  Puerto  Cabello,  the  increasing  desertions 
in  the  patriot  army,  and  a  dislike  for  bloodshed,  evidently 
influenced  Miranda  to  enter  into  negotiations  with  Monteverde 
for  peace. 

The  outcome  was  the  treaty  of  San  Mateo,  July  25,  1812, 
which  was  signed  by  Monteverde  and  Miranda's  agents.  That 
treaty  provided  that  Venezuela  was  to  be  relinquished  to  the 
Spaniards ;  but  it  explicitly  stipulated  that  the  persons  and 
property  of  the  Venezuelans  were  to  be  respected.     Contem- 


FRANCISCO  DE  MIRANDA  67 

poraries  and  historians  alike  have  questioned  the  wisdom  of 
the  treaty:  General  Miranda  has  even  been  accused  of  trea- 
son to  Venezuela  because  he  authorized  a  capitulation  which 
was  not  absolutely  necessary.  A  story  has  been  told  that  he 
capitulated  because  he  was  given  a  thousand  ounces  of  gold 
by  a  royalist,  the  Marquis  of  Casa  Leon,  but  there  is  scant 
evidence  to  support  this  legend.  There  is  no  doubt  that 
Miranda  planned  to  take  the  national  funds  with  him  on  de- 
parting from  Venezuela;  but  he  probably  intended  to  use 
the  treasure  to  renew  the  struggle  for  South  American  in- 
dependence, using  New  Granada  as  a  base  of  operations.  Pos- 
sibly he  may  have  wished  to  profit  financially  by  the  treaty  of 
San  Mateo.  It  appears,  however,  that,  under  the  circum- 
stances, this  capitulation  was  a  wise  step,  if  the  Spaniards  had 
kept  their  faith. 

But  Monteverde,  who  arrogantly  assumed  the  authority 
of  a  captain  general,  treated  Venezuela  as  a  conquered  prov- 
ince. He  ruthlessly  thrust  some  revolutionary  leaders  into 
prison,  and  deported  others  to  the  Spanish  peninsula.  The 
property  of  Miranda's  followers  was  confiscated.  Such  a 
flagrant  violation  of  the  faith  of  treaties  cast  a  stigma  upon 
the  capitulation  of  San  Mateo. 

A  number  of  Miranda's  companions  were  so  dissatisfied 
with  his  actions  that  they  conspired  against  him.  When  he 
was  about  to  embark  at  La  Guaira  for  the  West  Indies  in  an 
English  vessel,  the  Sapphire^  which  bore  his  books,  papers, 
and  money,  he  was  forcibly  detained  by  Manuel  Maria  de  las 
Casas,  Miguel  Pena,  and  Simon  de  Bolivar.  The  discredited 
general  was  thrown  into  a  filthy  dungeon.  There  Monte- 
verde found  him,  after  Las  Casas  opened  the  gates  of  La 
Guaira  to  the  jubilant  royalists.  The  betrayal  of  Miranda 
to  the  Spaniards  is  a  peculiar  incident,  which  some  writers  have 
considered  a  foul  stain  upon  Bolivar's  fame.  The  writer  thinks 
it  likely  that  Colonel  Bolivar  took  this  action  in  a  fit  of  re- 
sentment. One  of  that  officer's  intimate  friends  said  that 
"to  the  last  hour  of  his  life"   Bolivar  rejoiced  because  of 


68     RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

Miranda's  betrayal,  which  he  always  asserted  was  designed 
"to  punish  the  treachery  and  treason  of  Miranda,"  who  had 
capitulated  to  an  inferior  force,  while  he  intended  to  embark, 
knowing  that  "the  capitulation  would  not  be  observed."  It  is 
only  just  to  compare  with  this  version  of  the  tragical  climax 
of  Miranda's  career  another  account  given  by  Louis  Delpech, 
a  follower  of  the  dictator,  who  rightly  declared  that  much  time 
would  be  required  to  respond  to  the  calumnious  charges  which 
had  been  brought  against  Miranda.  Delpech  also  said  that 
people  often  judged  events  "by  their  results;  they  have  said 
that  Miranda  was  a  traitor  because  the  villain  Monteverde  in- 
fringed the  Capitulation,  and  all  the  people  of  property  have 
been  delivered  up  to  the  assassinous  dagger  of  the  infamous 
Spaniards,  but  without  discussing  those  unfounded  assertions, 
I  venture  to  believe  that,  if  Miranda  had  been  a  traitor,  he 
would  certainly  not  have  deceived  himself  by  partaking  of  the 
fate  of  those  whom  they  say  he  sold  to  Monteverde ;  and  if  I 
did  not  have  the  conviction  that  he  was  incapable  of  such  a 
base  action,  I  would  say  that  it  is  impossible,  that  a  man  who 
labored  all  his  life  for  the  independence  of  America  was  able 
at  the  end  of  his  career  to  forget  this  glorious  enterprise,  to 
stain  his  white  hair,  and  to  dishonor  forever  his  memory  in 
descending  to  the  Tomb,  and  in  return  for  so  much  ignominy 
and  crime  to  receive  no  other  recompense  than  chains  and 
death." 

At  last  the  government  of  Spain  had  the  arch-conspirator 
within  its  grasp.  For  a  short  time  he  was  confined  in  a  loath- 
some prison  at  La  Guaira.  Then  he  was  transferred  to  a 
dungeon  at  Puerto  Cabello.  From  that  place,  on  March  8, 
1813,  he  addressed  a  lengthy  memorial  to  the  audi^ncia  of 
Caracas  protesting  vigorously  against  the  scandalous  violation 
of  the  capitulation  of  San  Mateo.  About  the  middle  of  181 3, 
Miranda  saw  the  mountain  peaks  of  his  native  land  fade  from 
view,  for  he  was  suddenly  transferred  from  Puerto  Cabello 
to  Morro  Castle  in  the  island  of  Porto  Rico.  In  vain  did 
Miranda  protest  against  the  infraction  of  the  treaty  of  San 


FRANCISCO  DE  MIRANDA  69 

Mateo.  In  vain  did  Mendez  ask  the  English  cabinet  to  inter- 
cede with  the  Spanish  government :  England,  the  faithful  ally 
of  Spain,  could  not  aid  the  imprisoned  agitator.  After  lan- 
guishing in  a  dungeon  in  Porto  Rico  for  more  than  a  year, 
he  was  transported  to  Spain,  where  he  was  incarcerated  in 
the  arsenal  of  la  Caracca  on  the  island  of  Leon. 

After  reaching  Spain,  Miranda  carried  on  a  correspondence 
with  friends  in  England  who  were  anxious  to  help  him.  The 
old  revolutionist  wrote  many  letters  pleading  for  gold  and 
plotted  ceaselessly  to  regain  his  liberty.  But  the  restless  man 
did  not  succeed  in  escaping  from  his  island  prison:  his  robust 
frame  broke  down ;  and  he  died  early  on  the  morning  of  July 
14,  1816.  Long  after  Miranda  had  been  hastily  interred  in  the 
cemetery  of  la  Caracca  near  Cadiz,  strange  rumors  were  cir- 
culated concerning  the  mode  of  his  death.  In  distant  Vene- 
zuela it  was  suggested  that  Spain  had  used  foul  means  to  get 
rid  of  an  arch-enemy.  Thus  Francisco  de  Miranda  became  a 
martyr. 

This  martyr  of  Venezuelan  independence  had  an  interest- 
ing personality.  His  friends  were  generally  faithful  and  de- 
voted, while  his  enemies  were  often  bitter  and  relentless. 
Miranda  could  make  himself  at  home  whether  in  the  parlor 
or  on  the  field  of  battle,  at  the  council-table  or  in  the  prison 
cell.  He  was  a  good  conversationalist  and  a  persuasive,  if  not 
an  eloquent,  speaker.  In  the  attempt  to  carry  out  his  master- 
purpose  he  displayed  a  remarkable  perseverance.  So  much 
of  an  idealist  was  Miranda  that  he  has  been  likened  to  Don 
Quixote.  Somewhat  unscrupulous  in  regard  to  methods,  he 
was  inclined  to  exaggerate  or  to  prevaricate  in  order  to  pro- 
mote the  success  of  his  designs.  There  is  reason  to  suspect 
that  Miranda  occasionally  had  amours  with  women;  but  the 
material  has  not  been  found  to  tell  the  entire  story  of  his  pri- 
vate life.  South  American  writers  are  not  always  in  agree- 
ment concerning  the  mother  of  Miranda's  children.  Ricardo 
Becerra,  the  Venezuelan  biographer  of  Miranda,  asserted  that 
his  children  were  the  offspring  of  a  lawful  union  with  a  Miss 


X 


70     RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

Sarah  Andrews.  But  a  letter  written  by  Francisco's  son, 
Leandro  Miranda,  in  1850 — which  alluded  to  a  fortune  be- 
queathed to  Miranda's  children  by  Lady  Hester  Stanhope — 
has  been  interpreted  by  C.  A.  Villanueva  to  mean  that  Lady 
Hester  was  Leandro's  mother. 

The  life  of  Miranda  indeed  furnishes  many  riddles.  A 
significant  query  is:  what  were  Miranda's  means  of  support 
during  his  long  career  as  a  revolutionary  promoter?  His  fa- 
ther's silver  undoubtedly  purchased  for  him  the  captaincy  in 
the  company  of  the  Princess.  So  meager  were  Miranda's  re- 
sources after  leaving  the  Spanish  military  service  that  he  had 
to  borrow  money  to  make  his  tour  of  America  and  Europe. 
When  the  South  American  visited  Empress  Catherine,  she 
evidently  gave  him  a  purse  of  gold.  It  does  not  appear  that 
General  Miranda  was  ever  paid  for  his  military  services  to  the 
French  republic.  On  the  one  hand,  occasionally  Miranda  was 
almost  a  beggar:  on  the  other  hand,  he  sometimes  lived  in 
luxury. 

During  many  years  Miranda  undoubtedly  lived  upon  Eng- 
lish gold.  For  the  government  of  England  paid  Miranda 
money  in  order  that  it  might  take  advantage  of  his  services,  if 
it  decided  to  attack  the  Spanish  dominions  in  America.  There 
is  no  doubt  that  Miranda  was  granted  money  by  Pitt  in  1790; 
that  he  was  paid  a  pension  by  England  from  1801  to  1805; 
and  that  in  June,  1808,  he  was  again  placed  upon  England's 
pension  roll.  In  September,  1810,  Miranda  was  enjoying  a 
pension  of  seven  hundred  pounds  per  annum.  Incidents  in  the 
career  of  this  chronic  revolutionist  indeed  raise  the  query 
whether  or  not  he  was  engaged  in  the  attempt  to  liberate  Span- 
ish America  for  selfish  gain. 

Two  sharply  contrasted  views  of  Miranda's  character  may 
be  entertained:  that  he  was  a  mercenary  soldier;  or  that  he 
was  a  pure-minded  patriot.  On  one  side,  the  view  may  be 
taken  that  Miranda  merely  sold  his  services  to  the  best  bidder. 
His  career  may  be  interpreted  to  mean  that  he  was  a  shifty 
adventurer,   who  betrayed  the  liberty  of  his   fatherland  for 


FRANCISCO  DE  MIRANDA  71 

gold.  That  conception  of  Miranda  would  place  him  on  a  level 
with  a  soldier  of  fortune.  On  the  other  side,  the  view  may 
be  taken  that  Miranda  was  an  exalted  patriot.  Under  the  in- 
fluence of  this  conception,  some  writers  have  overemphasized 
Miranda's  services  to  the  cause  of  South-American  independ- 
ence. One  Spanish-American  writer  characterized  Miranda 
as  ''the  Nazarene  of  Spanish-American  independence,"  while 
another  writer  called  South  America  "the  world  of  Miranda." 
Such  hero-worshipers  would  place  him  on  a  level  with  Wash- 
ington. The  writer  takes  an  intermediate  view:  there  were 
many  occasions  when  Miranda  must  have  been  impelled  by 
mixed  motives;  resentment  towards  Spain  mingled  with  love 
for  Venezuela.  With  Miranda  the  revolutionizing  of  Span- 
ish America  became  a  profession, — he  was  a  patriot-filibuster. 

The  biography  of  Miranda  demonstrates  that  certain  Euro- 
pean powers  were  interested  in  the  fate  of  Spanish  America 
long  before  the  outbreak  of  the  great  revolution.  Frequently 
he  stimulated  this  interest  by  appealing  to  commercial  motives. 
He  often  directed  the  thoughts  of  European  and  American 
publicists  to  the  Spanish  Indies.  On  the  one  hand,  the  epic 
of  Miranda's  life  indicates  that,  at  a  stormy  period  in  the 
history  of  Europe,  Spanish  America  was  sometimes  viewed 
as  a  makeweight  in  the  political  balance.  On  the  other  hand, 
the  epic  of  Miranda's  life  is  a  part  of  the  history  of  South 
America.  The  prince  of  filibusters,  the  chief  of  the  apostles  of 
Spanish- American  independence,  and  one  of  the  founders  of 
the  republic  of  Venezuela,  Francisco  de  Miranda  will  long  live 
in  song  and  story.  In  accordance  with  a  decree  of  the  Vene- 
zuelan government,  the  inscription  on  one  side  of  a  cenotaph 
which  was  unveiled  in  the  national  pantheon  of  Venezuela 
at  Caracas  on  July  5,  1896,  at  the  right  of  the  stately  monu- 
ment to  Simon  de  Bolivar,  thus  epitomizes  Miranda's  career : 
"He  took  part  in  three  great  political  movements  of  his  age : 
the  independence  of  the  United  States  of  North  America ;  the 
French  revolution;  and  thew independence  of  South  America." 

The  patriot-filibuster,  who  figured  in  the  history  of  both 


'J2     RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

America  and  Europe,  is  a  type.  He  had  forerunners,  compan- 
ions, and  followers.  The  great  precursor  of  independence,  he 
was  the  foremost  representative  of  those  Spanish-Americans 
who  suffered  imprisonment  because  of  their  liberal  principles, 
or  who  wandered  through  Europe  to  solicit  succor  in  the  task 
of  liberating  their  native  land  from  Spanish  domination.  The 
career  of  this  knight-errant  of  Venezuela  has  fired  the  imagi- 
nation of  many  filibusters  and  revolutionists.  The  mantle  of 
the  unfortunate  Miranda  fell  upon  the  shoulders  of  Simon  de 
Bolivar. 


CHAPTER  III 


MIGUEL   HIDALGO  Y  COSTILLA 


In  1808  the  viceroyalty  of  Mexico  stretched  from  the 
Isthmus  of  Tehauntepec  northward  to  the  British  possessions. 
That  viceroyahy  was  composed  of  twelve  provinces,  or  inten- 
dancies.  The  capital  of  the  viceroyalty,  Mexico  City,  was 
situated  in  a  beautiful  valley  on  the  central  plateau.  This  me- 
tropolis was  the  viceroy's  residence,  the  capital  of  the  province 
of  Mexico,  the  residence  of  the  chief  intendant  and  of  the 
Mexican  archbishop.  On  the  eve  of  the  revolution  the  viceroy 
of  Mexico  was  a  venal  military  officer  named  Jose  de  Iturri- 
garay^ 

Tne  news  of  the  abdication  of  Ferdinand  VII.  profoundly 
stirred  the  inhabitants  of  Mexico  City.  At  the  instance  of 
Viceroy  Iturrigaray,  on  August  9,  1808,  a  junta  composed  of 
leading  citizens  assembled  in  the  viceregal  palace.  This  junta 
framed  and  published  a  manifesto  which  proclaimed  that,  until 
Ferdinand  VIL  was  restored,  it  would  not  obey  any  orders  of 
the  French  emperor,  or  of  any  other  personage  who  was  not 
authorized  by  its  legitimate  sovereign.  Suspicions  that  Iturri- 
garay was  scheming  to  separate  New  Spain  from  Old  Spain 
soon  caused  his  deposition.  On  September  15,  1808,  conspira- 
tors led  by  Gabriel  de  Yermo,  an  influential  Spanish  landowner, 
dragged  the  viceroy  from  his  palace  and  thrust  him  into  a  dun- 
geon. Shortly  afterwards  the  deposed  viceroy  was  deported  to 
the  Spanish  peninsula.  On  September  16  the  audiencia  pro- 
claimed that  the  viceregal  power  was  vested  in  Pedro  Garibay, 
an  old  military  officer  of  Spain. 

When  Viceroy  Iturrigaray  was  deposed,  Francisco  Primo 
Verdad,  Melchor  Talamantes,  and  several  other  persons  were 

73 


74     RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

imprisoned.  They  were  suspected  of  conspiring  to  promote  the 
independence  of  New  Spain.  It  was  found  that  Talamantes, 
a  learned  monk,  had  entertained  revolutionary  ideas.  Among 
his  papers  there  was  found  a  project  entitled  "The  National 
Representation  of  the  Colonies,"  which  discussed  the  circum- 
stances that  would  justify  Spain's  colonists  in  separating  from 
the  motherland.  But  in  May,  1809,  this  monk  died  in  the 
dungeons  of  San  Juan  de  Ullua.  It  was  reserved  for  another 
member  of  the  Mexican  clergy,  Miguel  Hidalgo  y  Costilla, 
to  start  the  great  revolution  against  Spanish  rule  in  Mexico. 

On  August  5,  1750,  in  the  Mexican  province  of  Guanajuato, 
Cristobal  Hidalgo  y  Costilla  married  Ana  Maria  Gallaga  y 
Villasenor.  From  this  marriage  there  sprang  several  children. 
The  second  son  was  born  on  May  8,  1753,  on  the  hacienda  of 
San  Diego  Corralejo,  which  was  situated  in  the  parish  of 
Penjamo.  On  May  16,  1753,  this  child  was  baptized  Miguel 
Gregorio  Antonio  Ignacio.  The  ancestors  of  Miguel  for  sev- 
eral generations  had  been  born  in  the  viceroyalty  of  New 
Spain :  on  his  mother's  side  he  came  of  Vizcayan  stock ;  and  the 
patronym  Hidalgo — meaning  the  son  of  somebody — indicated 
that  his  father's  family  was  of  noble  descent. 

In  1753  Cristobal  Hidalgo  was  managing  the  hacienda  of 
San  Diego  Corralejo  which  belonged  to  a  widow  named  Josef  a 
Carracholi  y  Carranza.  It  appears  that  Cristobal  had  studied 
for  the  priesthood,  but  that  a  disease  of  the  eyes  had  compelled 
him  to  relinquish  his  plan  of  entering  the  service  of  the  Church. 
Instead  of  becoming  a  priest  he  engaged  in  agriculture.  Only  a 
few  years  ago,  there  could  still  be  seen  in  the  district  of 
Penjamo  the  crumbling  ruins  of  Hidalgo's  home.  At  that  time 
there  could  also  be  seen  a  chapel  which  was  erected  on  the 
Carracholi  estate  while  Cristobal  Hidalgo  was  its  manager. 
Cristobal  Hidalgo  was  fairly  prosperous ;  for  he  encouraged  his 
sons  to  prepare  for  the  learned  professions :  Jose  Maria  pre- 
pared to  practice  medicine ;  Manuel  Hidalgo  became  a  lawyer  ; 
while  Jose  Joaquin  became  a  priest.  Obviously  Miguel  Hidalgo 
y  Costilla,  as  he  is  commonly  called  by  Mexican  writers,  passed 


Miguel  Hidalgo  y  Costilla 
(From  Alaman's  Historia  de  Mexico) 


MIGUEL  HIDALGO  Y  COSTILLA  75 

his  boyhood  days  in  the  shadow  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Church. 

The  education  of  Miguel  Hidalgo  began  on  the  hacienda 
of  San  Diego  Cor  rale  jo.  The  years  which  Hidalgo  spent  on 
that  estate  gave  him  a  great  fondness  for  agricultural  pur- 
suits. During  this  period  he  acquired  a  sympathy  for  indus- 
trial laborers  and  learned  to  appreciate  the  viewpoint  of 
Mexicans  belonging  to  the  lower  classes.  When  Miguel  was 
about  fourteen  years  of  age  his  father  decided  to  send  him  to 
the  College  of  San  Nicolas  Obispo  at  Valladolid — the  city 
which  was  later  rechristened  Morelia.  This  college,  founded  in 
the  sixteenth  century,  had  become  a  seminary  for  the  sons  of 
Mexicans  belonging  to  the  middle  class.  Hidalgo's  sojourn 
in  Valladolid  must  have  influenced  him  greatly,  for  this  city 
was  the  capital  of  the  important  province  of  Michoacan  and 
the  intellectual  center  of  an  extensive  region.  Of  Hidalgo's 
life  as  a  student  in  Valladolid  hardly  anything  is  known  with 
certainty,  except  what  has  been  gleaned  from  the  archives  of 
the  metropolitan  university. 

In  March,  1770,  Hidalgo  took  the  examination  for  the 
degree  of  bachelor  of  arts  in  "the  Royal  and  Pontifical  Uni- 
versity of  Mexico."  It  appears  that  Hidalgo  had  prepared 
himself  for  this  examination  at  the  College  of  San  Nicolas  in 
accordance  with  a  clause  in  the  constitution  of  the  University 
of  Mexico  which  provided  that,  if  the  students  of  certain  pro- 
vincial colleges  had  attended  the  arts'  courses  of  those  col- 
leges for  three  years,  they  might  become  candidates  for  the 
bachelor's  degree  at  that  university.  Hidalgo  evidently  passed 
a  satisfactory  examination  before  the  committee  of  teachers 
selected  by  the  rector  of  the  metropolitan  university,  and  he 
must  have  defended  his  thesis  in  the  right  fashion ;  for,  under 
date  of  March  30,  1770,  the  archives  of  the  University  of 
Mexico  record  that  Miguel  Hidalgo  was  granted  the  degree 
of  bachelor  of  arts.  It  appears  that  Hidalgo  remained  in 
Mexico  City  after  receiving  this  degree  in  order  to  study 
theology.  On  May  24,  17:^3,  he  was  granted  the  degree  of 
bachelor  of  sacred  theology  by  the  University  of  Mexico.    Ac- 


'je     RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

cording  to  the  mediaeval  formula  customarily  used  in  con- 
ferring that  degree,  Hidalgo  was  given  the  right  to  teach  sacred 
theology,  as  well  as  the  right  to  hold,  use,  and  enjoy  all  the 
privileges  and  exemptions  that  were  granted  to  bachelors  of 
theology  by  the  University  of  Salamanca.  To  judge  by  the 
stipulations  regarding  that  degree  in  the  constitution  of  the 
University  of  Mexico,  Hidalgo  had  taken  courses  of  study 
in  theology,  in  the  Holy  Scriptures,  and  in  the  writings  of 
Thomas  Aquinas. 

Several  years  after  he  left  the  University  of  Mexico,  there 
seemed  to  be  opening  before  Hidalgo  a  promising  career.  He 
became  a  teacher  in  the  College  of  San  Nicolas:  at  first,  of 
Latin  and  the  arts,  and  later,  of  theology.  He  continued  to 
be  a  student  of  theology;  for  in  1784  he  won  twelve  silver 
medals  which  the  dean  of  that  college,  Dr.  Jose  Perez  Calama, 
had  offered  as  a  prize  to  the  student  who  would  submit  the 
two  best  dissertations — one  in  Latin  and  the  other  in  Castilian 
— on  the  proper  method  of  studying  scholastic  theology.  In 
a  letter  written  to  Hidalgo  on  October  8,  1784,  to  inform  him 
that  he  had  carried  off  the  prize  in  the  contest,  Dr.  Calama 
enthusiastically  declared : 

Both  dissertations  prove  that  you  are  a  young  man  in 
whom  genius  and  industry  are  honorable  rivals.  Hence- 
forward, I  shall  always  call  you  "the  diligent  ant"  of  Minerva, 
without  forgetting  that  other  epithet  of  "the  industrious  bee," 
which  knows  how  to  suck  from  flowers  the  most  delicious 
honey.  With  the  greatest  joy  in  my  heart,  I  foresee  that  you 
will  become  a  light  placed  in  a  candlestick,  or  a  city  set  upon 
a  hill. 

Perhaps  partly  because  of  his  success  in  the  prize  contest, 
about  1791  Hidalgo  was  made  rector  of  the  College  of  San 
Nicolas.  Of  his  activities  as  rector  we  know  little  beyond  an 
allegation  made  by  a  commissioner  of  the  inquisition  that 
Hidalgo  introduced  certain  textbooks  of  philosophy  and  theol- 
ogy into  the  college  which  merited  the  censure  of  the  holy 
office.    There  is,  however,  no  evidence  to  show  that  the  holy 


MIGUEL  HIDALGO  Y  COSTILLA  r? 

office  noticed  those  innovations  during  the  brief  period  when 
Hidalgo  served  as  rector. 
^^  For  some  unknown  reason,  Hidalgo  relinquished  the  rec- 
^Brate  of  San  Nicolas  and  became  a  priest  in  a  remote  parish. 
^Dn  March  24,  1792,  he  became  the  curate  of  a  church  at  Co- 
lima,  near  the  Pacific  coast.  There  he  remained  only  about 
eight  months.  In  January,  1793,  he  became  the  curate  of  the 
village  of  San  Felipe  in  the  bishopric  of  Michoacan  where  he 
served  until  1803.  Some  of  the  actions  and  words  of  the 
curate  of  San  Felipe  aroused  suspicion,  for  he  was  placed 
under  the  surveillance  of  the  inquisition.  The  first  evidence 
lodged  with  the  inquisition  against  Miguel  Hidalgo  was  a 
denunciation  made  on  July  16,  1800,  to  the  commissioner  of  the 
holy  office  at  Valladolid  by  a  friar  called  Joaquin  Huesca. 
Subsequently  Hidalgo  was  denounced  by  other  persons.  In 
some  particulars  the  various  denunciations  lodged  with  the 
inquisition  against  Hidalgo  were  not  consistent.  Let  it  suf- 
fice to  mention  here  some  of  the  worst  charges.  Among  the 
objectionable  statements  which  were  ascribed  to  Hidalgo  was 
the  declaration  that  God  did  not  chastise  with  temporal  punish- 
ments. Furthermore,  it  was  alleged  that  he  studied  the  Holy 
Scriptures  critically ;  that  he  spoke  disdainfully  of  the  Popes ; 
that  he  showed  little  respect  for  the  apostles  and  for  Saint 
Teresa ;  that  he  doubted  the  virginity  of  the  Mother  of  Christ ; 
that  he  declared  fornication  to  be  no  sin ;  and  that  he  lived  an 
immoral  life,  forgetting  the  obligations  of  priesthood  and  in- 
dulging in  music,  dances,  and  games.  Several  persons  averred 
that  the  home  of  the  curate  of  San  Felipe  was  known  as 
"little  France." 

A  glimpse  of  Hidalgo's  political  ideas  at  this  time  may  per- 
haps be  obtained  from  some  of  the  other  accusations  which 
were  filed  in  the  archives  of  the  inquisition.  It  was  alleged 
that  Hidalgo  desired  to  see  French  liberty  established  in 
Spanish  America;  that  he  had  provoked  an  argument  as  to 
whether  a  republic  was  a  better  form  of  government  than  a 
monarchy;  and  that  he  had  declared  monarchs  to  be  despotic 


78     RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

tyrants.  The  exact  amount  of  truth  in  those  accusations,  it 
is  impossible  to  determine.  Yet  it  seems  reasonable  to  suppose 
that  the  decadence  of  the  holy  office  made  possible  Hidalg 
escape  from  condign  punishment.  Then,  too,  it  seems  like 
that  the  alert  curate  of  San  Felipe  may  have  heard  of  the  ac 
cusations  which  were  being  made  against  him,  and  that  in 
consequence  he  temporarily  reformed  his  manner  of  life. 

In  1803  Miguel  Hidalgo  succeeded  his  elder  brother,  Jose 
Joaquin,  as  curate  of  the  congregation  of  Our  Lady  of  the 
Sorrows  in  the  village  of  Dolores,  which  was  located  in  the 
northern  part  of  the  province  of  Guanajuato.  Hildago  served 
as  the  curate  of  that  substantial  church  until  September,  18 10. 
There  the  versatile  curate  found  his  mission.  At  Dolores — 
now  known  as  Dolores  Hidalgo — the  curate  displayed  a  keen 
interest  in  industrial  pursuits :  he  promoted  viniculture  and 
apiculture  and  sericulture.  Lucas  Alaman  declared  that,  in 
the  middle  of  the  nineteenth  century,  there  were  still  flourish- 
ing at  Dolores  eighty-four  mulberry  trees  which  Hidalgo  had 
planted  for  the  culture  of  the  silkworm.  The  curate  of 
Dolores  also  established  a  factory  where  pottery  and  bricks 
were  made  and  where  leather  was  tanned.  In  a  history  of 
Dolores  a  Mexican  writer  has  published  a  plan  of  the  factory 
which  indicates  that  it  included  a  carpenter  shop,  a  black- 
smith shop,  a  room  devoted  to  the  silk  industry,  and  several 
rooms  used  in  the  manufacture  of  pottery.  On  that  plan  the 
very  spot  is  marked  where,  according  to  the  recollections  of 
a  contemporary,  Hidalgo  was  accustomed  to  sit  while  watching 
the  laborers  of  the  factory.  Another  contemporary,  Carlos 
Maria  Bustamante,  who  was  a  prolific  writer  on  the  Mexican 
revolution,  made  the  assertion  that  Hidalgo  intended  to  es- 
tablish at  Dolores  a  settlement  similar  to  the  colony  attempted 
on  the  pearl  coast  of  South  America  by  Bartolome  de  las 
Casas,  the  Protector  of  the  Indians. 

The  home  of  Miguel  Hidalgo  at  Dolores  was  a  one-story 
house  containing  more  than  a  dozen  rooms.  Certain  of  these 
rooms  were  reserved  for  ecclesiastical  purposes,  while  others 


i 


MIGUEL  HIDALGO  Y  COSTILLA  79 

were  used  by  Hidalgo  and  his  family.  For  there  lived  with 
Hidalgo  at  Dolores  his  younger  brother  Mariano,  another 
relative  named  Santos  Villa,  and  the  curate's  two  illegitimate 
daughters,  Josefa  and  Micaela.  Hidalgo's  factory  was  the 
industrial  center  of  the  parish ;  his  home  was  the  social  center 
of  the  community.  We  are  told  that  to  the  entertainments 
and  dances  in  the  curate's  house  there  came  rich  and  poor, 
Indians  and  white  men.  In  that  place  some  foreign  and 
domestic  literature  was  read;  and  problems  of  the  day  were 
discussed.  The  curate  of  Dolores  also  associated  with  certain 
prominent  men  of  the  adjacent  region :  he  was  on  confidential 
terms  with  Manuel  Abad  y  Quiepo,  bishop  elect  of  Michoacan ; 
he  was  on  friendly  terms  with  the  intendant  of  Guanajuato, 
Juan  Antonio  Riafio,  and  with  Antonio  de  Labarrieta,  the 
curate  of  Guanajuato. 

Hidalgo's  industrial  activities  apparenitly  crq^i^^rtfTiis  re- 
ligious functions  into  the  background.  rAlamajj^verred  that 
the  curate  of  Dolores  shared  his  salary,  wflich  amounted  to 
eight  or  nine  thousand  pesos  a  year,  with  a  priest  named 
Francisco  Igle^as,  who  performed  many  of  the  duties  else- 
where performed  by  the  curate.  Certain  contemporaries  of 
Hidalgo  even  alleged  that  he  became  so  indiflferent  with  regard 
to  his  priestly  functions  that  neither  did  he  preach,  nor  read 
mass,  nor  pray.  This  is  probably  an  exaggeration:  Jose  M. 
de  la  Fuente,  the  recent  Mexican  biographer  of  Hidalgo,  has 
somewhat  repaired  his  hero's  reputation  by  the  statement  that 
three  manuscript  sermons  are  still  extant  which  were  written 
by  the  famous  curate  of  Dolores. 

Unfortunately  very  little  evidence  has  come  down  to  us 
from  Hidalgo  himself  concerning  his  literary  interests  at  this 
time.  Evidently  he  read  the  Gaceta  de  Mexico.  There  is  no 
doubt  that  he  read  such  books  of  interest  as  were  available. 
Here,  again,  a  glimpse  of  the  truth  may  be  gained  from  the 
records  of  the  holy  office.  The  officials  of  the  inquisition  were 
informed  that  Hidalgo  wa*s  accustomed  to  read  the  following 
books:     Fleury's  "Ecclesiastical  History,"  Buffon's  "Natural 


8o     RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

History,"  Andre's  "History  of  Literature,"  Clavijero's  "Hps- 
tory  of  America,"  Rollin's  "Ancient  History,"  Bossuet's  "De- 
fence of  the  Clergy,"  the  works  of  Muratori,  and  the  orations 
of  Demosthenes  and  Cicero.  At  least  one  of  the  persons  who 
denounced  Hidalgo  alleged  that  he  had  translated  into  Spanish 
some  of  Moliere's  comedies,  which  had  been  presented  upon  a 
stage  at  Dolores  in  a  rustic  fashion.  The  iteration  and  re- 
iteration of  certain  charges  against  the  curate  of  Dolores  in  the 
inquisitorial  records  furnish  some  ground  for  the  view  that  in 
his  critical  mind  doubts  had  arisen  as  to  the  historicity  of 
cardinal  doctrines  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Church,  if  indeed  he 
did  not  entertain  beliefs  which  were  heretical. 

The  curate  of  Dolores  was  endowed  with  a  strong  per- 
sonality.   Alaman  described  him  in  the  following  words: 

He  was  of  medium  height,  with  stooping  shoulders;  his 
complexion  was  swarthy;  his  eyes  were  of  a  lively  green 
color;  his  head  inclined  somewhat  toward  his  breast;  and 
he  was  as  white-headed  and  bald  as  though  he  had  already 
passed  sixty  years  of  age.  Although  he  was  neither  active 
nor  prompt,  yet  he  was  vigorous  in  his  movements :  a  man  of 
few  words  in  ordinary  conversation,  when  he  entered  into  the 
heat  of  a  dispute — after  the  fashion  of  a  collegian,  he  be- 
came animated  in  his  argumentation.  He  was  not  elegant  in 
his  dress,  for  he  wore  no  other  clothes  than  those  which  were 
ordinarily  worn  by  the  curates  of  small  towns. 

The  costume  of  a  village  curate  in  Hidalgo's  day  ordinarily 
consisted  of  a  cloak  or  long  coat  of  black  cloth,  a  round  som- 
brero, short  trousers,  and  a  jacket  of  Chinese  wool,  with  a 
clerical  collar  and  neckcloth.  The  portraits  of  Miguel  Hidalgo 
which  are  extant  do  not  necessarily  help  us  to  imagine  his 
outward  appearance,  for  some  of  them  may  be  spurious.  His 
portrait  which  once  hung  in  the  curate's  house  at  Dolores 
might  well  have  depicted  a  philosopher.  The  most  authentic 
picture  of  Hidalgo,  which  was  first  published  by  Bustamante, 
suggests  that  he  was  a  dreamer,  a  doctrinaire,  who  possessed, 
however,   some  practical  talent.     His  countenance  bore  the 


MIGUEL  HIDALGO  Y  COSTILLA  8i 

impress  of  mingled  benignity  and  craftiness.  An  anecdote  has 
indeed  survived  the  Mexican  revolution  to  the  effect  that 
Hidalgo's  associates  at  the  College  of  San  Nicolas  nicknamed 
him  *'the  fox."  This  tradition  suggests  that  possibly  Hidalgo's 
manifold  activities  at  Dolores  were  intended  to  conceal  certain 
ulterior  designs. 

From  the  smoke  of  the  conflict  which  has  been  waged 
among  historical  writers  of  Mexico  regarding  the  respective 
parts  played  by  certain  men  in  the  early  Mexican  revolution, 
the  curate  of  Dolores  has  emerged  as  the  chief  conspirator. 
But  the  exact  time  when  Hidalgo  first  entertained  revolution- 
ary designs  is  still  somewhat  uncertain.  La  Fuente  inti- 
mates that  Hidalgo  probably  cherished  the  idea  of  revolu- 
tionizing Mexico  in  his  youth.  Alaman  holds  that  Hidalgo 
contemplated  a  rebellion  against  Spain  in  January,  1810;  for, 
at  that  time,  he  was  devouring  books  on  war  and  conspiracies. 
There  is  some  contemporary  evidence  which  indicates  that 
Hidalgo  may  have  dreamed  of  a  revolt  against  Spanish  rule  as 
early  as  1808. 

While  Hidalgo  was  meditating  over  the  distracted  condition 
of  his  native  land,  Viceroy  Pedro  Garibay  had  been  succeeded 
in  July,  1809,  by  Francisco  Javier  de  Lizanza  y  Beaumont, 
archbishop  of  Mexico,  who  had  been  appointed  viceroy  of  New 
Spain  by  the  central  junta.  During  the  rule  of  Lizanza  y 
Beaumont  there  were  signs  of  discontent  with  Spanish  rule. 
Rumors  were  rife  of  projected  insurrections.  One  abortive 
insurrection  will  serve  as  an  illustration.  In  December,  1809, 
a  conspiracy  was  discovered  in  Valladolid  which  apparently 
aimed  to  establish  a  junta  that  was  to  rule  on  behalf  of  Fer- 
dinand VII.  On  September  13,  18 10,  Francisco  Javier  Vene- 
gas,  lieutenant  general  in  the  Spanish  army,  assumed  the  heavy 
responsibilities  of  viceroy  of  New  Spain.  Three  days  later  a 
revolutionary  conflagration  was  kindled  by  the  curate  of 
Dolores. 

In  the  revolution  of  iSio  there  were  associated  with  Hi- 
dalgo a  number  of  discontented  Mexicans.     Most  prominent 


82     RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

among  those  was  Ig^acio  Allende,  who,  according  to  Alaman, 
had  descended  from  a  native  of  Vizcaya.  Allende  was  a 
strong  man  with  a  bold  spirit.  Early  in  September,  1810,  he 
was  captain  of  a  provincial  regiment  of  dragoons  which  was 
stationed  at  San  Miguel  el  Grande — a  town  later  named  San 
Miguel  Allende.  A  fellow-conspirator  of  Allende  was  Juan 
Aldama,  a  lawyer  and  a  captain  in  the  same  regiment.  An- 
other officer  of  that  regiment  who  entered  the  plot  was  Mariano 
Abasolo,  the  prosperous  son  of  a  Vizcayan.  Miguel  Domin- 
gnez,  the  corregidor  of  Queretaro,  was  involved  in  the  con- 
spiracy, and  also  his  resourceful  wife,  Josef  a  Ortiz  de  Do- 
minguez.  Another  conspirator  was  Jose  Mariano  Galvan,  an 
official  in  the  postoffice  at  Queretaro.  In  that  city  some  of 
the  conspirators  had  occasional  meetings.  There  is  no  doubt 
that  Hidalgo  corresponded  with  the  leading  conspirators  and 
visited  them  secretly.  It  is  clear  that  the  conspirators  planned 
to  spread  the  discontent  with  Spanish  rule  throughout  other 
sections  of  Mexico,  and  that  they  employed  laborers  to  make 
lances  clandestinely.  A  day  was  set  for  the  revolution  to 
begin.  Placards  were  printed  bearing  the  motto :  "Americans 
be  alert  and  do  not  be  deceived.  Today  all  the  Gachupines 
are  to  be  killed,  September  29,  18 10" — a  date  which  appears 
to  have  been  changed  to  October  i.  So  carefully  did  Hidalgo 
and  his  fellow-conspirators  conceal  their  plot,  that  investiga- 
tors have  not  yet  discovered  how  far  its  ramifications  ex- 
tended. 

A  short  time  before  the  conspirators  had  perfected  their 
plans,  rumors  of  their  activity  reached  the  government.  Early 
in  August,  1 810,  a  report  in  regard  to  the  stealthy  meetings 
of  conspirators  in  Queretaro  had  been  addressed  to  the  vice- 
roy. On  September  11  a  long  report  concerning  the  plot  was 
sent  to  the  viceroy  by  Juan  Ochoa,  an  alcalde  of  Queretaro. 
That  report  contained  the  names  of  the  leaders,  mentioned 
certain  preparations  which  they  had  made,  and  declared  that 
Hidalgo  was  the  chief  conspirator.  A  few  days  after  Ochoa's 
report   was   written,    rumors   of   the   projected   insurrection 


MIGUEL  HIDALGO  Y  COSTILLA  83 

reached  Jose  Gabriel  Armijo,  a  commander  of  the  soldiers 
of  the  viceroyalty.  Meanwhile  a  rumor  that  the  conspirators 
had  been  denounced  to  the  government  reached  Miguel  Do- 
minguez,  hence  it  became  his  official  duty  to  gather  evidence 
concerning  the  conspiracy  and  to  incarcerate  the  leaders. 

At  this  juncture  the  wife  of  Dominguez  stealthily  sent  a 
message  to  the  conspirators  that  their  plot  had  been  discovered. 
The  news  reached  Captain  Aldama  late  at  night  on  September 
15.  Startled  by  the  warning,  he  galloped  from  San  Miguel 
el  Grande  to  Dolores:  early  on  the  morning  of  Sunday,  Sep- 
tember 16,  he  reached  the  curate's  home,  where  Allende  was 
sojourning.  According  to  the  story  told  by  Aldama,  when 
the  curate  of  Dolores  was  aroused  from  his  slumbers  and  in- 
formed of  the  discovery  of  the  conspiracy,  he  exclaimed, 
''Gentlemen,  we  are  lost:  there  is  now  no  other  recourse  than, 
to  seize  the  GachupinesT  Other  members  of  Hidalgo's  house- 
hold joined  the  excited  group ;  and  armed  men  appeared  upon 
the  scene.  It  has  been  alleged  that  Hidalgo  himself  led  his 
partisans  to  the  village  gaol,  put  a  pistol  to  the  head  of  the 
gaoler,  and  set  the  prisoners  free.  Near  the  curate's  house 
there  soon  gathered  priests,  musicians,  laborers,  watchmen, 
and  soldiers,  who  were  armed  with  pistols,  swords,  lances, 
clubs,  and  stones.  Some  of  Hidalgo's  followers  were  on  foot, 
while  others  were  on  horseback.  With  that  small,  undisci- 
plined, and  motley  band  Hidalgo  audaciously  dared  to  initiate 
a  revolt  against  Spanish  rule. 

It  appears  that  the  church  bell  which  ordinarily  called  the 
parishioners  to  mass  now  invited  them  to  take  up  arms  against 
Spain.  \  There  is  a  tradition  that,  in  response  to  a  harangue 
from  Hidalgo,  a  cry  arose  from  the  people  for  America  and 
against  the  bad  government.  In  a  short  time  that  battle-cry, 
or  a  similar  one,  became  known  throughout  Mexico  as  the 
Grito  de  Dolores.  This  uprising  at  the  obscure  village  of 
Dolores  signalized  the  beginning  of  a  war  which  did  not  en- 
tirely cease  for  eleven  years — a  war  which  crimsoned  the  soil 
of  Mexico  with  blood.     Many  years  afterwards,  the  bell  was 


84     RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

taken  from  the  tower  of  the  church  of  Our  Lady  of  the 
Sorrows  at  Dolores  and  hung  in  the  fagade  of  the  national 
palace  at  Mexico  City.  The  bell  of  Hidalgo's  church  became 
known  as  the  independence  bell  of  Mexico. 

Why  did  Hidalgo  and  his  comrades  thus  throw  down  the 
gage  of  battle  to  Venegas  ?  Various  motives  have  been  ascribed 
to  those  men  by  different  writers.  Carlos  M.  Bustamante  al- 
leged that  Hidalgo  was  enraged  because  the  Spanish  govern- 
ment had  prohibited  the  manufacture  of  wine  from  the  grapes 
of  Dolores.  Alaman  scouted  this  explanation:  he  jauntily 
dismissed  the  inquiry  with  the  vague  statement  that  the  curate 
of  Dolores  was  animated  by  "reasons  of  general  convenience." 
The  historical  student  who  reads  the  statements  made  by 
Hidalgo  and  Allende  after  their  capture  by  the  royalists  will 
find  that  both  these  men  asserted  that  they  were  provoked 
because  of  the  reports  of  the  invasion  of  Spain  by  Napoleon's 
soldiers.  They  argued  that  there  was  imminent  danger  of 
New  Spain  falling  into  the  hands  of  the  French  and  affirmed 
that  they  wished  to  preserve  their  native  land  from  Napoleon. 
When  on  trial  for  their  lives,  both  Allende  and  Aldama  said 
that  they  had  contemplated  the  formation  of  a  provisional 
junta  in  New  Spain,  while  both  Allende  and  Hidalgo  ad- 
mitted that  they  had  thought  of  making  Mexico  independent 
of  Spain.  Allende  boldly  avowed  that  the  conspirators  had 
decided  to  take  up  arms,  should  their  schemes  be  discovered, 
for  they  anticipated  that,  if  they  were  cast  into  prison,  they 
would  be  at  the  mercy  of  the  enraged  Spaniards.  When  cross- 
examined  Hidalgo  declared  that  he  had  not  decided  upon  any 
plan  of  government  for  emancipated  Mexico.  Perhaps  the 
best  contemporary  statement  in  regard  to  the  designs  which 
the  conspirators  entertained  is  found  in  the  report  made  to 
the  viceroy  by  Juan  Ochoa :  "Captain  Allende  is  the  person  to 
whom  they  give  the  title  of  general.  Dr.  Hidalgo,  the  curate 
of  Dolores,  is  the  chief  conspirator;  and  the  person  who  fur- 
nishes the  ideas :  his  plan,  in  brief,  is  independence." 

As  in  Venezuela,  so  in  Mexico,  the  pretext  used  to  justify 


MIGUEL  HIDALGO  Y  COSTILLA  85 

the  insurrection  was  the  necessity  of  defending  the  rights  of 
Ferdinand  VII.  The  Mexican  insurgents,  however,  soon  ap- 
pealed to  another  sentiment  besides  loyalty  to  the  king.  While 
the  motley  band  was  marching  from  Dolores  to  San  Miguel 
el  Grande,  an  insurgent — according  to  some  writers  the  curate 
himself — took  from  the  sacristy  of  a  chapel  at  Atotonilco  a 
picture  of  the  Virgin  of  Guadeloupe,  the  patron  saint  of  the 
Mexican  Indians,  and  bore  it  off  in  triumph.  This  revered 
picture  was  made  the  standard  of  Hidalgo's  army :  the  Virgin 
of  Guadeloupe  thus  became  the  patron  saint  of  the  Mexican 
revolution.  The  rallying-cry  of  the  revolutionists  soon  be- 
came :  "Long  live  religion !  Long  live  our  most  Holy  Mother 
of  Guadeloupe!  Long  live  America!  Down  with  the  bad 
government!"  The  story  of  the  spread  of  the  insurrection 
will  indicate  that  Alaman  was  not  animated  solely  by  a  mali- 
cious spirit  when  he  described  that  revolutionary  battle-cry 
as  "a  monstrous  union  of  religion  with  assassination  and 
plunder." 

As  Hidalgo  marched,  his  nondescript  army  increased  stead- 
ily. Many  Indian  laborers,  or  peons,  flocked  to  the  sacred 
banner.  The  intendant  of  Guanajuato  soon  wrote  to  the  vice- 
roy and  declared  that  the  inhabitants  of  Dolores,  San  Miguel 
el  Grande,  Celaya,  Salamanca,  and  Irapuato  were  joining  the 
insurgents,  while  disaffection  was  spreading  rapidly  in  the 
city  of  Guanajuato.  After  the  insurgents  entered  San  Miguel 
el  Grande,  Allende  publicly  recognized  Hidalgo  as  the  chief 
of  the  revolution.  Soon  afterwards  the  revolutionists  marched 
towards  Celaya;  and  on  September  19  Hidalgo  and  Allende 
summoned  the  cahildo  of  that  town  to  surrender.  In  a  post- 
script to  the  summons,  the  cahildo  was  warned  that,  if  the 
revolutionists  were  fired  upon,  seventy-eight  Spanish  prisoners 
would  be  at  once  put  to  death.  The  cahildo  yielded;  and  the 
curate  of  Dolores  entered  Celaya.  Soon  afterwards  the  war- 
rior-curate was  acclaimed  captain  general  of  the  army;  Ignacio 
Allende  was  given  the  title  of  lieutenant  general,  while  in- 
ferior titles  were  conferred  upon  other  leaders. 


86     RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

What  was  the  attitude  of  the  Mexican  people  toward  this 
insurrection?  Clearly,  it  was  supported  by  many  persons  be- 
longing to  the  lower  classes.  But  it  was  vigorously  opposed 
by  numerous  officials  of  the  viceregal  government;  by  some 
members  of  the  clergy,  especially  the  higher  clergy;  and  by 
many  landed  proprietors.  Protests  against  Hidalgo's  revolt 
and  declarations  of  loyalty  to  Ferdinand  Vll.  were  frequently 
printed  in  the  Gaceta  de  Mexico.  The  ayuntamientos  of  sev- 
eral towns  and  cities  denounced  the  rebels  and  proclaimed 
their  fidelity  to  the  viceregal  government.  The  rector  of  the 
University  of  Mexico  assured  the  viceroy  that  the  rebel, 
Miguel  Hidalgo,  had  not  received  the  doctor's  degree  from 
that  institution.  A  corporation  of  Mexican  lawyers  erased 
from  its  roll  the  name  of  Ignacio  Allende,  the  rebel. 

Viceroy  Venegas  soon  took  various  measures  to  quell  the 
revolt.  On  September  23  he  issued  a  manifesto  against  the 
followers  of  Hidalgo,  whom  he  described  as  "men  deluded 
by  false  ideas."  Venegas  stated  his  belief  that  peace  would 
be  restored  to  the  viceroyalty  when  royalist  soldiers  appeared 
in  the  revolutionary  districts ;  and  he  expressed  regret  that  the 
first  measure  of  his  administration  should  be  the  suppression 
of  a  rebellion.  A  few  days  later  the  viceroy  published  a 
manifesto  instructing  the  loyal  inhabitants  of  the  viceroyalty 
to  defend  themselves  against  attacks  by  the  rebels  and  offer- 
ing a  reward  of  ten  thousand  pesos  to  those  individuals  who 
might  secure  the  persons  of  Hidalgo,  Allende,  and  Aldama, 
dead  or  alive.  On  September  26  the  garrison  of  Mexico  City 
marched  toward  Queretaro  under  the  command  of  the  Count 
of  Cadena,  while  other  forces  were  brought  to  the  capital  city. 
Colonel  Diego  Garcia  Conde,  military  commander  of  the  prov- 
ince of  Michoacan,  and  the  Count  of  Casa  Rul,  commander 
of  the  provincial  regiment  of  infantry  of  that  province,  were 
ordered  to  leave  the  capital  city  and  to  proceed  to  their  re- 
spective commands.  Further,  on  October  5,  Venegas  pub- 
lished a  decree  of  the  Spanish  regency  which  declared  that 
the  Indians  were  no  longer  to  pay  tribute.    As  an  anti-revo- 


MIGUEL  HIDALGO  Y  COSTILLA  87 

lutionary  measure,  the  viceroy  extended  the  decree  so  as  to 
include  mulattoes  and  negroes  who  remained  loyal  to  the 
government  and  who  helped  to  subjugate  the  insurrection. 
Venegas  tried  to  cast  odium  upon  the  curate  of  Dolores  by 
declaring  that  he  was  a  tool  of  Napoleon. 

The  reports  of  Hidalgo's  insurrection  startled  the  Mexican 
Church.  On  September  24,  1810,  Bishop  Abad  y  Quiepo 
issued  a  proclamation  which  declared  that  Hidalgo,  "a  pastor 
of  souls,  a  priest  of  Jesus  Christ,  a  minister  of  the  God  of 
peace,"  had  raised  the  standard  of  rebellion  and  seduced  a 
number  of  innocent  people.  Hidalgo  and  his  followers  were 
denounced  as  disturbers  of  the  peace  who  had  broken  their 
faith  to  King  Ferdinand  VII.  The  indignant  bishop  pro- 
claimed that  as  Hidalgo,  Aldama,  Abasolo,  and  Allende  had 
imprisoned  several  priests,  they  had  incurred  the  pain  of  ex- 
communication. All  persons  were  prohibited  from  giving  them 
aid  or  comfort.  Similar  proclamations  were  issued  by  the 
bishops  of  Puebla,  Guadalajara,  and  Oaxaca,  as  well  as  by 
the  archbishop  of  Mexico.  The  officers  of  the  inquisitorial 
tribunal  at  Mexico  City  ransacked  the  archives  of  the  holy 
office  for  evidence  which  would  besmirch  the  character  of 
the  curate  of  Dolores. 

After  some  recruits  had  joined  the  army  at  Celaya,  on 
September  23,  Hidalgo  led  his  untrained  soldiers  toward  the 
city  of  Guanajuato,  which  was  set  in  a  beautiful  valley  amid 
mountains  that  contained  rich  silver  mines.  Here  the  royalists 
had  stored  their  treasure  in  the  Alhondiga  de  granaditas,  or 
public  granary, — a  fortress-like  structure  which  commanded 
the  main  entrance  to  the  city.  Urgent  appeals  for  aid  were 
sent  by  Riaiio  to  Felix  Maria  Calleja,  the  experienced  military 
commander  who  was  stationed  at  San  Luis  Potosi.  On 
September  28,  Hidalgo  summoned  Riafio  to  surrender  in  the 
following  words : 

On  the  plains  near  Celaya,  the  large  army  which  I  com- 
mand elected  me  to  be  "captain  general  and  protector  of  the 
'Mexican  nation.    The  city  of  Celaya,  in  the  presence  of  fifty 


88     RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

thousand  men,  ratified  this  election, — an  example  which  h?s 
been  followed  by  all  the  towns  through  which  I  have  passed. 
These  events  will  show  you  that  I  am  legitimately  authorized 
by  my  nation  to  undertake  a  beneficent  project  which  is  as 
advantageous  to  the  Americans  as  it  is  to  the  Europeans  who 
have  decided  to  reside  in  this  kingdom.  In  brief  this  project 
is:  the  proclamation  of  the  liberty  and  independence  of  the 
Mexican  nation.  Accordingly  I  do  not  view  the  Spaniards 
as  enemies;  but  only  as  obstacles  to  the  success  of  our  enter- 
prise. Be  so  good  as  to  make  known  this  project  to  the 
Spaniards  who  have  gathered  in  the  Alhdndiga;  in  order  that 
they  may  decide  whether  they  will  declare  themselves  as  our 
enemies,  or  will  agree  to  become  prisoners  who  will  receive 
humane  treatment — like  those  already  in  our  company — until 
Mexican  liberty  and  independence  are  achieved.  At  that  time, 
such  persons  will  become  Mexican  citizens  entitled  to  the 
restitution  of  their  properties,  which  we  use  at  present  because 
of  the  exigencies  of  war.  If,  however,  those  Spaniards  do 
not  decide  to  become  our  prisoners,  I  shall  use  every  force 
and  stratagem  to  destroy  them  without  any  thought  of 
quarter. 

The  project  embodied  in  the  summons  to  Guanajuato  shows 
how  Hidalgo  tried  to  induce  Spaniards  to  join  his  cause.  This 
summons  is  of  further  significance  because  it  indicates  the 
rudimentary  character  of  Hidalgo's  plans  with  regard  to  the 
independence  of  Mexico  from  Spain.  It  furnishes  no  evi- 
dence that  he  was  formulating  a  plan  for  the  government 
of  independent  Mexico. 

Riaiio  replied  to  the  summons  in  a  manly  fashion.  He 
declared  that  he  recognized  no  other  captain  general  than  the 
viceroy,  and  that  he  would  fight  Hidalgo  as  became  a  soldier. 
At  eleven  o'clock  on  the  forenoon  of  September  28  the  in- 
tendant  sent  his  last  appeal  to  Calleja,  declaring  that  he  was 
attacked  at  that  very  moment.  The  besiegers  were  aided  by 
many  inhabitants  of  Guanajuato,  who  had  openly  forsaken  the 
intendant.  Hidalgo's  followers  soon  swarmed  upon  the  heights 
which  overlooked  the  Alhdndiga.  Shortly  after  the  assault 
began,  Riafio  was  killed ;  the  plans  which  he  had  formed  for 


MIGUEL  HIDALGO  Y  COSTILLA  89 

the  city's  defense  were  abandoned;  and  dissensions  appeared 
in  the  ranks  of  the  defenders.  They  were  soon  forced  to  take 
refuge  in  the  Alhondiga.  There  is  a  story  that,  during  the 
fierce  assault  upon  the  building,  a  brave  insurgent  distinguished 
himself  by  climbing  to  the  door  of  the  citadel  and  setting  fire 
to  it  amid  a  storm  of  missiles.  That  dramatic  episode  has  been 
immortalized  by  a  Mexican  artist  in  a  statue  of  the  hero  bear- 
ing in  his  right  hand  a  fiery  torch. 

The  Alhondiga  has  been  compared  with  the  Bastile.  The 
fall  of  the  Alhondiga  was  certainly  followed  by  the  merciless 
massacre  of  the  royalists.  The  treasure  stored  in  that  building 
was  seized,  while  the  mines  and  the  haciendas  around  the  city 
were  looted.  Hidalgo's  undisciplined  soldiers  became  an  In- 
dian mob.  In  the  words  of  Alaman,  who  as  a  boy  must  have 
witnessed  the  sack  of  the  city : 

Guanajuato  presented  a  most  lamentable  picture  of  dis- 
order, ruin,  and  desolation.  The  plaza  and  the  streets  were 
full  of  fragments  of  furniture,  of  the  remains  of  merchandise 
which  had  been  taken  from  shops,  and  of  liquors  that  had 
been  emptied  after  the  conquerors  had  drunk  their  fill.  The 
insurgent  soldiers  abandoned  themselves  to  all  kinds  of  ex- 
cesses: the  Indians  of  Hidalgo  presented  the  strangest  fig- 
ures; for  they  had  drawn  over  their  own  scanty  apparel  the 
clothes  which  they  had  stolen  from  the  homes  of  Spaniards. 
Among  these  clothes  were  the  uniforms  of  the  regidores  of 
the  city ;  and  when  the  barefooted  Indians  had  bedecked  them- 
selves with  the  embroidered  coats  and  the  ornate  sombreros  of 
these  regidores,  they  were  in  a  complete  state  of  ecstasy. 

Even  Hidalgo  and  the  sacred  banner  of  Guadeloupe  could 
not  check  the  frenzied  Indians.  The  capture  of  Guanajuato 
— the  capital  of  one  of  the  richest  intendancies  of  New  Spain — 
was  followed  by  an  orgy  of  robbery,  murder,  and  lust,  the 
horrors  of  which  no  pen  could  depict. 

After  making  arrangements  for  a  rudimentary  city  govern- 
ment in  Guanajuato,  Hid&lgo  marched  towards  Valladolid. 
Thus  he  withdrew  his  followers  from  their  dangerous  position 


90     RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

between  the  royalist  soldiers  under  Calleja  at  San  Luis  Potosi 
and  the  forces  under  the  Count  of  Cadena  which  had  just 
arrived  at  Queretaro.  As  Hidalgo  approached  the  city  of 
Valladolid,  the  royalist  leaders  departed,  and  the  inhabitants 
relinquished  all  thoughts  of  resistance.  On  October  17  Hidalgo 
entered  that  city.  Bustamante  declared  that  while  the  curate 
was  conversing  with  Manuel  Gallegos,  a  militia  officer  who 
had  joined  the  insurgents,  this  officer  frankly  advised  Hidalgo 
that,  if  he  wished  to  defeat  the  Spaniards,  he  should  retire 
with  fourteen  thousand  of  his  followers  to  the  sierra  of 
Patzcuaro :  "In  two  months,"  said  Gallegos,  "I  will  return  these 
men  to  you  disciplined  and  serviceable;  if  such  a  step  is  not 
taken,  you  will  be  left  alone  in  the  first  reverse  which  you 
suffer,  for  all  your  followers  will  fly  away  like  doves."  If 
that  sound  advice  was  actually  given  to  Hidalgo,  unfortunatel> 
for  the  revolutionary  cause,  he  disregarded  it. 

In  the  meantime,  the  holy  office  was  studying  Hidalgo's 
past.  On  October  10  the  officials  of  the  inquisition  at  Mexico 
City  made  a  report  to  the  tribunal  respecting  the  curate  of 
Dolores.  They  declared  that  Hidalgo  was  a  partisan  of  French 
liberty,  a  libertine,  a  formal  heretic,  a  Judaiser,  a  Lutheran,  a 
Calvinist,  a  rebel,  a  schismatic,  and  a  suspected  atheist.  Three 
days  later  the  inquisition  issued  an  edict  concerning  Hidalgo. 
In  that  proclamation  certain  denunciations  which  had  been 
quietly  reposing  in  the  inquisitorial  archives  were  published  as 
damning  evidence.  Hidalgo  was  accused  of  denying  that  God 
chastised  with  temporal  punishments.  He  was  accused  of 
speaking  disdainfully  of  the  Popes  and  of  intimating  that  a 
certain  Pope  who  had  been  canonized  ought  to  be  in  hell.  He 
was  accused  of  accepting  the  doctrines  of  Luther  in  regard  to 
the  eucharist  and  auricular  confession.  With  apparent  incon- 
sistency, he  was  accused  of  denying  the  authenticity  of  certain 
portions  of  the  Bible.  Further,  it  was  alleged  that  Hidalgo 
had  described  fornication  as  a  natural  and  innocent  act,  and 
that  he  had  made  a  compact  with  a  woman  to  foster  that  crime. 
It  was  stated  that  Hidalgo  had  declared  war  on  God,  his  holy 


MIGUEL  HIDALGO  Y  COSTILLA  91 

religion,  and  the  fatherland.  Under  pain  of  excommunication, 
the  accused  priest  was  summoned  to  appear  before  the  inquisi- 
torial tribunal  in  Mexico  City  within  thirty  days.  It  was  pro- 
claimed that,  if  he  failed  to  appear,  his  trial  would  proceed  in 
absentia.  The  edict  concluded  by  announcing  that  all  persons 
who  supported  the  revolution,  who  received  revolutionary 
proclamations,  who  maintained  relations  with  Hidalgo,  who 
failed  to  denounce  him,  or  who  promulgated  revolutionary 
ideas,  would  be  punished  by  a  heavy  fine,  by  excommunication, 
and  by  the  other  punishments  provided  by  canon  law  and  papal 
bulls. 

In  reply  to  that  edict  Hidalgo  issued  a  manifesto  from  Val- 
ladolid  on  December  15,  1810.  With  a  ghnt  of  humor  he 
averred  that  he  had  never  renounced  any  doctrines  held  by  the 
Roman  Catholic  Church: 

I  have  always  been  thoroughly  convinced  of  the  infalli- 
bility of  her  doctrines.  ...  I  am  accused  of  denying  the  ex- 
istence of  hell ;  and,  in  the  same  edict,  I  am  accused  of  affirm- 
ing that  one  of  the  canonized  Popes  is  in  that  place.  How 
can  these  two  statements  be  reconciled:  to  say  that  there  is 
a  Pope  in  hell,  and  at  the  same  time  to  deny  the  existence  of 
such  a  place?  In  a  similar  fashion,  I  am  accused  of  having 
denied  the  authenticity  of  the  Bible;  and  I  am  accused  of  hav- 
ing accepted  the  perverse  doctrines  of  Luther:  if  Luther  de- 
duced his  errors  from  the  Bible  which  he  believed  to  be  in- 
spired by  God,  how  can  one  who  denies  the  authenticity  of 
the  Scriptures  be  a  Lutheran?  .  .  .  My  beloved  fellow  citi- 
zens! You  may  be  certain  that,  if  I  had  not  undertaken  to 
liberate  our  kingdom  from  the  evils  which  oppress  it  and 
from  the  greater  evils  which  threaten  it,  .  .  .  never  would 
I  have  been  accused  of  heresy. 

Thus  did  Hidalgo  rightly  intimate  that  the  fulminations 
from  the  inquisition  had  been  caused  by  political  motives.  In 
this  manifesto  he  also  said : 

• 
Mexicans,  let  us  break  the  bonds  of  ignominy  with  which 
we  have  been  so  long  bound !    To  break  these  bonds  we  need 


93     RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

only  to  unite.  If  we  do  not  fight  among  ourselves,  the  war 
will  be  terminated,  and  our  rights  will  be  saved.  Let  us  then 
unite  all  those  persons  who  have  been  born  on  this  happy 
soil;  let  us  consider  as  strangers  and  as  enemies  of  our  pre- 
rogatives all  persons  who  are  not  Mexicans.  Let  us  estab- 
lish a  congress  composed  of  representatives  of  all  the  cities, 
towns,  and  villages  of  this  country.  The  principal  object  of 
that  congress  will  be  to  maintain  our  holy  religion  and  to 
frame  wise  and  beneficent  laws  adapted  to  the  circumstances 
of  each  community.  Our  lawmakers  will  rule  us  with  the 
tenderness  of  parents.  They  will  treat  us  like  brothers;  they 
will  banish  poverty;  they  will  check  the  devastation  of  the 
kingdom  and  the  exportation  of  its  money;  they  will  en- 
courage the  arts;  and  they  will  cause  industry  to  revive.  We 
shall  make  free  use  of  the  richest  productions  of  our  fertile 
soil ;  and,  in  the  course  of  a  few  years,  the  Mexicans  will  en- 
joy all  the  delights  which  the  sovereign  author  of  nature  has 
bestowed  upon  this  vast  continent. 

The  manifesto  responding  to  the  inquisition  is  of  im- 
portance because  it  contains  Hidalgo's  clever  reply  to  some 
of  the  accusations  which  had  been  brought  against  him.  It  is 
significant  because  it  contains  the  most  definite  statements 
which  the  curate  of  Dolores  ever  made  in  regard  to  a  plan  of 
government  for  emancipated  Mexico.  Obviously,  he  intended 
to  summon  a  congress  of  delegates  which  should  frame  laws 
for  the  Mexican  people. 

During  the  sojourn  of  Hildago  at  Valladolid  his  army 
swelled  greatly.  His  followers  were  evidently  rewarded  for 
their  services  by  the  rich  booty  which  had  been  secured  and 
by  the  contributions  which  had  been  levied  during  the  cam- 
paign. With  his  large,  undisciplined  host,  Hidalgo  decided  to 
march  upon  the  capital  of  the  viceroyalty.  From  Valladolid  he 
proceeded  towards  Mexico  City  by  way  of  Acambaro,  Mara- 
vatio,  and  Toluca.  The  royalist  general,  Garcia  Conde,  who 
was  a  captive  in  the  rebel  camp,  estimated  that,  at  a  review  of 
the  army  which  was  held  at  Acambaro,  there  were  present 
about  eighty  thousand  men.  Near  that  town  the  officers  for 
the  army  were  selected :  the  curate  of  Dolores  was  made  gen- 


MIGUEL  HIDALGO  Y  COSTILLA  93 

eralissimo,  Allende  was  made  captain  general,  while  Aldama 
and  other  leaders  were  made  lieutenant  generals.  In  the  mean- 
while Colonel  Torcuato  Trujillo,  a  cruel  and  crafty  officer 
who  had  accompanied  Venegas  from  Spain,  had  been  sent 
with  about  eight  hundred  soldiers  to  watch  Hidalgo.  Near 
the  crest  of  the  ridge  which  bounded  the  valley  of  Mexico  on 
the  west,  the  royalists,  who  had  received  reenforcements,  sta- 
tioned themselves  on  the  Monte  de  las  Cruces,  which  com- 
manded the  road  from  Toluca  to  Mexico  City.  The  stately 
domes  and  towers  of  the  capital  city  were  only  about  six 
leagues  away.  On  October  30,  a  fierce  and  bloody  conflict 
took  place  at  the  Mount  of  the  Crosses,  after  which  a  small 
band  of  royalists  cut  their  way  out  of  the  revolutionary  sol- 
diers and  retired  upon  the  capital.  Although  the  royalists  were 
forced  to  retreat,  yet  the  encounter  had  upon  them  some  of 
the  effects  of  a  drawn  battle,  for  the  royal  artillery  had 
wrought  great  havoc  among  the  Indian  hordes. 

The  reports  of  the  battle  caused  much  excitement  in  Mex- 
ico City.  Attempts  were  actually  made  to  convey  the  im- 
pression that  it  was  a  royalist  victory.  The  merchants  of 
Vera  Cruz  struck  off  a  medal  to  commemorate  the  glorious 
action.  At  this  time  Viceroy  Venegas  directed  that  an  image 
of  the  Virgin  in  the  sanctuary  of  Los  Remedios  should  be 
transferred  to  Mexico  City.  On  October  31  the  revered  image 
was  accordingly  taken  to  the  metropolitan  cathedral,  where 
Venegas  formally  declared  it  to  be  the  patron  saint  of  the 
royalist  troops.  The  Virgin  of  Guadeloupe  was  thus  appar- 
ently balanced  by  the  Virgin  of  Los  Remedios:  a  Mexican 
writer  has  said  that  the  Mother  of  the  God  of  the  Christians, 
like  the  gods  of  The  Iliad,  alternately  protected  two  contend- 
ing parties. 

The  so-called  battle  of  Las  Cruces  opened  the  road  to  the 
capital  city.  But  instead  of  marching  forward  immediately, 
Hidalgo  halted  for  two  days.  Then  he  decided  not  to  march 
against  the  castle  of  Chapultepec  which  guarded  the  capital. 
Upon  the  only  occasion  when  Hidalgo  mentioned  that  momen- 


94     RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

tous  decision,  he  declared  that  his  determination  not  to  march 
forward  was  due  to  a  scarcity  of  munitions.  Because  of  that 
decision  some  Mexican  writers  have  stigmatized  Hidalgo  as 
timorous,  declaring  that  he  thus  lost  the  fruits  of  his  campaign. 
However,  if  Hidalgo  had  led  his  undisciplined  and  demoral- 
ized soldiers  upon  Mexico  City  it  is  by  no  means  certain  that 
the  capital  would  have  fallen. 

For,  while  Hidalgo  had  been  marching  toward  the  capital, 
Calleja  had  been  ravaging  the  revolutionary  districts  with  fire 
and  sword.  At  Queretaro  he  received  despatches  from  the 
viceroy  informing  him  of  the  battle  of  Las  Cruces  and  urging 
him  to  march  toward  Mexico  City.  The  royalist  commander 
accordingly  marched  from  Queretaro  toward  the  capital  by  the 
very  road  along  which  Hidalgo  was  retiring  from  the  Monte 
de  las  Cruces.  The  two  armies  met  at  Aculco  on  November  6 ; 
the  conflict  which  ensued  on  the  following  day  was  a  victory 
for  the  royalists:  the  artillery,  munitions,  and  provisions  of 
the  rebels  were  captured  by  Calleja.  In  his  hour  of  triumph, 
the  jubilant  royalist  commander  exaggerated  the  victory,  for 
he  informed  the  viceroy  that  the  insurgents  had  lost  ten  thou- 
sand men.  On  their  part,  the  insurgents  tried  to  belittle  the 
royalist  victory,  for  they  said  that  the  engagement  was  merely 
a  skirmish.  The  truth  is  that  the  followers  of  Hidalgo  were 
dispersed.  In  the  disorderly  retreat  Hidalgo  and  Allende 
were  separated:  the  curate  finally  turned  up  at  ValladoHd, 
while  Allende  made  his  way  to  Guanajuato.  At  this  crisis 
in  the  revolution,  a  breach  between  these  two  chieftains  became 
apparent.  But  in  spite  of  that  breach  and  the  defeat  at 
Aculco,  the  revolution  was  still  formidable,  for  it  was  spread- 
ing like  wildfire  in  the  region  west  and  south  of  Mexico  City. 
On  the  other  hand,  on  November  25,  Calleja  reconquered  the 
city  of  Guanajuato,  whence  Allende  fled  towards  Guadalajara. 

In  the  end  of  November,  1 810,  Hidalgo  entered  the  city  of 
Guadalajara  amid  the  plaudits  of  the  inhabitants.  While  in 
this  city,  he  published  some  decrees  which  indicated  that  he 
was  forming  an  administrative  policy.     On  November  29  he 


MIGUEL  HIDALGO  Y  COSTILLA  95 

issued  a  decree  providing  that  the  owners  of  :laves  should  lib- 
erate them  within  ten  days  upon  pain  of  death.  The  decree 
also  provided  that  the  tribute  which  had  been  laid  upon  the 
castes  and  upon  the  Indians  should  be  abolished.  The  Spanish 
laws  and  regulations  in  regard  to  the  use  of  stamped  paper 
were  also  abrogated.  The  restrictions  upon  the  production  of 
tobacco  and  wine,  as  well  as  the  powder  monopoly,  were  swept 
away.  To  secure  revenues  for  the  government,  it  was  pro- 
vided that  an  alcahala  should  be  levied  upon  the  agricultural 
products  of  Mexico  and  of  Europe.  On  December  i  Hidalgo 
issued  a  decree  which  aimed  to  prevent  his  soldiers  from  ar- 
bitrarily impressing  suppHes.  Four  days  later  another  decree 
provided  that  lands  belonging  to  Indian  communities  should  be 
cultivated  only  by  Indians.  These  decrees  embody  some  of 
Hidalgo's  ideas  concerning  the  reforms  which  were  impera- 
tively needed  in  New  Spain.  Among  the  revolutionary  leaders 
of  Spanish  America,  he  was  the  first  to  strike  at  negro  slavery. 
At  this  stage  in  the  revolution,  Hidalgo  began  to  scatter 
revolutionary  doctrines  broadcast.  On  capturing  Guadalajara, 
he  had  gained  possession  of  a  small  printing  press.  Thus  he 
was  enabled  to  found  a  periodical,  the  Despertador  Americano, 
which  became  the  organ  of  the  revolution.  As  the  editor  of 
the  periodical,  Hidalgo  selected  Francisco  S.  Maldonado,  who 
had  been  the  curate  of  Mascota.  The  first  number  of  the 
journal,  issued  from  the  press  on  December  20,  18 10,  con- 
tained a  proclamation  appealing  to  the  inhabitants  of  New 
Spain.  Both  Creoles  and  Spaniards  were  urged  to  march  to 
the  field  of  battle  under  "the  new  Washington,"  Hidalgo,  "that 
grand  soul,  full  of  wisdom  and  goodness,  who  has  enchanted 
our  hearts  with  his  admirable  combination  of  popular  and  re- 
publican virtues."  The  excesses  which  had  been  committed 
by  the  insurgents  were  ascribed  to  soldiers  of  the  lower  class : 
it  was  affirmed  that  Hidalgo's  government  had  not  only  dis- 
approved of  such  actions,  but  had  taken  steps  to  check  them. 
Further,  it  was  declared  tTiat  the  insurgents  desired  to  make 
Mexico  an  asylum  for  the  Christian  religion  and  that  they  de- 


96     RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

sired  to  preserve  the  rights  of  Ferdinand  VII.  The  suggestion 
was  also  made  that  they  expected  to  negotiate  an  alliance  with 
a  foreign  power. 

In  fact,  just  a  week  before  the  first  number  of  the  Desper- 
tador  Americano  was  published,  Hidalgo  had  selected  Pascasio 
Ortiz  de  Letona — a  Central  American  who  had  joined  the  revo- 
lutionary cause — as  agent  to  the  government  of  the  United 
States.  His  credentials,  dated  December  13,  1810,  declared 
that  he  was  made  ambassador  and  plenipotentiary  to  the  con- 
gress of  the  United  States.  The  envoy  was  authorized  to  ne- 
gotiate with  the  United  States  a  treaty  of  alliance,  offensive 
and  defensive,  and  a  commercial  treaty  which  would  be  useful 
and  advantageous  to  both  nations.  But  Letona's  credentials 
— which  displayed  the  ignorance  of  the  Mexican  revolutionary 
leaders  in  regard  to  diplomatic  procedure — were  never  filed 
in  the  archives  at  Washington ;  for  before  Letona  reached  Vera 
Cruz,  he  was  detained  by  a  royalist  officer  and  thrust  into 
prison,  where  he  seems  to  have  committed  suicide.  The  mis- 
sion of  Letona  demonstrates  that  the  first  Mexican  revolu- 
tionists hoped  to  secure  succor  from  the  North.  Evidently 
some  Mexicans  considered  the  United  States  as  their  natural 
ally.  Although  in  1810  the  government  of  the  United  States 
did  contemplate  sending  an  agent  to  Mexico,  yet  many  years 
elapsed  before  a  commercial  agent  was  actually  sent  there. 

The  credentials  of  the  unfortunate  Letona  were  dated  at 
"the  national  palace  of  Guadalajara."  Among  the  officials  who 
signed  his  papers  were  Hidalgo,  generalissimo  of  America, 
Ignacio  Allende,  captain  general  of  America,  Jose  M.  Chico, 
minister  of  justice,  and  Ignacio  Rayon,  general  secretary. 
Those  titles  show  that  Hidalgo  had  established  two  rudimen- 
tary executive  departments:  in  charge  of  the  department  of 
justice  he  had  placed  Chico,  a  young  lawyer  of  Guanajuato; 
at  the  head  of  the  department  of  state  he  had  placed  Rayon, 
who  had  acted  as  his  secretary.  No  documents  have  been 
found  to  indicate  that  the  organs  of  Hidalgo's  revolutionary 
government  developed  beyond  the  stage  reached  at  Guadala- 


MIGUEL  HIDALGO  Y  COSTILLA  97 

jara.  It  seems  unlikely  that  any  further  growth  took  place, 
for  the  insurgents  and  the  royalists  soon  met  in  a  decisive 
struggle. 

While  Calleja  led  his  soldiers  toward  Guadalajara  where 
he  planned  to  join  forces  with  General  Jose  de  la  Cruz, 
Hidalgo  was  preparing  for  the  battle  to  which,  despite  the 
arguments  of  Allende,  who  favored  a  guerrilla  warfare,  he 
had  decided  to  entrust  the  fortunes  of  his  cause.  As  the 
march  of  La  Cruz  was  delayed  by  an  encounter  with  the 
soldiers  of  the  insurgent  leader,  Colonel  Mier,  Calleja  had  to 
fight  the  insurgents  under  Hidalgo  without  the  aid  of  that 
general.  When  the  news  of  Calleja^s  approach  reached  Guada- 
lajara the  insurgent  forces,  amounting  to  about  ninety  thou- 
sand men,  marched  several  leagues  east  of  the  city  and  camped 
on  a  range  of  hills  near  a  bridge  over  the  river  Calderon :  this 
strategic  position  controlled  the .  road  to  Guadalajara.  On 
the  eve  of  battle,  we  are  told,  the  warrior-priest  made  this 
boast:  **I  go  to  breakfast  at  the  bridge  of  Calderon,  to  dine 
in  Queretaro,  and  to  sup  in  Mexico  City."  This  was  not  al- 
together an  idle  boast ;  for  Hidalgo's  army  vastly  outnumbered 
the  royalists,  who  perhaps  had  no  more  than  ten  thousand 
men.  However,  those  were  disciplined  and  well-armed  soldiers 
directed  by  a  valiant  and  skillful  commander.  More  than  once 
did  the  scale  of  battle  incline  toward  the  insurgents,  but  a 
disastrous  fire  finally  broke  out  in  the  revolutionary  camp; 
so  that,  after  a  conflict  lasting  about  six  hours,  the  insurgents 
were  compelled  to  retire  precipitately.  The  retreat  of  the  in- 
surgents was  soon  turned  into  a  rout,  and  the  revolutionary 
leaders  fled  in  a  northerly  direction.  The  battle  of  Calderon, 
January  17,  181 1,  was  thus  the  turning-point  of  Hidalgo's 
revolution. 

The  defeat  at  the  bridge  of  Calderon  shattered  the  prestige 
of  Hidalgo.  While  the  revolutionists  were  trying  to  escape 
from  Calleja's  soldiers,  AJlende  evidently  determined  to  take 
the  leadership  of  the  enterprise  from  the  discredited  curate. 
According  to  a  statement  made  by  Hidalgo,  it  was  at  a  hacienda 


98     RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

located  between  Aguascalientes  and  Zacatecas  that  he  was 
forced  to  transfer  his  authority  to  Allende.  Thenceforward 
the  deposed  commander  was  watched  by  the  adherents  of 
Allende,  who  threatened  him  with  death,  if  he,  or  any  of  his 
friends,  should  dare  to  leave  the  insurgent  army.  With  the 
dejected  generalissimo  in  his  train,  Allende  led  the  disheart- 
ened revolutionists  into  Zacatecas. 

The  new  generalissimo  soon  decided  to  march  into  the 
provinces  further  north,  where  many  inhabitants  had  declared 
in  favor  of  the  revolution.  In  consequence,  early  in  February 
a  small  force  under  Allende  left  Zacatecas  for  Saltillo.  At 
that  point  Hidalgo  received  a  proposal  of  pardon  which  was 
made  by  General  la  Cruz  in  accordance  with  a  decree  of  am- 
nesty issued  by  the  Spanish  cortes.  In  response  to  the  pro- 
posal Hidalgo  declared  that  he  considered  himself  pledged  to 
the  Mexican  patriots  not  to  lay  down  his  arms  'until  the 
priceless  jewel  of  liberty  had  been  torn  from  the  hands  of  the 
oppressors.'  He  firmly  declared  that  he  would  enter  into  no 
negotiations  with  Spain  which  did  not  have  as  their  basis  the 
recognition  of  the  liberty  of  the  Mexican  nation.  He  ex- 
pressed a  belief  that  Calleja  would  yet  be  humbled  by  the 
revolutionists,  for  Mexico  was  in  a  condition  of  ferment. 
*Tardon,"  said  Hidalgo,  "is  intended  for  criminals  and  not  for 
defenders  of  their  native  land,  especially  if  they  possess  forces 
which  are  superior  to  their  enemies."  Despite  the  sanguine 
tone  of  the  response,  Allende  and  his  companions  evidently 
realized  that  they  were  in  a  desperate  plight.  In  their  hour 
of  extremity,  they  turned  again  to  the  North.  Evidently  they 
contemplated  marching  into  the  province  of  Texas,  or  even 
into  the  United  States.  Ignacio  Aldama  was  selected  to 
proceed  as  their  agent  to  that  country.  According  to  state- 
ments made  by  Juan  Salazar,  a  Franciscan  friar  who  accom- 
panied Aldama,  the  latter  was  instructed  to  solicit  aid  from  the 
government  of  the  United  States.  Whatever  was  the  exact 
nature  of  the  mission,  it  was  frustrated;  for  on  March  i, 
Aldama,  who  carried  with  him  a  quantity  of  silver,  was  im- 


MIGUEL  HIDALGO  Y  COSTILLA  99 

prisoned  at  Bejar,  Texas,  by  Jose  M.  Zambrano,  the  leader 
of  an  anti-revolutionary  movement.  Many  Mexicans  now 
turned  their  eyes  from  the  Virgin  of  Guadeloupe  to  the  Virgin 
of  Los  Remedios. 

Among  the  soldiers  of  the  revolution  who  secretly  passed 
over  to  the  camp  of  the  royalists  about  this  time  was  Colonel 
Ignacio  Elizondo,  who  had  become  disgruntled  with  Allende. 
Elizondo  soon  placed  himself  at  the  head  of  a  band  of  royalists 
and  laid  plans  to  intercept  Hidalgo  and  Allende,  who  were 
journeying  northward  with  a  small  escort.  On  the  morning 
of  March  21,  as  the  revolutionary  caravan  was  crossing  the 
arid  plains  near  Monclova,  it  fell  into  an  ambuscade  which 
had  been  laid  by  Elizondo.  The  miHtary  leaders  were  dragged 
from  their  coaches,  while  Hidalgo,  who  was  at  the  rear  of  the 
caravan,  surrendered.  By  that  exploit  Elizondo  captured  about 
nine  hundred  men,  twenty-four  cannon,  a  small  sum  of  silver 
money,  and  a  considerable  quantity  of  bar  silver.  Besides  the 
curate  of  Dolores,  Elizondo  captured  Mariano  Hidalgo,  Ig- 
nacio Allende,  Juan  Aldama,  Mariano  Jimenez,  and  Mariano 
Abasolo.  Generals,  lieutenants,  and  friars  were  alike  con- 
veyed to  Monclova,  where  the  leaders  were  fettered  and  cast 
into  prison. 

On  March  26,  under  the  escort  of  Colonel  Manuel  Salcedo, 
the  principal  prisoners  began  the  long  journey  to  Chihuahua 
which  was  the  residence  of  Nemesio  Salcedo,  the  commandant 
of  the  interior  provinces.  After  a  tiresome  journey,  on  April 
23,  the  caravan  reached  Chihuahua.  There  the  prisoners  of 
state  were  incarcerated  in  a  building  which  had  once  served 
the  Jesuits  as  a  college.  On  May  6  Nemesio  Salcedo  appointed 
a  military  junta  of  seven  men  to  try  the  conspirators;  about 
the  same  time  he  commissioned  Juan  de  Bustamante  and  Angel 
Abella  to  examine  them.  We  know  that  before  the  trial  began. 
Viceroy  Venegas  had  sent  to  Calleja  the  mandate  that  the 
insurgent  leaders  should  be  punished  as  traitors.  Technically, 
the  case  for  the  government  was  based  upon  the  statements 
of  the  accused  men. 


100  RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

After  the  minor  conspirators  had  been  examined,  the  legal 
counselor  of  the  military  junta,  Rafael  Bracho,  wrote  his 
opinion,  and  the  junta  passed  judgment.  It  declared  that 
eighteen  men  were  traitors,  and  decreed  that  they  should  be 
shot  in  the  back.  In  this  ignominious  manner,  on  June  26, 
Ignacio  Allende,  generalissimo,  Mariano  Jimenez,  captain  gen- 
eral, and  Juan  Aldama,  lieutenant  general,  were  executed. 
About  the  same  time  that  the  judgment  was  announced,  Ignacio 
Aldama  and  Juan  Salazar  were  brought  from  Texas  to  Mon- 
clova,  where  they  were  executed.  Mariano  Abasolo,  who  tried 
to  absolve  himself  from  the  charge  of  treason,  was  condemned 
to  life  imprisonment  in  Spain :  about  five  years  later  he  died 
in  a  prison  at  Cadiz.  Many  of  the  priests  who  had  joined 
the  curate  of  Dolores  were  taken  to  Durango,  where  they  were 
degraded  from  the  priesthood  and  executed  as  traitors. 

The  trial  of  the  chief  conspirator  was  the  last  to  terminate. 
On  May  7,  8,  and  9  Hidalgo  was  skillfully  cross-examined  by 
Abella.  Although  the  curate  of  Dolores  was  unfrocked,  dis- 
graced, and  manacled,  yet  he  bore  himself  with  fortitude.  He 
displayed  much  ingenuity  and  acumen  in  his  responses  to 
Abella's  forty-three  questions.  The  patriot,  the  dialectician, 
and  the  priest  were  reflected  in  the  answers  which  his  mortal 
foes  preserved.  Those  answers  indicate  that  Hidalgo  did 
not  try  to  shift  the  responsibility  for  the  leadership  of  the 
insurrection  from  his  own  shoulders, — quite  otherwise.  Al- 
though he  apparently  admitted  that  the  thought  of  inciting 
a  revolution  against  Spain  had  originated  with  Allende,  yet 
he  boldly  declared :  "I  placed  myself  at  the  head  of  the  revo- 
lution, raised  armies,  manufactured  small  arms  and  cannon, 
appointed  chiefs  and  officers,  directed  a  manifesto  to  the  na- 
tion, and  sent  to  the  United  States  a  diplomatic  agent,  Ortiz 
de  Letona,  who,  as  I  know,  died  before  he  reached  his  destina- 
tion." Evidently,  Hidalgo  averred  that  the  object '  of  the 
revolution  was  to  preserve  the  viceroyalty  of  New  Spain  from 
conquest  by  the  French.  In  vain  did  Abella  try  to  make  Hi- 
dalgo admit  that  he  had  been  incited  to ^re volt  by  Napoleon's 


MIGUEL  HIDALGO  Y  COSTILLA  loi 

emissaries.  More  than  once  did  the  prisoner  avow  that  it 
had  been  his  purpose  to  establish  the  independence  of  his 
native  land.  He  declared  that  he  had  not  adopted  any  plan 
of  government  for  emancipated  Mexico.  He  acknowledged 
that  he  was  partly  to  blame  for  the  executions  and  murders 
which  his  followers  had  committed.  Relentlessly,  Abella  drove 
Hidalgo  from  one  response  to  another.  The  priest's  answers 
to  the  last  interrogatories,  which  concerned  the  doctrines  of 
the  Church,  showed  signs  of  regret  for  the  evils  which  his 
revolt  had  brought  upon  New  Spain : — at  last  Hidalgo  besought 
pardon  from  the  bishop,  the  viceroy,  and  the  inquisition.  Ap- 
parently, the  pardon  which  Hidalgo  thus  solicited  was  rather 
for  the  evils  which  his  rebellion  had  brought  upon  the  people 
of  Mexico  than  for  his  attempt  to  establish  in  New  Spain  a 
government  independent  of  Old  Spain. 

It  is  in  the  light  of  this  apparent  repentance  that  the 
writer  would  view  the  manifesto  of  Hidalgo  dated  May  i8, 
1811,  addressed  "To  All  the  World"— the  authenticity  of 
which  has  sometimes  been  questioned.  Extracts  from  that 
curious  confession  will  suggest  the  mood  into  which  the  re- 
pentant priest  had  apparently  fallen: 

Who  will  furnish  water  for  my  head  and  fountains  of 
tears  for  my  eyes?  Who  will  cause  to  exude  from  the  pores 
of  my  body  the  blood  which  flows  through  my  veins  in  order 
that  I  may  mourn  day  and  night  for  those  Mexicans  who 
have  died,  and  that  I  may  bless  the  never-ending  mercy  of 
the  Lord?  .  .  .  The  night  of  darkness  which  blinded  me  has 
been  changed  into  luminous  day;  and,  in  the  midst  of  the 
prison  which  I  have  deserved,  the  evils  which  I  have  brought 
upon  Mexico  are  presented  to  me  so  clearly  that  sleep  de- 
serts my  eyes  and  repentance  prostrates  me  upon  my  bed. 
Not  far  distant  I  behold  the  scene  of  my  sacrifice.  I  exhale 
each  moment  a  portion  of  my  soul.  I  feel  as  though  I  might 
die  a  thousand  times  because  of  regret  for  my  wickedness 
before  I  die  once.  ...  I  see  that  the  supreme  judge  has 
written  down  charges  against  me  which  fill  me  with  bitter- 
ness. He  wishes  to  d^troy  me  because  of  the  sins  of  my 
youth.    What  then  will  be  my  astonishment  when  I  see  enu- 


t      •••»*««* 


I02  RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

merated  the  many  sins  which  I  committed  as  the  leader  of  the 
insurrection  ?  Oh,  Mexico,  my  beloved  fatherland !  Oh,  Mex- 
icans !  my  compatriots ;  Europeans !  my  progenitors,  pity  me ! 
I  see  the  devastation  of  this  country  which  I  have  caused,  the 
ruins  of  the  properties  which  I  have  destroyed,  the  infinite 
number  of  orphans  whom  I  have  made  desolate,  and  the  blood 
which  I  have  shed  with  so  much  profusion  and  temerity.  I  be- 
hold ...  the  multitude  of  souls  that  will  sink  into  the  bot- 
tomless pit  because  they  followed  me.  .  .  .  Now  I  see  that, 
if  you,  deluded  insurgents  of  Mexico,  wish  to  practice  the 
perverse  doctrines  of  revolution,  my  sins  will  increase  and 
the  resulting  evils  for  America,  and  more  particularly  for  the 
Mexicans,  will  have  no  end.  .  .  .  Know  ye  that  the  person 
who  resists  the  lawful  authorities,  resists  the  will  of  God; 
lay  down  your  arms;  throw  yourselves  at  the  foot  of  the 
throne;  fear  not  prison  or  death:  fear  rather  him  who  has 
power  to  consign  the  soul  to  hell  after  it  has  departed  from 
the  body! 

Lastly,  Hidalgo  declared  himself  to  be  a  Roman  Catholic. 
He  abjured  whatever  he  had  said  against  the  Church ;  and  he 
asked  the  faithful  to  pray  that  God  might  have  mercy  upon 
his  soul.  If  indeed  Hidalgo  wrote  the  manifesto  willingly,  and 
signed  it  in  sincerity,  perhaps  he  did  so  with  the  secret  hope 
that  his  judges  might  Be  merciful  unto  him. 

Early  in  June  the  examination  of  Hidalgo  by  the  military 
junta  terminated.  Then  the  bishop  of  Durango,  at  the  in- 
stance of  Commandant  Salcedo,  named  Fernandez  Valentin,  a 
canon  of  Durango,  to  judge  the  accused  priest  on  behalf  of  the 
Church.  On  June  14  Valentin  expressed  his  approval  of  the 
trial  and  directed  that  Hidalgo's  case  be  turned  over  to  Rafael 
Bracho.  On  July  3,  Bracho  wrote  his  opinion  of  the  case, 
pronouncing  Hidalgo  a  traitor  whose  punishment  was  pre- 
scribed by  the  laws  of  Spain :  "Hidalgo  is  a  conspirator  guilty 
of  high  treason  and  an  instigator  of  treacherous  murders. 
Therefore  he  should  be  put  to  death.  According  to  the  laws 
of  Spain,  his  property  should  be  confiscated.  JMs  proclama- 
tions and  seductive  papers  should  be  cast  into  thAire  publicly 
and  ignominiouslv."    Bracho  declared  that  the  most  shameful 


MIGUEL  HIDALGO  Y  COSTILLA  103 

mode  of  execution  would  scarcely  satisfy  the  vengeance  of  the 
government.  The  traitor,  however,  being  a  minister  of  the 
Almighty,  was  entitled  to  merciful  treatment.  The  judgment 
of  Bracho  was  that,  after  having  been  degraded  from  the 
priesthood  by  the  ecclesiastical  authorities,  Hidalgo  should  be 
shot  as  a  traitor.  Accordingly,  on  June  19,  Hidalgo  was  clad 
in  the  garb  of  a  priest.  Then  the  curate  of  Dolores  was 
publicly  stripped  of  his  sacred  vestments  by  an  agent  of  the 
bishop  of  Durango.  Whereupon  the  condemned  priest  was 
turned  over  to  Manuel  Salcedo,  president  of  the  military  junta, 
and  he  was  informed  of  the  death  sentence,  which,  in  ac- 
cordance with  Bracho's  judgment,  had  been  pronounced 
against  him  on  July  26.  A  confessor  was  brought  to  Hidalgo, 
in  order  that  he  might  prepare  "to  die  like  a  Christian." 

The  ominous  news  of  his  death  sentence  did  not  humiliate 
the  condemned  man,  who  evidently  had  recovered  his  remark- 
able  poise.  Francisco  de  Jauregui,  an  eyewitness  of  the  solemn 
ceremony  of  degradation,  declared  that,  when  Hidalgo  was 
being  ignominiously  stripped  of  the  priestly  vestments,  he  bore 
himself  with  such  serenity  that  the  priests  engaged  in  the 
ceremony  were  horrified.  Further,  this  observer  declared  that, 
when  the  sentence  of  death  was  read,  Hidalgo  received  it  with 
surprising  indifference,  and,  that  when  he  was  asked  if  he  had 
anything  to  say,  he  blandly  requested  that  an  attendant  should 
bring  him  some  sweetmeats.  "During  the  entire  day,"  said 
Jauregui,  *'he  spoke  of  unimportant  matters;  he  slept  well  at 
night,  breakfasted  with  pleasure,  and  showed  few  signs  of 
repentance."  Hidalgo's  keepers  evidently  treated  him  hu- 
manely, for,  on  the  eve  of  his  execution,  he  expressed  his 
gratitude  to  the  gaolers  in  two  stanzas  of  poetry  which  he 
scrawled  upon  the  walls  of  his  dungeon.  Early  on  the  morn- 
ing of  July  30,  after  being  quietly  escorted  out  of  his  cell  into 
the  courtyard  of  the  prison,  Hidalgo  was  shot  by  .a  squad  of 
soldiers.  Many  years  later.  Lieutenant  Armendariz,  who  com- 
manded those  soldiers,  declared  that  Hidalgo  died  while  hold- 
ing aloft  a  crucifix. 


I04  RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

The  bodies  of  Miguel  Hidalgo,  Ignacio  Allende,  Juan  Al- 
dama,  and  Mariano  Jimenez  were  interred  at  Chihuahua.  Their 
heads  were  sent  to  Guanajuato.  And,  enclosed  in  iron  cages, 
they  were  displayed  at  the  four  corners  of  the  Alhondiga  for 
ten  years.  At  the  principal  entrance  to  that  building  was 
placed  the  following  inscription:  "Here  are  the  heads  of 
Miguel  Hidalgo,  Ignacio  Allende,  Juan  Aldama,  and  Mariano 
Jimenez,  who  were  notorious  imposters  and  the  chief  leaders 
of  the  revolution.  They  sacked  and  robbed  the  Church  of 
God  and  the  royal  treasury;  they  brutally  shed  the  blood  of 
faithful  priests  and  just  magistrates;  they  were  the  cause  of 
the  disasters,  the  disgraces,  and  the  calamities  which  Ve  suf- 
fered,— occurrences  which  all  the  inhabitants  of  this  integral 
part  of  the  Spanish  monarchy  lament  and  deplore.  Their 
heads  were  placed  here  by  order  of  Seiior  Brigadier  Don  Felix 
Maria  Calleja  del  Rey,  the  illustrious  victor  of  Aculco,  Guana- 
juato, and  Calderon — the  restorer  of  peace  to  Mexico." 

Even  after  Hidalgo  had  been  shot,  the  holy  office  did  not 
cease  to  persecute  him.  More  than  a  week  after  Hidalgo's 
body  had  been  interred  at  Chihuahua,  a  report  was  made  to 
the  inquisitorial  tribunal  in  which  opprobrious  epithets  were 
applied  to  the  dead  priest.  It  was  not  until  March  15,  1813, 
that  the  tribunal  closed  the  famous  case  by  ordering  that  the 
documents  concerning  Hidalgo  should  be  deposited  in  the 
archives  of  the  holy  office. 

The  role  of  Miguel  Hidalgo  in  the  drama  of  the  Mexican 
war  for  independence  is  thus  suggested  in  a  history  of  Mexico : 
"By  his  admirers,  Hidalgo  has  been  termed  an  angel  of  light ; 
by  his  enemies,  a  bloodthirsty  rebel  whose  sole  delight  was  in 
revenge  and  cruelty."  There  is  some  truth  in  both  of  these 
characterizations.  The  excesses  committed  by  Hidalgo's  fol- 
lowers, however,  were  due  rather  to  his  defects  as  a  leader 
than  to  a  preconceived  design.  These  defects  naturally  re- 
sulted from  his  lack  of  ability  as  a  military  organizer  and  from 
his  ignorance  of  the  art  of  war.    Among  the  glaring  mistakes 


of  that  shepherd  of  souls  was  his  fsflure  to  formulate  a  pro- 


mc 


MIGUEL  HIDALGO  Y  COSTILLA  105 

gram  of  action  for  the  people  of  Mexico.  Unlike  Miranda, 
the  curate  of  Dolores  was  not  a  framer  of  constitutions.  In 
light  of  the  subsequent  history  of  Mexico,  it  would  be  vain 
to  suppose  that,  if  Hidalgo  had  promulgated  a  project  of  a 
constitution,  he  would  have  solved  a  grave  political  problem; 
but  he  probably  would  have  secured  the  support  of  some  Mex- 
icans of  the  upper  classes,  who  held  studiously  aloof  from  his 
movement  for  independence.  Then,  too,  at  times  he  utterly 
failed  to  manage  his  own  turbulent  followers.  His  lack  of  the 
power  to  command  masses  of  undisciplined  soldiers,  coupled 
with  his  ignorance  of  military  tactics,  undermined  his  prestige ; 
for  his  voice  lacked  authority  at  the  council-table,  and  he  could 
not,  like  Morelos,  inspirit  his  soldiers  upon  the  field  of  battle. 
An  experienced  military  commander  would  scarcely  have 
risked  the  fate  of  a  revolution,  as  Hidalgo  did  at  the  bridge 
of  Calderon,  upon  a  pitched  battle  between  undisciplined  peons 
and  the  experienced  soldiers  of  Spain. 

It  is  only  fair  to  Hidalgo  to  say,  however,  that  the  royalists 
in  Mexico  were  so  strongly  entrenched  that  even  a  brave  and 
experienced  military  commander  might  have  failed  to  plant 
the  revolutionary  banner  upon  the  summit  of  Chapultepec. 
Then,  too,  it  must  be  said  that  the  schemes  which  the  curate 
of  Dolores  formed  were  sometimes  blighted  by  untoward  cir- 
cumstances. But  in  spite  of  Hidalgo's  defects  and  mistakes 
and  misfortunes,  the  truth  is  that  he  still  has  an  enduring  claim 
to  the  title  given  him  by  the  Mexican  people, — "the  Father  of 
Mexican  independence."  For,  although  that  priestly  iconoclast 
did  not  indeed  originate  the  idea  that  Mexico  should  be  sep- 
arated from  the  Spanish  monarchy,  yet  at  the  psychological 
moment  he  awoke  the  slumbering  spirit  of  discontent  with 
Spanish  rule.  The  spirit  of  Mexican  nationality  may  be  said 
to  date  from  the  rebellion  of  Hidalgo;  for,  at  his  behest, 
thousands  of  Mexicans  flocked  to  the  revolutionary  standard. 
In  1810  the  Creoles  and  the  Indians  of  Mexico  measured  their 
strength  against  the  soldiei;^  of  Spain  upon  the  field  of  battle. 
But  the  victories  which  were  won  by  the  insurgents  at  the 


io6  RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

opening  of  the  Mexican  revolution  were  won  at  an  extrava^ 
gant  price,  the  price  of  anarchy.  In  the  lurid  background  of 
Mexican  national  history,  there  may  be  discerned  standing 
beside  the  sacred  banner  of  Guadeloupe  the  figure  of  the 
curate  of  Dolores, — the  daring  but  unfortunate  leader  of  a 
bloody  revolt  of  the  lower  classes  in  Mexico  against  the  domi- 
nant aristocracy.  At  his  death,  the  curtain  falls  upon  the 
first  act  of  the  Mexican  revolutionary  drama. 


CHAPTER  IV 

AGUSTIN   DE  ITURBIDE 

In  March,  1812,  a  cortes  which  the  council  of  regency  had 
summoned  at  Cadiz  promulgated  a  constitution  for  distracted 
Spain.  According  to  the  constitution,  the  executive  authority 
was  vested  in  a  monarch ;  and  the  legislative  power  was  to  re- 
side in  the  king  and  a  cortes.  The  unicameral  legislature  was 
composed  of  deputies  chosen  from  the  provinces  in  Spain  and 
the  Indies.  Provision  was  made  for  several  secretaries  of 
state,  including  a  secretary  for  the  colonies.  The  government 
of  each  province,  peninsular  or  transatlantic,  was  vested  in  a 
superior  political  chief  selected  by  the  king, — the  office  of  vice- 
roy was  not  mentioned.  Among  the  reforms  embodied  in  the 
fundamental  law  was  an  article  providing  that  all  Spaniards 
were  to  have  the  liberty  to  write  and  to  publish  their  political 
ideas.  In  May,  1812,  the  cortes  decreed  that  an  oath  of  alle- 
giance to  this  constitution  should  be  taken  throughout  the 
Spanish  dominions  in  both  hemispheres. 

On  September  30,  181 2,  at  Mexico  City,  the  viceroy,  mem- 
bers of  the  audiencia  and  of  certain  corporations  solemnly 
swore  to  observe  the  new  constitution.  A  similar  ceremony 
took  place  in  other  cities  of  Spanish  America  which  remained 
loyal  to  Spain.  Periodicals  which  ridiculed  the  viceregal  gov- 
ernment soon  burst  forth  from  the  emancipated  press  of 
Mexico.  In  consequence  the  superior  political  chief  of  New 
Spain,  Venegas — who  still  used  the  title  of  viceroy — soon  sus- 
pended the  constitutional  guarantee  of  a  free  press.  In  cer- 
tain parts  of  New  Spain  th^  promulgation  and  partial  revoca- 
tion of  the  liberal  constitution  of  1812  stimulated  the  spirit  of 
dissatisfaction  with  the  existing  regime. 

107 


io8  RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

In  that  viceroyalty  some  of  Hidalgo's  surviving  follow- 
ers kept  the  revolutionary  fire  burning.  At  the  very  time  when 
the  cortes  was  framing  a  constitution  for  the  Spanish  mon- 
archy, certain  revolutionists  were  planning  a  congress  for  New 
Spain.  The  movement  for  a  new  government  in  Mexico  was 
initiated  by  Ignacio  Rayon,  who,  after  the  execution  of  Hi- 
dalgo, became  a  revolutionary  chief  in  the  rugged  region  south 
and  west  of  Mexico  City.  In  August,  1811,  in  the  picturesque 
hamlet  of  Zitacuaro,  a  group  of  revolutionists  created  a  coun- 
cil composed  of  three  men,  which  styled  itself  "the  supreme 
governmental  junta  of  America."  The  president  of  the  first 
Mexican  junta  was  Ignacio  Rayon.  The  three  members  of 
the  junta  took  a  solemn  oath  to  support  the  Church  of  Rome 
as  well  as  the  king  of  Spain.  Not  all  of  the  Mexican  revolu- 
tionists, however,  were  satisfied  with  the  actions  of  this  junta. 
The  resourceful  leader  of  the  revolutionary  soldiers,  Jose  Ma- 
ria Morelos,  strongly  disapproved  of  its  professions  of  loyalty 
to  Ferdinand  VII. 

Jose  Maria  Morelos  was  born  at  Valladolid  on  September 
30,  1765.  As  his  parents  were  poor,  it  was  not  until  Morelos 
had  reached  manhood  that  he  entered  the  College  of  San  Nico- 
las at  Valladolid,  where  in  1795  he  received  the  degree  of 
bachelor  of  arts.  A  few  years  later  he  became  a  village  priest ; 
in  1810  he  was  the  curate  of  Caracuaro  in  Michoacan.  No 
sooner  did  Morelos  hear  of  the  Grito  de  Dolores  than  he 
sought  Miguel  Hidalgo.  The  latter  soon  commissioned  the 
curate  of  Caracuaro  to  recruit  soldiers  and  to  lead  the  revo- 
lution in  the  coastal  region  south  of  Mexico  City.  In  a  bril- 
liant campaign  Morelos  eventually  drove  the  royalist  soldiers 
from  the  district  between  Acapulco  and  the  valley  of  Mexico. 
In  his  military  exploits  Morelos  was  aided  by  the  valiant  mem- 
bers of  the  Galeano  and  Bravo  families,  notably  the  youthful 
Nicolas  Bravo;  by  Mariano  Matamoras,  the  little  curate  of 
Jantetelco ;  and  by  the  unyielding  revolutionist  who  became  fa- 
mous under  the  sobriquet  of  Guadeloupe  Victoria.     Morelos 


AGUSTIN  DE  ITURBIDE  109 

elucidated  his  political  ideals  to  a  congress  which  assembled 
in  September,  181 3,  in  the  village  of  Chilpancingo. 

The  congress  of  Chilpancingo  was  originally  composed  of 
only  eight  delegates.  In  the  regions  dominated  by  the  in- 
surgents the  delegates  had  been  chosen  by  revolutionary  sym- 
pathizers :  elsewhere  they  had  been  selected  by  Morelos.  To 
those  delegates  that  leader  expressed  a  wish  that  Mexico  should 
be  independent  of  all  nations ;  he  declared  in  favor  of  the  Ro- 
man Catholic  religion  without  the  toleration  of  any  other  faith ; 
he  argued  that  sovereignty  was  vested  in  the  people;  and  he 
proposed  that  a  new  Mexican  government  should  be  formed. 
He  suggested  that  there  should  be  three  departments  in  the 
revolutionary  government.  He  maintained  that  only  Mexicans 
should  hold  office,  and  that  slavery,  torture,  monopolies,  and 
alcahalas  should  be  abolished.  The  measures  which  were  vig- 
orously championed  by  Morelos  naturally  gained  favor  in  con- 
gress. In  October  it  issued  a  manifesto  written  by  the  Yuca- 
tanese  scholar,  Andres  Quintana  Roo,  denouncing  Spain's  colo- 
nial policy  and  avowing  that  the  Mexicans  desired  independ- 
ence. 

On  November  6,  1813,  despite  the  opposition  of  Ignacio 
Rayon,  seven  members  of  the  congress  of  Chilpancingo  signed 
an  act  which  declared  that  Mexico  was  independent  of  Spain. 
This^act,  which  was  the  first  Mexican  declaratiQUof independ- 
ence»  asserted  that  the  decision  to  take  such  an  important  step 
was  due  to  conditions  in  Spain  which  had  restored  to  Mexico 
the  exercise  of  her  usurped  sovereignty  and  had  forever  ended 
her  dependence  upon  the  Spanish  king.  The  declaration  pro- 
vided that  no  religion  except  the  Roman  Catholic  was  to  be 
tolerated  publicly  "or  secretly :  The  government  was  to  protect 
that  religion  and  to  guard  the  purity  of  its  faith.  Further, 
congress  appointed  Morelos  the  commander-in-chief  of  the 
revolutionary  army  and  the  chief  executive  of  the  Mexican 
stale.  After  accepting  these  appointments  which  conferred 
upon  him  the  title  of  highness,  Morelos  used  with  that  title 
the  modest  phrase,  "servant  of  the  nation."    Thus,  under  the 


no  RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

inspiration  of  Morelos,  the  Mexican  revolutionists  in  the  con- 
gress of  Chilpancingo  took  measures  which  clearly  indicated 
that  a  new  nation  was  being  created.  But  the  political  and 
military  prestige  of  the  warrior-priest  soon  began  to  wane. 
About  two  months  after  the  declaration  of  independence  was 
signed  the  soldiers  of  the  viceroy  forced  the  revolutionary 
congress  to  flee  from  Chilpancingo. 

While  the  Mexican  congress  was  seeking  a  refuge  from^ 
the  royalists,  "the  sword  of  Wellington"  restored  Ferdinand 
VII.  to  the  throne  of  Spain.    At  Valencia  the  faithless  Ferdi- 


nand issued  a  decree  dated  May  4,  18 14,  proclaiming  his  in- 
tention to  disregard  the  constitution  of  1812  and  the  decrees  of 
the  liberal  cortes.  Thus  Spavin  again  .f elLmid££_ihe  sway_of 
an  absolute  king.  On  August  16  the  decree  of  Valencia  was 
published  in  Mexico  City.  Four  months  later,  Felix  Maria 
Calleja,  who  had  succeeded  to  the  viceregal  authority,  issued  a 
decree  which  provided  that  the  ayuntamientos  established  ac- 
cording to  the  constitution  of  1812  were  to  be  abolished.  Cal- 
leja also  ordered  that  no  person  should  criticise  the  royal  pre- 
rogative, and  that  the  language  of  the  constitution  should  be 
suppressed  in  all  documents,  public  and  private.  Copies  of  the 
decree  of  Valencia  were  sent  to  various  officers  and  digni- 
taries throughout  the  viceroyalty.  By  such  measures  Calleja 
strove  to  restore  the  administrative  system  of  the  viceroyalty  as 
it  had  existed  before  the  deposition  of  Charles  IV. 

In  the  meantime  the  revolutionary  congress  was  framing  a 
fundamental  statute  for  independent  Mexico.  On  October  22, 
1814,  in  the  remote  hamlet  of  Apatzingan,  the  congress  adopted 
a  provisional  constitution  enunciating  certain  political  princi- 
ples and  providing  a  government  for  the  revolutionists.  The 
constitution  declared  that  the  sovereignty  of  the  people  was 
vested  in  congress  and  that  the  religion  of  the  state  should 
be  Roman  Catholicism.  The  governmental  authority  was 
vested  in  an  executive  composed  of  three  persons,  each  of 
whom  was  to  serve  as  the  president  for  four  months;  in  a 
congress  composed  of  deputies  from  the  provinces;  and  in  a 


AGUSTIN  DE  ITURBIDE  iii 

national  judiciary  chosen,  like  the  executive,  by  congress.  Un- 
der this  constitution  a  government  was  soon  established :  Jose 
M.  de  Liceaga,  Morelos,  and  Doctor  Cos  being  chosen  to  act 
as  the  executive  power.  There  was  a  provision  in  the  consti- 
tution to  the..effect  that,  after  peace  with  Spain  was  estab- 
lished, a  constituent  congress  was  to  assume  the  sovereigw  au- 
thority. To  most  Mexicans,  however,  the  constitution  of  Apat- 
zingan  remained  a  paper  constitution,  for  Spanish  soldiers  still 
patrolled  the  larger  part  of  the  viceroyalty. 

About  a  year  after  this  constitution  was  promulgated,  while 
he  was  convoying  the  migratory  congress  from  Ario  to  Te- 
huacan,  Morelos  was  captured  by  the  royalists.  In  November, 
1815,  the  jubilant  Spaniards  thrust  him  into  a  cell  of  the  in> 
quisition  in  Mexico  City.  The  trial  of  Morelos  ha;*  been  de- 
scribed by  Henry  C.  Lea  as  "the  most  expeditious  in  the  annals 
of  the  Holy  Office":  on  November  24,  the  inquisitorial  tri- 
bunal accused  Morelos  of  being  a  heretic  and  an  insurgent;  two 
days  later,  it  announced  the  judgment  which  condemned  the 
curate  of  Caracuaro  to  degradation  and  execution.  On  Decem- 
ber 22,  181 5,  after  being  stripped  of  his  priestly  vestments, 
the  "invincible"  Morelos  was  shot  in  the  back  by  the  soldiers 
of  the  viceroy.  The  execution  of  Morelos,  the  ablest  military 
commander  that  the  Mexican  revolution  had  produced,  was 
a  heavy  blow  to  the  cause  of  independence. 

Another  phase  of  the  early  Mexican  revolution  may  be 
suggested  by  the  career  of  Francisco  Xavier  Mina,  a  brave 
native  of  Navarre.  Utterly  disgusted  at  the  absolute  rule  of 
Ferdinand  VH.,  Mina  fled  from  Spain  to  England,  where  he 
dreamed  of  promoting  the  cause  of  liberty  and  independence  in 
New  Spain.  In  April,  18 17,  with  a  small  band  of  daring  fili- 
busters, recruited  mainly  in  the  United  States,  Mina  landed 
at  Soto  la  Marina  on  the  Mexican  Gulf.  With  a  part  of  "the 
auxiliary  division  of  the  Mexican  republic,"  as  he  styled  his 
soldiers,  Mina  marched  into  the  interior  of  Mexico.  Although 
he  gained  some  signal  successes  against  the  royalists,  yet  he 
failed  to  secure  the  sincere  cooperation  of  the  Mexican  insur- 


112  RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

gents  led  by  a  local  chieftain,  Padre  Torres ;  he  was  captured 
by  the  royalists  and  executed  on  November  ii,  1817.  The 
prestige  of  the  revolutionists  sank  still  lower  after  Mina's  exe- 
cution :  the  publication  of  insurgent  periodicals  was  suspended ; 
and  a  number  of  prominent  revolutionary  leaders,  among  them 
Quintana  Roo,  accepted  the  pardon  which  was  offered  by  Fer- 
dinand VII. 

Although  Hidalgo,  Morelos,  and  Mina  had  failed  to  estab- 
lish the  independence  of  Mexico,  yet  they  had  not  died  in  vain. 
PHidalgo's  memory  was  revered  by  many  Mexicans.  The  ca- 
reer of  Mina  indicated  what  a  capable  military  commander 
might  accomplish.  The  political  achievements  of  Morelos  pre- 
saged the  founding  of  an  independent  nation.  The  sequel  will 
show  that  many  Mexicans  were  ready  to  take  up  arms  against 
the  motherland,  if,  at  an  auspicious  moment,  a  resolute  leader 
appeared  with  an  attractive  political  program.  Such  a  man  was 
Agustin  de  Iturbide,  who,  during  the  early  Mexican  revolu- 
tion, had  served  under  the  Spanish  standard. 

Agustin  de  Iturbide,  the  son  of  Jose  Joaquin  de  Iturbide 
and  Maria  Josef  a  Aramburu,  was  born  in  the  city  of  Valla- 
dolid,  Mexico,  on  September  2y^  1783.  His  mother's  family 
was  evidently  of  Vizcayan  origin.  Agustin's  father,  a  pros- 
perous landowner,  was  a  native  of  Pamplona,  the  ancient  capi- 
tal of  Navarre.  On  October  i,  1783,  in  the  cathedral  of  Valla- 
dolid,  the  son  of  Jose  de  Iturbide  was  baptized  Agustin  Cosme 
Damian.  There  is  a  tradition  that  the  name  Agustin  was  be- 
stowed because  a  pious  Augustinian  friar  had  prayed  for  the 
safe  delivery  of  the  child.  At  present  the  early  life  of  Agustin 
de  Iturbide  cannot  be  reconstructed  with  fullness,  for  only  a 
few  prejudiced  documents  and  some  traditions  of  varying  de- 
grees of  authenticity  have  come  down  to  us  in  regard  to  that 
period  of  his  career.  Various  documents  show  that  his  mother, 
who  had  been  educated  in  a  convent,  was  throughout  life  a  de- 
vout Roman  Catholic.  Accordingly  we  may  safely  assume  that 
Agustin  grew  up  in  a  home  where  the  Catholic  Church  was 


AGUSTIN  DE  ITURBIDE  113 

regarded  with  veneration.  Although  the  boy  passed  his  early 
~yeafs  in  a  city  which  was  one  of  the  intellectual  centers  of 
Mexico,  yet  he  did  not  profit  greatly  by  its  educational  advan- 
tages. Alaman  alleged  that  Agustin  was  not  a  studious  youth, 
and  that  he  never  acquired  more  than  the  rudiments  of  an 
education.  Vicente  Rocafuerte,  a  bitter  political  enemy  of 
Iturbide,  asserted  that,  although  the  youth  was  sent  to  college 
in  his  native  city,  he  did  not  complete  his  course  of  study  be- 
cause of  idle  and  vicious  habits.  Those  assertions  evidently 
embody  a  belief  which  was  current  in  Mexico  during  the 
revolutionary  epoch  to  the  effect  that  the  education  of  Iturbide 
had  been  somewhat  neglected, — a  view  which  is  borne  out  by 
the  marks  of  illiteracy  found  among  his  papers. 

At  an  early  age  Iturbide  displayed  an  interest  in  military 
affairs.  The  earliest  report  of  his  military  services  preserved 
in  the  archives  of  Simancas  shows  that,  on  October  16,  1797, 
Iturbide  was  given  a  provisional  appointment  as  ensign  in  the 
provincial  regiment  of  infantry  of  Valladolid.  On  July  6, 
1798,  that  appointment  was  confirmed  by  a  royal  order.  In 
a  report  of  Iturbide's  military  services  which  was  written  in 
December,  1800,  the  following  statements  were  made:  that 
he  was  of  noble  descent ;  that  his  health  was  good ;  that  he  pos- 
sessed application  and  ability;  and  that  he  was  unmarried. 
It  was  in  1805  that  Agustin  de  Iturbide  married  Maria  Huarte, 
who  belonged  to  a  well-known  family  of  his  native  city.  By 
the  end  of  December,  1806,  Iturbide  had  been  promoted  to  a 
lieutenancy  in  his  regiment.  Service  in  a  militia  company  did 
not  engross  Iturbide's  time;  for  Mexican  militiamen  were 
ordinarily  required  to  do  little  more  than  to  attend  occasional 
reviews.  During  his  early  manhood  Iturbide  evidently  spent 
considerable  time  helping  his  father  to  manage  the  haciendas  of 
the  family.  As  early  as  1809  the  dissatisfaction  with  Spanish 
rule  attracted  Iturbide's  attention.  Jose  Michelena,  the  leader 
of  a  conspiracy  which  was  formed  against  the  viceregal  gov- 
ernment at  Valladolid,  obviously  referred  to  Iturbide  when  he 
later  declared  that  a  young  creole,  who  became  aware  of 


114  RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

the  plot,  had  denounced  the  conspirators.  In  an  autobio- 
graphical sketch  written  thirteen  years  later,  Iturbide  thus  de- 
scribed his  situation  in  life  when  the  Grito  de  Dolores  was 
heard : 


/ 


In  the  year  1810,  I  was  simply  a  subaltern  officer,  a  lieu- 
tenant in  the  provincial  regiment  of  Valladolid,  my  native 
city.  .  .  .  When  the  revolution  set  on  foot  by  Don  Miguel 
Hidalgo,  curate  of  Dolores,  broke  out,  he  offered  me  the  rank 
of  lieutenant-general.  The  offer  was  one  which  might  have 
tempted  any  young  man  without  experience,  and  at  an  age 
when  his  ambition  might  be  excited.  I  declined  it,  however, 
because  I  was  satisfied  that  the  plans  of  the  curate  were  ill 
contrived,  and  that  they  would  produce  only  disorder,  mas- 
sacre, and  devastation,  without  accomplishing  the  object  which 
he  had  in  view.  .  .  .  The  word  insurrection  in  that  instance 
did  not  mean  independence  and  equal  liberty; — its  object  was, 
not  to  reclaim  the  rights  of  the  nation,  but  to  exterminate  all 
the  Europeans,  to  destroy  their  possessions,  and  to  trample 
on  the  laws  of  war,  humanity,  and  religion. 

This  statement  embodies  the  opinion  of  conservative  Mexi- 
cans respecting  the  insurrection  of  Hidalgo.  Not  only  did 
Lieutenant  Iturbide  decline  to  follow  the  sacred  banner  of 
Guadeloupe,  but  he  took  up  arms  against  the  insurgents  as 
"against  a  lawless  band"  which  "harassed  the  country."  He 
gained  distinction  under  Colonel  Trujillo  at  the  battle  of  Las 
Cruces.  In  June,  1812,  he  captured  the  insurgent  leader  Al- 
bino Garcia  in  the  town  called  the  Valley  of  Santiago.  Four 
months  later  he  carried  a  rebel  stronghold,  Fort  Liceaga,  by 
storm.  In  April,  1813,  he  drove  the  insurgents  under  Ramon 
Rayon  from  Salvatierra.  In  December  of  that  year  he  par- 
ticipated in  a  battle  at  Valladolid  which  resulted  in  the  defeat 
of  Morelos.  In  September,  181 5,  Viceroy  Callej a  rewarded 
Colonel  Iturbide  for  these  achievements  by  appointing  him 
commander  of  a  military  district  composed  of  Guanajuato  and 
Michoacan.  In  a  short  time  the  actions  of  Iturbide  as  military 
commander  of  that  district  caused  great  dissatisfaction  among 
its  inhabitants.     Because  of  this  discontent,  early  in  April. 


AGUSTIN  DE  ITURBIDE  115 

1816,  Calleja  ordered  Iturbide  to  leave  his. ccw»mand>and. to 
pmceed  to  Mexico  City.  In  an  official  report  of  Iturbide's  case 
which  was  printed  in  the  Gaceta  de  Mexico  on  Septembei 
I,  18 16,  it  was  stated  that  although  there  was  not  enough  evi- 
dence to  convict  the  accused  officer,  yet  the  appearance  of  new 
and  adverse  witnesses  made  it  seem  advisable  not  to  restore 
him  to  his  command.  Apparently  Colonel  Iturbide  was  neither 
dismissed  nor  reinstated.  In  April,  1816,  the  hero  of  many 
bloody  engagements  ceased  to  fight  under  the  Spanish  standard. 
While  the  royalist  commander  who  had  won  an  unsur- 
passed reputation  for  cruelty  and  bravery  was  nursing  his  real 
or  fancied  wrongs,  events  occurred  in  Spain  which  influenced 
Spanish  America  profoundly.  In  1819  Ferdinand  VII.  pre-^ 
pared  to  quell  the  insurrection  in  America.  A  fleet  was  brought 
to  Cadiz.  Thousands  of  soldiers  bivouacked  in  that  city.  But 
discontent  with  Ferdinand's  absolute  rule  and  a  conviction  that 
the  soldiers  destined  for  America  constituted  a  forlorn  hope, 

,    JIMKl  ■Il|i|ll»-Ill'l    1--  *^        ' 

provoked  an  uprising.  On  January  l,  1820,  Rafael  Riego, 
the  colonel  of  an  Asturian  regiment,  boldly  proclaimed  his 
adherence  to  the  constitution  of  1812.  A  wave  of  revolution 
swept  over  Spain ;  Ferdinand  VII.  was  compelled  to  relinquish 
his  absolute  authority:  on  March  7  he  proclaimed  his  inten- 
tion to  support  the  liberal  constitution.  A  short  time  after- 
wards he  solemnly  swore  to  observe  this  constitution  and  ac- 
cepted liberal  statesmen  as  his  ministers. 

News  of  the  Spanish  revolution  startled  the  citizens  of 
Vera  Cruz  in  April,  1820.    In  the  end  of  the  following  month, 
Juan  Ruiz  de  Apodaca,  who  had  become  viceroy  of  New  Spain 
shortly  after  Iturbide  was  recalled  from  his  command,  di- 
rected that  the  officials  and  corporations  of  Mexico  City  should^ 
take  an  oath  to  support  the  new  regime.    About  the  middle 
June  the  freedom  of  the  press  was  again  proclaimed  in  M( 
ico  City.     On  June  24  Apodaca  addressed  a  circular  to  iitfe 
inhabitants  of  New  Spain»  informing  them  that  they  weijeAo     J 
take  an  oath  to  support  the  constitution  of  181 2.    In  Semifm- 
ber,  1820,  deputies  were  chosen  to  represent  Mexico  mthe 


Ii6  RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

Spanish  cortes.  In  September  and  October,  before  these  dep- 
uties sailed  from  Vera  Cruz,  the  cortes  passed  some  de- 
crees which  disturbed  many  Mexicans.  On  the  one  side,  it 
passed  a  decree  providing  that  when  the  American  rebels  who 
lived  in  regions  that  had  been  pacified  took  the  oath  to  support 
the  constitution,  they  were  to  be  pardoned.  On  the  other  side, 
it  passed  decrees  suppressing  certain  religious  orders  and  re- 
stricting other  religious  orders.  Consequently  many  members 
of  the  higher  clergy  became  apprehensive  of  the  results  which 
constitutional  government  might  have  upon  the  Mexican 
Church.  Further,  the  promulgation  anew  of  the  constitution 
of  1812  encouraged  liberal  ideas  and  stimulated  discussion  in 
regard  to  the  best  form  of  government  for  Mexico.  There 
is  perhaps  no  better  contemporary  statement  of  the  conditions 
than  that  which  was  made  by  Iturbide. 

The  new  order  of  things,  the  ferment  in  which  the  Penin- 
sula was  placed,  the  machinations  of  the  discontented,  the 
want  of  moderation  amongst  the  supporters  of  the  new  system, 
the  vacillation  of  the  authorities,  and  the  conduct  of  the  gov- 
ernment and  Cortes  at  Madrid,  (who,  from  the  decrees  which 
they  issued,  and  the  speeches  which  some  of  the  deputies  pro- 
nounced, appeared  to  have  determined  on  alienating  the  colo- 
nies), filled  the  heart  of  every  good  patriot  with  the  desire  of 
independence,  and  excited  amongst  the  Spaniards  established 
in  the  country,  the  apprehension  that  all  the  horrors  of  the 
former  insurrection  were  about  to  be  repeated.  ...  In  such 
a  state  of  things  the  richest  and  most  beautiful  part  of  Ameri- 
ca was  about  to  become  again  the  prey  of  contending  factions. 
In  every  quarter  clandestine  meetings  took  place,  for  the  pur- 
pose of  discussing  the  form  of  government  which  ought  to 
be  adopted.  Among  the  Europeans  and  their  adherents,  some 
wished  for  the  establishment  of  the  Spanish  constitution.  .  .  . 
There  were  some  who  conceived  that  it  ought  to  undergo 
modifications,  inasmuch  as  the  constitution  framed  by  the 
Cortes  at  Cadiz  was  inapplicable  to  "New  Spain."  Others 
there  were  who  sighed  after  the  old  absolute  government  as 
the  best  support  of  their  lucrative  employments,  whict  they 
exercised  in  a  despotic  manner,  and  by  v^^hich  they  hac*  gained 
a  monopoly.     The  privileged  and  powerful  classes  fomented 


AGUSTIN  DE  ITURBIDE  117 

these  different  parties,  attaching  themselves  to  the  one  or  the 
other,  according  to  the  extent  of  their  political  information,  or 
the  projects  of  aggrandizement  which  their  imaginations  pre- 
sented. The  Americans  wished  for  independence,  but  they 
were  not  agreed  as  to  the  mode  of  effecting  it,  still  less  as  to 
the  form  of  government  which  they  should  prefer.  With  re- 
spect to  the  former  object,  many  were  of  opinion  that  in  the 
first  place,  all  the  Europeans  should  be  exterminated,  and  their 
property  given  up  to  confiscation.  The  less  sanguinary  would 
have  been  contented  with  banishing  them  from  the  country, 
thus  reducing  thousands  of  families  to  a  state  of  orphanage. 
The  moderate  party  suggested  only  that  they  should  be  ex- 
cluded from  all  public  offices,  and  degraded  to  the  condition 
in  which  they  had  kept  the  natives  of  the  country  for  three 
centuries.  As  to  the  form  of  government,  one  party  proposed 
a  monarchy,  tempered  by  the  Spanish,  or  some  other  consti- 
tution; a  second  party  wished  for  a  federative  republic;  a 
third  for  a  central  republic;  and  the  partisans  of  each  sys- 
tem, full  of  enthusiasm,  were  impatient  for  the  accomplish- 
ment of  their  different  objects. 

In  1820  only  a  few  bands  of  Mexicans  still  followed  the 
standard  of  independence.  Most  of  the  insurgents  were  wag- 
ing "aguerrilla  warfare  against  the  royalists  in  the  region  south 
of  the  capital  city.  The  operations  of  the  royalists  in  that 
quarter  had  been  entrusted  to  General  Jose  Gabriel  Armijo. 
To  the  chagrin  of  Apodaca,  that  general  had  not  made  much 
progress  in  subjugating  the  enemy.  When  in  the  end  of  1820, 
Armijo  relinquished  his  command,  Apodaca  looked  for  a  man 
who  might  complete  the  pacification  of  Mexico.  His  eyes 
finally  fell  upon  the  renowned  and  discredited  commander, 
Agustin  de  Iturbide,  to  whom  he  offered  an  appointment  as 
commander  of  the  royalist  forces  in  the  field.  On  November 
9,  Colonel  Iturbide  accepted  the  appointment.  About  a  week 
later  he  left  Mexico  City  obviously  charged  with  the  task  of 
terminating  the  revolution.  Viceroy  Apoda.ca  has  been  se- 
verely criticised  because  he  selected  Iturbide  for  this  com- 
mand: it  has  been  alleged  that  the  latter  owed  his  appoint- 
ment to  the  influence  of  certain  members  of  the  clergy  who 


ii8  RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

secretly  hoped  to  use  him  in  the  execution  of  their  disloyal 
designs.  But  the  writer  has  found  no  evidence  to  indicate  that 
Apodaca  was  animated  by  any  other  motive  than  a  desire  to  re- 
establish the  authority  of  Spain  throughout  the  length  and 
breadth  of  his  viceroyalty. 

The  insurgent  leader  against  whom  Iturbide  marched  in 
November,  1820,  was  Vicente  Guerrero.  Little  is  known  of 
Guerrero's  early  career.  It  appears  that  this  leader  was  bom 
in  1782  of  humble  parents  at  Tixtla  in  the  province  of  Mexico. 
His  parents  were  of  Indian  race,  or,  at  least,  had  some  In- 
dian blood  in  their  veins.  Vicente  Guerrero  spent  his  early  life 
as  a  laborer :  Julio  Zarate,  the  historian  of  the  Mexican  revolu- 
tion, declares  that  he  was  employed  for  a  time  as  a  mule- 
driver.  Guerrero  seems  to  have  entered  the  revolutionary 
ranks  in  1810  under  a  subordinate  of  Morelos.  After  the  exe- 
cution of  that  warrior-priest,  Guerrero  became  the  soul  of  the 
Mexican  revolution.  If  it  had  not  been  for  Guerrero's  repu- 
tation as  a  sincere,  daring,  and  valiant  man,  in  1820  the  re- 
volt against  the  rule  of  Spain  in  Mexico  might  have  been  little 
more  than  a  memory. 

Instead  of  making  war  on  Guerrero,  as  he  had  warred  upon 
other  patriot  leaders,  Jturbide,  without  informing  the  viceroy, 
soon  entered  into  negotiations  with  that  leader  for  the  pacifi- 
cation of  Mexico.  The  upshot  of  the  negotiations  was  an 
agreement  between  Iturbide  and  Guerrero  to  join  forces  and 
pacify  Mexico.  Their  agreement  was  embodied  in  a  plan 
which  Iturbide  first  published  in  the  obscureji^det^oj^^lguala 
on  February  24,  1821.  ^-    ■"^"""■"""" 

The  Plan  of  Iguala — an  original  copy  of  which  the  writer 
has  seen  in  the  Mexican  archives — was  a  unique  document. 
That  plan  was  a  crude  pronunciamiento  which  contained  not 
only  a  declaration  of  independence  from  Spain  but  also  a 
sketch  of  a  provisional  government  for  New  Spain.  The  pre- 
amble of  the  plan,  addressed  to  Mexicans  of  all  races — Eu- 
ropeans, Africans,  and  Asiatics — suggested  that  the  indepen- 
dence of  Mexico  from  Spain  was  destined  to  be  established  in 


■sJ 


AGUSTIN  DE  ITURBIDE  iia 

the  natural  course  of  events.  It  declared  that  the  viceroyalty 
of  Mexico  had  been  for  three  hundred  years  under  the  tutelage 
of  the  most  pious,  heroic,  and  magnanimous  of  nations,  but  ^ 
that  the  evils  which  naturally  arose  because  of  the  distance  of 
that  viceroyalty  from  the  government  at  Madrid  could  only 
be  remedied  by  the  absolute  independence  of  Mexico  from 
Spain.  The  branch  of  the  tree  was  now  as  large  as  the  trunk. 
Only  a  general  union  of  Europeans,  Indians,  and  Creoles  would 
furnish  a  solid  basis  for  the  happiness  of  the  Mexican  people. 
An  appeal  was  made  to  their  spirit  of  nationality  in  these 
words :  "The  moment  has  arrived  when  you  should  manifest 
a  common  sentiment.  You  should  show  that  our  union  is  the 
powerful  hand  which  emancipates  America  without  any  for- 
eign aid.  At  the  head  of  a  determined  and  valiant  army,  I 
have  proclaimed  the  independence  of  Mexico." 

In  twenty-three  articles,  which  were  not  always  perfectly 
consistent  with  each  other,  suggestions  were  made  in  regard  to 
the  system  of  government  that  Iturbide  proposed  to  establish. 
One  article  provided  that  only  the  Roman  Catholic  religion 
should  be  tolerated  in  Mexico.  The  members  of  the  regular 
and  secular  clergy  throughout  the  country  were  to  be  protected 
in  all  their  rights  and  properties.  In  form  the  new  government 
was  to  be  a  monarchy^  but  it  should  be  regulated  by^^^xonstii 
tution  suitable  to  the  condition  of  the  country.  The  monarch 
of  Mexico  was  to  be  Ferdinand  VII.,  a  member  of  his  family, 
or  a  member  of  some  other  ruling  dynasty  of  Europe.  Until 
the  emperor  was  selected,  the  governmental  authority  was  to 
be  vested  in  a  junta,  which  was  to  frame  regulations  for  the 
election  of  delegates  to  a  Mexican  congress.  Until  the  arrival 
of  the  Mexican  monarch,  this  congress,  or  cortes,  was  to  de- 
cide whether  the  junta  should  govern  or  be  replaced  by  a 
regency.  As  soon  as  the  cortes  assembled,  it  was  to  frame 
a  constitution  and  to  make  laws  for  the  state.  All  the  inhabi- 
tants of  the  empire,  without  any  distinction  of  race  or  class, 
were  declared  to  be  citizeifs  of  Mexico  who  were  entitled  te 
protection  in  their  persons  and  properties.    According  to  their 


I20  RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

merits,  they  were  to  be  eligible  to  all  the  offices  of  the  new 
empire.  The  existing  governmental  bureaus  were  to  remain 
intact,  but  those  officials  who  opposed  the  Plan  of  Iguala  were 
to  be  replaced  by  men  who  were  distinguished  by  loyalty,  vir- 
tue, and  merit.  The  new  government  was  to  be  sustained  by 
the  army  of  independence.  That  army  should  be  called  the 
army  of  the  three  guarantees : — it  was  to  sacrifice  itself,  if 
need  be,  for  the  preservation  of  the  Roman  Catholic  religion, 
the  establishment  of  independence,  and  the  maintenance  of  the 
union  of  Mexicans  and  Spaniards. 

These  three  principles,  or  guarantees,  as  they  were  desig- 
nated by  Mexican  contemporaries, — religion,  independence,  and 
union,  were  the  distinctive  features  of  the  project,  as  viewed 
by  Mexicans  of  the  revolutionary  era.  In  reality  the  Plan  of 
Iguala  was  a  bid  for  the  support  of  the  various  classes  or 
castes  of  New  Spain:  royalists,  insurgents,  Creoles,  Indians, 
peninsular  Spaniards,  and  clergy.  To  the  rulers  of  Old  Spain 
the  Plan  of  Iguala  apparently  offered  a  mode  of  adjustment 
with  New  Spain  which  provided  that  the  titular  sovereignty 
over  Mexico  might  be  vested  in  a  Spanish  prince.  According 
to  that  scheme  for  a  constitutional  government  in  Mexico,  a 
person  born  there  could  not  become  its  monarch.  With  what 
seems  like  a  lack  of  wisdom,  when  the  liberal  cortes  of  Spain 
heard  of  Iturbide's  revolution,  that  body  scarcely  entertained 
the  thought  of  accepting  the  Plan  of  Iguala  as  a  solution  for 
the  vexatious  colonial  problem.  To  many  Mexican  insur- 
gents this  plan  was  attractive  because  it  embodied  some  of  the 
political  ideals  of  Morelos. 

The  Plan  of  Iguala  differed  from  the  Declaration  of  Inde- 
pendence of  July  4,  1776,  because  it  did  not  present  an  indict- 
ment of  the  mother-country.  Neither  did  it  contain  a  philoso- 
phy of  the  revolution.  It  did,  however,  formulate  a  definite 
scheme  of  government  for  the  revolutionists.  According  to 
Iturbide's  own  statement,  the  Plan  of  Iguala  was  formed  after 
he  had  made  a  careful  study  of  conditions  in  Mexico.  He  ex- 
plained the  origin  and  the  purpose  of  the  plan  in  these  words : 


AGUSTIN  DE  ITURBIDE  121 

A  pamphlet,  which  I  have  seen,  has  asserted  that  the  pro- 
ject was  the  work  of  a  club  of  serviles,  who  held  their  meet- 
ing at  the  Profesa,  a  building  belonging  to  the  congregation 
of  St.  Philip,  in  Mexico.  Any  person  who  reads  the  docu- 
ment must  be  convinced,  from  its  contents  alone,  that  it 
could  not  have  been  dictated  by  servilism;  I  put  out  of  the 
question  the  opinions  of  those  persons  to  whom  it  is  attributed, 
and  shall  only  say  that  they  are  matters  upon  which  the  multi- 
tude is  very  commonly  mistaken.  .  .  .  After  the  plan  had 
been  drawn  out,  I  consulted  upon  it  with  distinguished  in- 
dividuals of  different  parties;  not  one  of  them  disapproved  of 
it;  it  was  not  modified  in  any  manner;  nothing  was  added  or 
erased. 

In  tracing  out  this  project,  my  aim  was  to  give  independ- 
ence to  my  country,  because  such  was  the  general  desire  of 
the  Americans;  a  desire  founded  on  natural  feelings,  and  on 
principles  of  justice.  It  was,  besides,  the  only  means  by  which 
the  interests  of  the  two  nations  could  be  secured.  The  Span- 
iards would  not  allow  themselves  to  be  convinced  that  their 
decline  began  with  their  acquisition  of  the  colonies,  while  the 
colonists  were  fully  persuaded  that  the  time  of  their  emanci- 
pation had  arrived. 

The  Plan  of  Iguala  guaranteed  the  religion  which  we  in- 
herited from  our  ancestors.  To  the  reigning  family  of  Spain, 
it  held  out  the  only  prospect  which  survived  for  preserving 
those  extensive  and  fertile  provinces.  To  the  Mexicans,  it 
granted  the  right  of  enacting  their  own  laws,  and  of  having 
their  government  established  within  their  own  territory. 

The  sagacity  which  Iturbide  had  shown  in  framing  the 
Plan  of  Iguala  was  soon  demonstrated.  This  plan  received  the 
support  of  many  members  of  the  clergy  who  had  remained  stu- 
diously aloof  from  Hidalgo.  A  large  number  of  royalist  sol- 
diers were  attracted  by  the  movement  because  of  Iturbide's 
prestige  as  a  royalist  commander,  while  the  acceptance  of  the 
Plan  of  Iguala  by  Guerrero  guaranteed  the  support  of  many 
revolutionists.  Thus,  because  of  one  motive  or  another,  sup- 
porters of  that  plan  soon  appeared  in  various  parts  of  Mexico. 
On  March  29,  182 1,  the  garrison  of  Vera  Cruz,  which  was 
commanded  by  Captain  Antonio  Lopez  de  Santa  Anna,  pro- 


122  RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 


>7 


» claimed  its  adherence  to  Iturbide's  program.  Nicolas  Bravo, 
Who  had  just  been  released  from  prison  by  Apodaca,  soon  be- 
Wan  to  recruit  soldiers  for  the  army  of  the  three  guarantees. 
K^icente  Filisola,  an  Italian  who  had  been  a  comrade-in-arms 
jof  Iturbide,  joined  his  adherents.  Meanwhile  Iturbide  had 
invested  his  native  city:  on  May  22,  after  a  brief  siege,  he 
entered  Valladolid  amid  the  rejoicings  of  his  fellow-towns- 
men. On  June  28  Queretaro  fell  into  his  hands.  In  the  ga- 
zette of  Iturbide's  army  and  in  his  official  newspaper,  the 
Diario  Politico  Militar  Mejicano,  reports  were  regularly  pub- 
lished of  the  progress  of  his  arms  and  of  the  viceroy's  declin- 
ing power.  The  first  number  of  that  newspaper,  September 
1 82 1,  spoke  of  Iturbide's  "just,  liberal,  and  beneficent  gov- 
iernment." 

Iturbide  had  evidently  hoped  that  Viceroy  Apodaca.  would 
accept  his  scheme  as  the  basis  for  an  adjustment  between 
Mexico  and  Spain.  For  the  Plan  of  Iguala  provided  that 
Apodaca  should  become  the  president  of  the  provisional  junta. 
But  Apodaca  refused  to  join  hands  with  Iturbide.  On  March 
8  he  issued  a  manifesto  exhorting  the  Mexicans  to  support  the 
constitution  and  the  laws;  on  March  14  he  published  a  proc- 
lamation announcing  that  Iturbide  was  an  outlaw.  Apodaca 
also  took  various  measures  for  the  defence  of  the  capital  city: 
soldiers  were  gathered  and  placed  under  the  command  of  a 
royalist  officer  named  Pascual  de  Lilian.  Early  in  June  the 
viceroy  felt  compelled  to  impress  soldiers  whom  he  called  "the 
defenders  of  the  integrity  of  the  Two  Spains."  However, 
when  reports  reached  the  capital  of  the  capture  of  Valladolid 
and  Queretaro  by  the  soldiers  of  the  three  guarantees,  the 
discontent  of  the  royalists  became  intense ;  and  hence  the  chief 
military  officers  in  Mexico  City  insisted  that  Apodaca  should 
relinquish  his  office.  The  hapless  viceroy  yielded  to  the  storm : 
— on  July  6  he  resigned  his  command  in  favor  of  General 
Francisco  Novella. 

Like  the  last  titular  emperor  of  Rome,  the  last  titular  vice- 
roy of  New  Spain  was  deposed  by  a  mutiny  of  his  own  sol- 


AGUSTIN  DE  ITURBIDE  123 

diers.     The  deposed  viceroy  soon  journeyed  to  Vera  Cruz   ---4c\jS^ 
where  he  embarked  for  the  Spanish  peninsula  on  the  ship 
Asia.    It  seems  odd  that  this  vessel  had  just  brought  to  Mexico       ^oeJTvi^ 
Ggneraljuan  O'Donoju,  the  last  representative  of  the  Spanish 
monarchy  to  exercise  viceregal  authority  in  North  America^ 

In  January,  1821,  General  O'Donojii  had  been  appointed 
captain  general  of  New  Spain.  In  accordance  with  the  consti- 
tution, he  was  given  the  title  of  superior  political  chief.  If 
any  detailed  instructions  were  written  by  the  liberal  statesmen 
of  Spain  for  the  guidance  of  O'Donojii,  investigations  by  the 
writer  in  the  Spanish  archives  have  not  brought  them  to  light. 
In  view  of  the  extraordinary  conditions  in  Spain,  it  is  possible 
that  O'Donojii  was  not  g^ven  any  instructions  regarding  the 
policy  which  he  was  to  follow  as  captain  general  of  New 
Spain.  At  the  critical  juncture  when  rumors  of  the  revolu- 
tionary projects  of  Iturbide  reached  Madrid,  O'Donojii  was 
nearly  ready  to  leave  the  Spanish  peninsula  for  the  New 
World.  The  commander  of  New  Spain  left  Cadiz  for  America 
on  May  20,  1821,  accompanied  only  by  a  few  military  officers. 
Two  months  later  he  reached  the  fortress  of  San  Juan  de 
Ulliia.  When  O'Donojii  discovered  that  many  of  the  impor- 
tant towns  and  cities  of  Mexico  had  proclaimed  their  adher- 
ence to  the  Plan  of  Iguala,  that  the  army  of  the  three  guaran- 
tees had  besieged  the  capital  city  of  the  viceroy alty,  and  that 
Vera  Cruz  had  actually  been  attacked  by  the  soldiers  of  Itur- 
bide, his  amazement  was  prodigious.  It  seemed  as  though  a 
magician's  wand  had  almost  transformed  the  ancient  viceroy- 
alty  of  New  Spain  into  an  independent  state. 

The  Iturbidista  revolution  indubitably  influenced  the  policy 
which  was  adopted  by  O'Donojii,  the  liberal.  From  Vera  Cruz 
on  August  3  the  captain  general  issued  an  address  to  the  inhabi- 
tants of  Mexico  in  which  he  frankly  declared  that  if  his  gov- 
ernment did  not  suit  the  Mexicans,  at  the  first  sign  of  disgust 
with  his  rule  he  would  relinquish  his  post  and  quietly  allow 
them  to  select  their  own  ruler.  He  suggested,  however,  that 
the  Mexicans  should  suspend  their  projects  until  they  re- 


124  RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

ceived  fresh  tidings  from  the  Spanish  peninsula.  A  few  days 
later,  perhaps  at  the  instance  of  the  wily  insurgent,  Santa 
Anna,  O'Donojii  sent  to  Colonel  Iturbide  two  agents  who  were 
empowered  to  propose  the  negotiation  of  a  treaty  which  might 
ensure  the  pacification  of  New  Spain. 

Those  agents  soon  made  arrangements  for  an  interview 
between  O'Donoju  and  Iturbide.  The  interview  was  held  in 
the  town  of  Cordoba.  There,  on  August  24,  the  commander 
of  the  army  of  the  three  guarantees  and  the  superior  political 
chief  of  New  Spain  agreed  to  a  treaty.  The  preamble  of  the 
treaty  of  Cordoba  alleged  that  O'Donojii  desired  to  reconcile 
-^^^^Id  Spain  and  New  Spain  by  untying  the  bonds  which  had 
united  them.  O'Donojii  agreed  that  New  Spain  was  to  be  rec- 
ognized as  a  sovereign  and  independent  nation.  The  govern- 
ment of  the  new  nation  was  to  be  a  monarchy  limited  by  a  con- 
stitution. With  regard  to  the  monarch,  article  three  of  this 
convention  provided  that  Ferdinand  VII.  was  first  to  be  offered 
the  throne  of  Mexico.  If  the  king  of  Spain  declined  to  accept 
that  throne,  it  was  next  to  be  offered  to  his  brother,  Prince 
Charles ;  if  Charles  did  not  accept  the  kingship,  the  throne  was 
then  to  be  offered  to  Prince  Francisco  de  Paula ;  if  that  prince 
did  not  wish  to  accept  the  Mexican  throne,  it  was  then  to  be 
offered  to  Prince  Charles  Louis,  Duke  of  Lucca.  In  case  no 
one  of  those  personages  accepted  the  kingdom  of  Mexico,  then 
the  cortes  of  the  Mexican  empire  was  to  elect  a  monarch  who 
should  erect  his  court  in  Mexico  City.  His  Catholic  Majesty, 
Ferdinand  VIL,  was  to  be  solicited  to  pronjote  the  selection 
of  a  prince  of  his  dynasty  to  reign  in  Mexico. 

Meanwhile,  "in  accordance  with  the  spirit  of  the  Plan  of 
Iguala" — so  ran  the  treaty — a  junta  was  to  be  formed  from 
the  leaders  of  the  Mexican  empire,  including  O'Donojii.  This 
junta  was  to  be  styled  the  provisional  governmental  junta.  It 
was  to  select  its  own  president,  to  inform  the  people  that  depu- 
ties were  to  be  elected  to  a  Mexican  cortes,  and  to  choose  a 
regency  of  three  persons  who  were  to  constitute  the  supreme 
executive  authority  until  a  monarch  grasped  "the  scepter  of  the 


AGUSTIN  DE  ITURBIDE  125 

empire."  Until  the  cortes  assembled,  the  provisional  junta  was 
to  legislate  in  accordance  with  the  existing  laws  that  harmon- 
ized with  the  Plan  of  Iguala.  The  regency  was  to  convoke  a 
constituent  cortes  for  Mexico.  The  treaty  of  Cordoba  also 
contained  a  provision  that  the  Spaniards  might  freely  depart 
from  Mexican  soil  with  their  families  and  property,  whereas 
those  officials  who  were  notoriously  opposed  to  Mexican  inde- 
pendence might  be  compelled  to  leave  the  empire.  The  occupa- 
tion of  Mexico  City  by  Spanish  soldiers  being  an  obstacle  to 
the  fulfillment  of  the  treaty,  O'Donoju  agreed  to  use  his  in- 
fluence to  secure  the  peaceful  evacuation  of  that  city  by  an 
honorable  capitulation. 

This  epitome  of  the  treaty  of  Cordoba  shows  that  it  con- 
firmed the  Plan  of  Iguala,  with  some  modifications.  Of  spe- 
cial significance  was  the  clause  which  provided  that  in  case 
none  of  the  personages  designated  in  the  treaty  deigned  to 
accept  the  throne  of  Mexico,  the  emperor  should  be  chosen 
by  the  Mexican  cortes.  The  treaty  contained  no  provision  to 
the  effect  that  the  monarch  must  be  selected  from  a  reigning 
dynasty  of  Europe.  Thus  the  road  was  cleared  for  the  choice 
of  an  emperor  who  had  been  born  in  Mexico.  It  is  not  strange 
that  some  writers  should  have  considered  that  the  treaty  of 
Cordoba  embodied  a  plan  which  prepared  the  way  for  the 
selection  of  the  aspiring  commander  of  the  army  of  the  three 
guarantees  as  emperor  of  Mexico. 

After  Iturbide  and  O'Donojii  had  affixed  their  signatures 
to  the  convention  of  Cordoba,  there  was  a  tilt  between  O'Don- 
ojti  and  Novella;  for  the  latter  maintained  that  O'Donoju  was 
not  authorized  to  sign  such  a  convention,  while  O'Donoju  de- 
manded that  Novella  should  place  the  garrison  of  Mexico 
City  at  his  disposal.  In  the  end  Novella  was  reluctantly  in- 
duced to  recognize  O'Donoju  as  the  rightful  commander  of 
the  royalist  soldiers.  In  accordance  with  O'Donojii's  wishes, 
on  September  14,  Novella  transferred  his  military  authority 
to  Pascual  de  Lifian  and  bestowed  his  civil  authority  upon 
Ramon  Gutierrez  del  Mazo.    A  few  days  later  the  grenadiers 


126  RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

of  Iturbide  took  possession  of  the  fortress-palace  of  Chapul- 
tepec.  His  troops  displaced  the  peninsular  soldiers  who  had 
garrisoned  the  city.  Elaborate  preparations  were  made  for  the 
entry  of  Iturbide  and  his  followers  into  the  capital.  On  Sep- 
tember 27,  182 1 — his  thirty-eighth  birthday — Iturbide  marched 
into  the  city  from  Chapultepec  at  the  head  of  the  victorious 
army  of  the  three  guarantees.  As  the  triumphal  procession 
wended  its  way  into  the  city,  it  deeply  impressed  the  inhabi- 
tants. The  first  number  of  the  Gaceta  Imperial  de  Mexico, 
which  replaced  the  Gaceta  de  Mexico,  declared  that  Iturbide 
was  hailed  by  the  people  of  Mexico  City  as  *the  father  of  his 
country,  the  liberator,  and  the  tutelar  genius  of  New  Spain.' 
In  the  enthusiasm  of  the  moment  that  gazette  exclaimed  that 
'Rome  had  never  witnessed  such  a  triumph.'  The  ayunta- 
miento  of  Mexico  City,  says  Bustamante,  presented  Iturbide 
with  a  key  of  gold  upon  a  platter  of  silver.  These  demonstra- 
tions of  joy  signalized  the  termination  of  the  struggle  for  the 
independence  of  Mexico  from  Spain, — a  struggle  which  Hi- 
dalgo had  begun  on  September  16,  1810.  By  what  may  rightly 
be  characterized  as  a  bloodless  revolution  the  author  of  the 
Plan  of  Iguala  had  overthrown  Spanish  rule  in  the  region 
that  had  been  conquered  by  Hernando  Cortes  and  his  follow- 
ers. In  the  words  of  Iturbide  himself,  "Six  months  were  suf- 
ficient to  untwist  the  entangled  knot  which  had  bound  the 
two  worlds." 

While  the  royalist  soldiers  were  evacuating  the  capital, 
Iturbide  was  selecting  the  members  of  the  provisional  gov- 
ernmental junta  provided  by  the  Plan  of  Iguala.  Among  the 
leaders  selected  to  serve  on  the  junta  were  Iturbide,  O'Donoju, 
and  Antonio  Joaquin  Perez,  the  bishop  of  Puebla.  On  Sep- 
tember 28,  this  junta  met  in  a  hall  of  the  former  viceregal 
palace.  The  members  soon  elected  Iturbide  as  president.  They 
chose  as  their  secretary  Juan  J.  de  los  Monteros,  one  of  Itur- 
bide's  intimate  friends.  After  solemnly  swearing  to  support 
the  Plan  of  Iguala  and  the  treaty  of  Cordoba,  they  signed 
"the  act  of  independence  of  the  Mexican  Empire."    The  act 


AGUSTIN  DE  ITURBIDE  127 

proclaimed  that  Mexico  had  just  emerged  from  three  hundred 
years  of  oppressive  rule:  "the  heroic  efforts  of  her  sons  have 
been  crowned  with  success;  this  measure  consummates  an 
eternally  memorable  enterprise  which  a  hero  who  is  worthy  of 
admiration,  praise,  love,  and  glory  began  in  Iguala  and  brought 
to  a  successful  termination  in  spite  of  almost  insurmountable 
obstacles."  The  declaration  of  independence  announced  that 
Mexico  was  a  sovereign  nation  independent  of  Spain  with 
which  she  would  maintain  friendly  relations  as  prescribed  by 
treaties.  In  contrast  with  the  first  Mexican  declaration  of  in- 
dependence framed  under  the  inspiration  of  Morelos,  this  dec- 
laration announced  to  the  world  that  Mexico  was  an  empire. 
The  governmental  junta  provided  that  the  inhabitants  of  the 
Mexican  empire  were  to  swear  to  support  its  declaration  of 
independence. 

The  junta  soon  appointed  a  regency  to  serve  as  the  execu- 
tive body  until  an  emperor  was  elected.  The  members  of  the 
executive  power  were  Agustin  de  Iturbide,  Juan  O'Donojii, 
Manuel  de  la  Barcena,  Jose  Isidro  Yafiez,  and  Manuel  Velas- 
quez de  Leon.  When  he  became  president  of  the  regency, 
Iturbide  relinquished  the  presidency  of  the  junta.  The  regency 
soon  conferred  upon  Iturbide  the  command  of  the  army  with 
the  grade  of  generalissimo  and  the  title  of  highness.  That 
body  also  established  four  secretaries :  a  secretary  of  state,  of 
justice  and  ecclesiastical  affairs,  of  war  and  the  navy,  and  of 
the  treasury. 

On  February  24,  1822,  the  congress  which  had  been  con- 
voked in  accordance  w^ith  the  treaty  of  Cordoba  assembled.  At 
once  it  declared  that  the  provisional  junta  had  ceased  to  exist 
and  that  the  legislative  authority  was  vested  in  itself.  In  a 
short  time  it  sent  a  decree  to  the  regency  providing  that  all 
the  cities,  towns,  villages,  and  corporations  of  the  Mexican  em- 
pire should  take  a  solemn  oath  to  recognize  the  sovereignty  of 
the  nation  as  represented  by  congress.  The  regency  ordered 
that  this  decree  should  be  observed  by  Mexican  civil,  military, 
and  ecclesiastical   authorities  of   whatever  class   or  dignity. 


128  RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

Nevertheless  a  struggle  soon  began  between  congress  and  the 
regency  for  the  supreme  authority.  Some  members  of  con- 
gress desired  the  establishment  of  a  republic  in  Mexico.  "The 
Republicans  were  hostile  to  me,"  said  Iturbide,  "because  they 
well  knew  that  they  could  never  bring  me  to  contribute  to  the 
establishment  of  a  government,  which,  whatever  might  be  its 
attractions,  did  not  suit  the  Mexicans."  Another  group  of 
Iturbide's  opponents  was  composed  of  persons  who  wished  to 
see  that  provision  of  the  Plan  of  Iguala  carried  out  which  ar- 
ranged for  the  coronation  of  a  Bourbon  prince  as  emperor  of 
Mexico, — a  provision  which  the  action  of  Spain  rendered 
nugatory. 

According  to  an  article  of  the  treaty  of  Cordoba,  O'Donoju 
selected  two  commissioners  to  carry  the  news  of  that  agree- 
ment to  the  court  of  Madrid.  He  entrusted  those  commission- 
ers with  a  dispatch  addressed  to  Ferdinand  VII.  In  this  dis- 
patch O'Donoju  expressed  the  opinion  that  the  independence 
of  Mexico  from  Spain  was  inevitable;  he  described  the  unex- 
pected pleasure  with  which  he  had  witnessed  Iturbide  sign  the 
treaty  of  Cordoba,  and  pointed  out  that  a  prince  of  Spain  might 
still  become  emperor  of  Mexico.  But  the  treaty  of  Cordoba, 
which  became  known  to  the  Spanish  government  in  November, 
182 1,  was  given  a  cold  reception.  On  December  7,  Ramon 
Pelegrin,  the  secretary  for  the  colonies,  addressed  a  circular 
to  various  ayuntamientos,  audiencias,  and  archbishops  in  the 
New  World  declaring  that  neither  O'Donoju  nor  anyone  else 
had  been  authorized  to  agree  to  a  convention  which  recognized 
the  independence  from  Spain  of  any  transatlantic  province. 
In  the  same  month  Juan  Moscoso,  who  had  been  employed 
in  the  Spanish  service  in  the  West  Indies,  was  quietly  ap- 
pointed captain  general  of  New  Spain  to  replace  O'Donoju. 
Early  in  1822  the  treaty  of  Cordoba  was  laid  before  the  Span- 
ish cortes.  After  an  interesting  debate,  on  February  13,  1822, 
the  extraordinary  cortes  passed  a  decree  which  solemnly  de- 
clared that  the  recognition  of  the  independence  of  any  Spanish 
colony  by  a  foreign  state  would  be  considered  as  an  act  of 


AGUSTIN  DE  ITURBIDE  129 

hostility  toward  Spain.  The  Spanish  ambassadors  in  Europe 
were  soon  instructed  to  make  known  to  the  governments  to 
which  they  were  accredited  the  views  of  Spain  regarding  the 
independence  of  Spanish  America.  Thus  did  the  members  of 
the  Hberal  cortes — ^which  had  rejected  the  Plan  of  Iguala — 
spurn  a  convention  by  which  Spain  might  have  held  Mexico 
as  an  appanage. 

Pelegrin's  circular  disavowing  the  treaty  of  Cordoba  was 
printed  on  March  28,  1822,  by  the  Gaceta  Imperial  de  Mexico, 
the  official  organ  of  Iturbide's  government.  In  commenting 
upon  that  circular  the  gazette  intimated  that  the  Mexicans 
would  never  bow  their  necks  to  the  Spanish  yoke  again.  The 
truth  of  the  matter  is:  that  to  Iturbide's  adherents  the  policy 
announced  by  Spain  appeared  to  make  effective  the  article 
of  the  treaty  of  Cordoba  which  provided  that,  jnaiifirtain. con- 
tingency, the  Mexican  nation  might  elect  its  own  sovereign. 
The  dramatic  sequel  was  not  long  delayed.  On  the  night  of 
May  18,  1822,  Pio  Marcha,  a  sergeant  in  Iturbide's  old  regi- 
ment, and  the  rabble  in  the  streets  of  the  capital  city,  with  loud 
shouts  which  were  accompanied  by  a  rattling  fire  of  musketry, 
proclaimed  Iturbidb3s.^^^s.tinl,,^  Emperor  of  Mexico.  Ac- 
cording to  Iturbide's  own  version  of  the  affair,  his  first  im- 
pulse was  to  decline  the  imperial  dignity  which  the  people  so 
unceremoniously  thrust  upon  him: 

If  I  restrained  myself  from  appearing  before  them  for  that 
purpose,  it  was  solely  in  compliance  with  the  counsel  of  a 
friend  who  happened  at  the  moment  to  be  with  me.  "They 
will  consider  it  an  insult,"  he  had  scarcely  time  to  say  to  me, 
"and  the  people  know  no  restraint  when  they  are  irritated. 
You  must  make  this  fresh  sacrifice  to  the  public  good:  the 
country  is  in  danger;  remain  a  moment  longer  undecided,  and 
you  will  hear  their  acclamations  turned  into  death-shouts." 
I  felt  it  necessary  to  resign  myself  to  circumstances;  and  I 
spent  the  whole  of  that  night  allaying  the  general  enthusi- 
asm, and  persuading  th^  people  and  the  troops  to  give  time 
for  my  decision,  and  in  the  meanwhile  to  render  obedience  to 
the  Congress. 


I30  RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

On  May  19,  Iturbide  was  invited  to  attend  an  extraordi- 
nary session  of  congress.  When  he  was  ready  to  proceed 
there,  some  enthusiastic  Mexicans  unfastened  the  horses  from 
his  coach  and  drew  him  triumphantly  through  the  streets  to 
the  hall  of  congress.  The  building  was  surrounded  by  his  tur- 
bulent soldiers,  while  excited  civilians  crowded  into  the  gal- 
leries. Nevertheless,  the  proposal  to  proclaim  Iturbide  the 
supreme  ruler  of  Mexico  provoked  a  spirited  opposition.  Only 
after  a  debate  which  lasted  several  hours  did  a  majority  of 
the  members  of  congress  who  were  voting  announce  them- 
selves in  favor  of  Agustin  de  Iturbide  as  emperor  of  Mexico. 
On  the  same  day  congress  passed  an  act  which  asserted  that, 
as  certain  members  of  the  ruling  dynasty  of  Spain  had  re- 
nounced the  crown  of  Mexico  or  had  refused  to  accept  that 
crown,  in  accordance  with  article  three  of  the  treaty  of  Cor- 
doba, it  had  selected  as  "the  constitutional  emperor  of  Mexico, 
Agustin  de  Iturbide,  first  of  that  name,  according  to  the  bases 
proclaimed  in  the  Plan  of  Iguala,  which  was  generally  sup- 
ported by  the  Mexican  nation."  On  May  20  congress  formu- 
lated an  oath  of  fidelity  to  the  imperial  government  of  Mexico. 
On  the  following  day  Iturbide  took  that  oath  in  the  halls  of 
congress.  After  this  ceremony  Emperor  Agustin  I.  appar- 
ently made  an  address  declaring  that  he  was  fettered  with 
chains  of  gold. 

Bells  were  rung  in  the  city  of  Mexico  when  the  election  of 
Iturbide  as  emperor  was  proclaimed.  Felicitations  were 
showered  upon  Agustin  I.  by  various  individuals  and  corpora- 
tions. He  was  congratulated  by  the  ayuntamiento  of  the  capi- 
tal city  and  by  the  leading  military  commanders,  notably  by 
Guerrero  and  Santa  Anna.  At  Guadalajara  and  at  Valladolid 
the  accession  of  Iturbide  to  the  throne  of  Mexico  was  celebrat- 
ed by  public  rejoicings.  Congress  soon  passed  important  meas- 
ures concerning  the  Iturbidista  dynasty.  On  June  22  it  passed 
a  law  providing  that  the  Mexican  monarchy  was  to  be  moder- 
ate, constitutional,  and  hereditary.  The  successor  of  Emperor 
Agustin  I.  was  to  be  his  eldest  son,  Agustin,  who  was  to  be 


AGUSTIN  DE  ITURBIDE  131 

styled  Prince  Imperial ;  the  other  children  of  the  emperor  were 
to  be  called  princes  or  princesses  of  Mexico ;  his  father  was  to 
be  entitled  Prince  of  the  Union ;  and  his  sister  was  to  be  styled 
Princess  Iturbide.  In  accordance  with  the  provisions  of  con- 
gress elaborate  preparations  were  made  for  the  coronation  of 
the  newly  elected  emperor.  On  July  21,  1822,  in  the  stately 
cathedral  of  Mexico  City,  in  the  presence  of  several  bishops 
and  a  large  concourse  of  people,  Iturbide  was  ostentatiously 
crowned  emperor  of  Mexico.  After  the  ceremony  of  corona- 
tion  was  completed,  medals  were  scattered  among  the  populace 
which  bore  on  one  side  the  bust  of  the  emperor  and  on  the 
other  side  the  inscription :  "Agustin,  First  Constitutional  Em- 
peror of  the  Mexicans." 

Emperor  Agustin  I.  soon  established  an  imperial  court  with 
pages  and  chamberlains  and  almoners  and  ladies-in-waiting. 
He  also  instituted  a  military  order,  the  imperial  order  of 
Guadeloupe,  ostensibly  to  reward  the  soldiers  who  had  fought 
for  Mexico's  emancipation.  Agustin  I.  became  the  grand 
master  of  the  Order  of  Guadeloupe.  Many  other  leaders  in 
the  Iturbidista  revolution,  as  well  as  some  of  the  friends  or 
relatives  of  the  emperor,  were  decorated  with  the  grand  cross, 
the  insignia  of  the  order. 

In  1821  and  1822  the  authority  of  the  Mexican  empire 
was  extended  southward  far  beyond  the  confines  of  the  vice- 
royalty  of  New  Spain.  On  September  8,  1821,  a  junta  in  the 
province  of  Chiapas,  which  was  situated  within  the  captaincy 
general  of  Guatemala,  swore  to  support  independence  from 
Spain  in  terms  which  indicated  an  intention  to  adhere  to  the 
Plan  of  Iguala.  A  week  later  a  junta  at  Campeche,  Yucatan, 
declared  that  province  to  be  independent  of  Spain ;  and  at  the 
same  time  it  expressed  a  hope  that  the  system  of  independence 
embodied  in  the  treaty  of  Cordoba  was  not  contrary  to  civil 
liberty.  On  September  15  the  members  of  a  junta  convoked 
by  Gavino  Gainza,  the  captain  general  of  Guatemala,  in  Guate- 
mala City,  declared  in  favor  of  independence  from  Spain.  On 
September  28  in  Comayagua,  the  capital  of  the  province  of 


132  RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

Honduras,  a  junta  declared  that  province  to  be  independent 
alike  of  Spain  and  of  Guatemala.  In  the  same  month  similar 
action  was  taken  in  the  province  of  Nicaragua.  On  December 
27,  182 1,  Agustin  I.  ordered  Vicente  Filisola  to  take  command 
of  a  military  expedition,  which,  "in  accordance  with  the  Plan 
of  Iguala,"  was  to  protect  the  provinces  of  the  captaincy  gen- 
eral of  Guatemala.  After  Filisola  marched  for  Guatemala, 
the  provinces  of  Salvador  and  Costa  Rica  also  decided  in 
favor  of  independence  from  Spain  and  union  with  Mexico. 
On  September  5,  1822,  orders  were  sent  out  from  Mexico  City 
to  the  effect  that  Agustin  I.  should  be  proclaimed  emperor  in 
the  principal  towns  of  Guatemala,  according  to  the  ceremony 
which  had  been  used  in  proclaiming  the  Spanish  monarchs. 
Agustin  I.  thus  became  the  titular  ruler  over  an  immense  em- 
pire. In  1822  his  dominions  included  the  former  viceroyalty 
of  New  Spain  and  almost  all  of  the  former  captaincy  general 
of  Guatemala,  or  Central  America.  At  its  greatest  extent  the 
first  Mexican  empire  stretched  from  "Great  Colombia" — 
which  had  just  been  founded  by  Simon  de  Bolivar — to  the 
forty-second  parallel  of  north  latitude,  the  southwestern 
boundary  of  the  United  States  of  North  America. 

Joel  R.  Poinsett  of  South  Carolina,  who  was  sent  to  Mexico 
by  President  Monroe  to  investigate  conditions  in  that  empire, 
thus  described  Emperor  Agustin  I : 

I  was  presented  to  His  Majesty  this  morning.  On  alight- 
ing at  the  gate  of  the  palace,  which  is  an  extensive  and  hand- 
some building,  we  were  received  by  a  numerous  guard,  and 
then  made  our  way  up  a  large  stone  staircase,  lined  with 
sentinels,  to  a  spacious  apartment,  where  we  found  a  briga- 
dier general  stationed  to  usher  us  into  the  presence.  The  em- 
peror was  in  his  cabinet  and  received  us  with  great  polite- 
ness. Two  of  his  favorites  were  with  him.  We  were  all 
seated,  and  he  conversed  with  us  for  half  an  hour  in  an  easy 
unembarrassed  manner,  taking  occasion  to  compliment  the 
United  States,  and  our  institutions,  and  to  lament  that  they 
were  not  suited  to  the  circumstances  of  his  country.  He 
modestly  insinuated  that  he  had  yielded  very  reluctantly  to 


AGUSTIN  DE  ITURBIDE  133 

the  wishes  of  the  people,  but  had  been  compelled  to  suffer 
them  to  place  the  crown  upon  his  head  to  prevent  misrule  and 
anarchy. 

He  is  about  five  feet  ten  or  eleven  inches  high,  stoutly 
made  and  well  proportioned.  His  face  is  oval,  and  his  fea- 
tures are  very  good  except  his  eyes,  which  were  constantly 
bent  on  the  ground  or  averted.  His  hair  is  brown  with  red 
whiskers,  and  his  complexion  fair  and  ruddy,  more  like  that 
of  a  German  than  of  a  Spaniard.  ...  I  will  not  repeat  the 
tales  I  hear  daily  of  the  character  and  conduct  of  this  man.  .  .  . 
In  the  interval  between  the  defeat  of  the  patriot  cause  and 
the  last  revolution,  he  resided  in  the  capital,  and  in  a  society 
not  remarkable  for  strict  morals,  he  was  distinguished  for 
his  immorality.  His  usurpation  of  the  chief  authority  has 
been  the  most  glaring,  and  unjustifiable;  and  his  exercise  of 
power  arbitrary  and  tyrannical.  With  a  pleasing  address  and 
a  prepossessing  exterior,  and  by  lavish  profusion,  he  has  at- 
tached the  officers  and  soldiers  to  his  person,  and  so  long  as  he 
possesses  the  means  of  paying  and  rewarding  them,  so  long 
will  he  maintain  himself  on  the  throne;  when  these  fail  he 
will  be  precipitated  from  it.  It  is  a  maxim  of  history,  which 
will  probably  be  again  illustrated  by  this  example,  that  a  gov- 
ernment not  founded  on  public  opinion,  but  established  and 
supported  by  corruption  and  violence,  cannot  exist  without 
ample  means  to  pay  the  soldiery,  and  to  maintain  pensioners 
and  partisans.  Aware  of  the  state  of  his  funds,  and  of  the 
probable  consequence  to  himself  of  their  failure,  he  is  making 
great  exertions  to  negotiate  loans  in  England ;  and  such  is  the 
infatuation  of  the  monied  men  in  that  country,  that  it  is  pos- 
sible he  may  effect  his  object.  The  conditions  of  a  loan 
have  been  agreed  upon,  and  an  agent  has  lately  gone  to  Lon- 
don— another  is  preparing  to  set  out  for  the  same  destination 
with  all  the  pomp  of  an  embassy — and  the  professors  of  Bot- 
any and  Mineralogy  told  me  with  great  dismay  yesterday,  that 
they  had  received  orders  from  his  Majesty  to  prepare  col- 
lections to  be  sent  to  England.  .  .  . 

To  judge  Iturbide  from  his  public  papers,  I  do  not  think 
him  a  man  of  talents.  He  is  prompt,  bold  and  decisive,  and 
not  scrupulous  about  the  means  he  employs  to  obtain  his  ends. 

After  Iturbide  had  been  crowned  emperor  of  Mexico,  he 
no  longer  dreamed  of  inviting  a  European  prince  to  occupy 


134  RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

the  throne  of  the  new  state.  It  is  evident,  however,  that  he 
still  hoped  to  make  an  amicable  arrangement  with  the  mother- 
land. The  policy  which  he  wished  to  follow  is  suggested  in 
an  official  memorandum  concerning  the  choice  of  an  envoy  to 
the  court  of  Madrid.  The  memorandum  declared  that  Mexico 
was  anxious  to  establish  friendly  relations  with  Spain  and 
desired  to  enter  into  an  offensive  and  defensive  alliance  with 
her.  Nevertheless,  Mexico  considered  as  an  indispensable  pre- 
liminary to  all  negotiations,  the  acknowledgment  of  her  inde- 
pendence from  Spain  and  the  recognition  of  Agustin  I.  as  her 
legitimate  emperor.  About  the  time  that  this  memorandum 
was  written,  the  liberal  government  of  Spain  sent  two  com- 
missioners to  New  Spain  to  enter  into  negotiations  for  the 
pacification  of  that  country.  Spain's  commissioners  informed 
the  Mexicans  that  they  were  empowered  to  terminate  the  dis- 
sensions between  Old  Spain  and  New  Spain  by  frank  and 
amicable  negotiations.  The  Mexican  empire  selected  commis- 
sioners to  negotiate  cautiously  with  the  Spanish  agents.  Those 
commissioners  were  mstructed  not  to  agree  to  a  treaty  with 
the  Spaniards  until  the  absolute  independence  of  the  Mexican 
empire  from  Spain  was  recognized.  However,  the  negotia- 
tions for  a  treaty  of  peace  between  imperial  Mexico  and  lib- 
eral Spain  came  to  an  end  when  the  emperor  abdicated. 

No  attempt  will  be  made  here  to  consider  in  detail  the 
events  which  precipitated  the  downfall  of  Agustin  I.  Let  it 
suffice  to  say  that  republicans  and  Bourbonists  alike  opposed 
his  policies.  Congress  became  the  focus  of  opposition  to  his 
domination.  Hence,  by  an  imperial  decree  dated  October  30, 
1822,  the  emperor  dissolved  congress,  having  already  incar- 
cerated some  leaders  of  the  opposition.  To  replace  congress 
the  emperor  invited  certain  congressmen  to  serve  as  members 
of  a  junta.  That  body  tried  to  improve  the  finances  by  au- 
thorizing forced  loans  and  by  issuing  paper  money.  These 
measures  increased  the  discontent  with  imperial  rule.  At  Vera 
Cruz  on  December  2,  1822,  Santa  Anna  issued  a  pronuncia- 
miento  against  the  government.     Soon  afterwards   General 


AGUSTIN  DE  ITURBIDE  135 

Guadeloupe  Victoria  joined  him.  While  in  southern  Mexico, 
Bravo  and  Guerrero  supported  the  anti-imperialistic  move- 
ment. Agustin  I.  sent  a  detachment  of  soldiers  under  General 
Echavarri  against  Santa  Anna,  but  the  imperial  commander 
failed  to  crush  the  insurrection.  Instead  Echavarri  ultimately 
joined  hands  with  Santa  Anna  and  agreed  to  support  the  Plan 
of  Casa  Mata.  This  plan,  signed  at  Casa  Mata  on  February 
I,  1823,  v^^as  a  proclamation  by  a  group  of  military  officers 
against  the  autocratic  rule  of  Agustin  I.  and  in  favor  of  rep- 
resentative government.  In  a  short  time  the  plan  found  ad- 
herents in  many  parts  of  Mexico.  Iturbide  strove  in  vain 
to  reach  an  adjustment  with  the  leaders  of  the  republican 
movement.     In  his  memoirs  he  said: 

I  repeatedly  solicited  a  private  interview  with  the  princi- 
pal dissenting  chiefs,  without  being  able  to  obtain  anything 
more  than  one  answer  in  a  private  note  from  Echavarri.  .  .  . 
The  events  which  occurred  at  Casa  Mata  united  the  republican 
and  the  Bourbon  parties,  who  never  could  agree  but  for  the 
purpose  of  opposing  me.  It  was  as  well,  therefore,  that  they 
should  take  off  the  mask  as  soon  as  possible,  and  make  them- 
selves known,  which  could  not  have  happened  if  I  had  not 
given  up  my  power.  I  re-assembled  the  Congress,  I  abdicated 
the  crown,  and  I  requested  permission,  through  the  minister 
of  relations,  to  exile  myself  from  my  native  country. 

I  surrendered  my  power,  because  I  was  already  free  from 
the  obligations  which  irresistibly  compelled  me  to  accept  it. 
The  country  did  not  want  my  services  against  foreign  ene- 
mies, because  at  that  time  it  had  none.  As  to  her  domestic 
foes,  far  from  being  useful  in  resisting  them,  my  presence 
might  have  proved  rather  prejudicial  than  otherwise,  be- 
cause it  might  have  been  used  as  a  pretext  for  saying  that 
war  was  made  against  my  ambition,  and  it  might  have  fur- 
nished the  parties  with  a  motive  for  prolonging  the  conceal- 
ment of  their  political  hypocrisy.  I  did  not  abdicate  from  a 
sense  of  fear;  I  know  all  my  enemies,  and  what  they  are  able 
to  do. 

In  a  letter  to  congress  ?ibdicating  the  imperial  dignity,  on 
March  19,  1823,  Iturbide  declared  that,  as  he  wished  to  pre- 


136  RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

vent  his  name  from  being  made  a  pretext  for  civil  war,  he  was 
willing  to  expatriate  himself.  After  some  debate,  on  April  7, 
1823,  congress  passed  a  decree  announcing  that,  as  the  corona- 
tion of  Iturbide  was  the  work  of  violence,  that  action  was 
therefore  null  and  void.  The  laws  which  congress  had  passed 
regarding  the  succession  to  the  throne,  as  well  as  all  acts  of 
the  empire  from  May  19,  1822,  to  March  29,  1823,  were  de- 
clared null.  Further,  congress  made  provision  for  the  trans- 
portation of  the  ex-emperor  from  Mexico :  it  voted  a  pension 
of  twenty-five  thousand  pesos  annually  to  Iturbide,  on  the  ex- 
« ■^p{  press  condition  that  he  should  reside  in  Italy.  On  April  8  con- 
V  ,'  gress  passed  another  decree  announcing  that  the  provisions  of 
the  Plan  of  Iguala  and  the  treaty  of  Cordoba  were  null  and 
void  in  so  far  as  they  made  arrangements  for  a  governmental 
\  system,  but  declaring  that  the  other  stipulations  of  the  Plan 
of  Iguala  which  concerned  religion,  independence,  and  union 
were  still  valid.  On  April  16  it  decreed  that  anyone  who  might 
call  Iturbide  emperor  of  Mexico  should  be  considered  a  traitor. 
It  also  provided  that  in  all  governmental  offices  the  word  im- 
perial should  be  replaced  by  the  word  national.  Lastly,  on 
May  31,  congress  issued  a  decree  providing  that  delegates 
should  be  chosen  to  a  constituent  congress  which  was  to  frame 
a  federal  republican  government  for  Mexico.  In  the  mean- 
time a  provisional  government  was  established  composed  of 
three  persons,  known  as  the  executive  power. 

On  May  11,  1823,  the  ex-emperor,  with  his  family,  ac- 
companied by  a  few  loyal  friends  and  dependents,  sailed  from 
Mexico  on  the  English  vessel  Rawlins  for  Italy.  In  a  country 
house  near  Leghorn  Iturbide  lived  a  quiet  and  secluded  life  for 
a  few  months.  Meanwhile,  an  army  sent  into  Spain  by  France, 
acting  as  the  informal  agent  of  that  mysterious  association  of 
European  powers  known  as  the  Holy  Alliance,  overturned  the 
liberal  government  and  restored  Ferdinand  VII.  to  the  pleni- 
tude of  his  power.  A  short  time  after  the  restoration  of  the 
absolute  king,  apparently  because  of  a  dread  that  the  Holy 
Alliance  was  intriguing  against  him,  Iturbide  decided  to  leave 


AGUSTIN  DE  ITURBIDE  137 

Italy.  In  December,  1823,  he  traveled  hastily  across  the  con- 
tinent to  Ostend,  where  he  took  ship  for  England.  Early  in 
January,  1824,  the  ex-emperor  reached  London.  In  that  city 
a  secret  agent  of  the  Mexican  government  spied  upon  the 
exile's  movements  and  sent  reports  to  Mexico  in  regard  to  his 
supposed  designs.  While  in  England  Iturbide  evidently  re- 
ceived letters  from  misguided  adherents  in  his  native  land 
urging  him  to  return.  On  February  13,  1824,  he  sent  a  me- 
morial to  the  constituent  congress  of  Mexico  offering  to  place 
his  sword  at  its  disposal:  congress  replied  to  his  overture  on 
April  28,  1824,  by  a  decree  announcing  that,  if  the  ex-emperor 
dared  to  set  his  foot  on  Mexican  soil,  he  was  to  be  considered 
a  traitor  and  an  outlaw.  Without  any  knowledge  of  the  de- 
cree of  death,  on  May  11,  1824,  Iturbide,  accompanied  by  his 
wife,  his  two  youngest  children,  a  few  servants,  a  printer,  two 
faithful  friends,  and  two  priests,  left  England  on  the  vessel 
Spring  bound  for  America. 

Why  did  the  proscribed  man  thus  return  to  his  native  land  ? 
An  address  written  while  on  shipboard  suggests  his  motives. 
In  this  paper  Iturbide  expressed  a  fear  that  Spain,  with  the  aid 
of  the  Holy  Alliance,  was  conspiring  to  re-conquer  Mexico. 
He  also  expressed  a  hope  that  he  might  be  able  to  act  as  a 
mediator  between  dissenting  factions.  "My  sole  object,"  said 
Iturbide,  "is  to  contribute  by  my  voice  and  by  my  pen  to  the 
support  of  the  liberty  and  the  independence  of  Mexico." 

On  July  12,  1824,  the  Spring  cast  anchor  near  Soto  la  Ma- 
rina in  the  province  of  Tamaulipas.  Three  days  later,  with  one 
companion,  the  ex-emperor  landed  near  that  town  incognito. 
He  was  soon  recognized,  however,  and  detained  by  General 
Felipe  de  la  Garza,  the  military  commander  of  the  district. 
That  commander  submitted  Iturbide's  case  to  the  judgment 
of  the  legislature  of  Tamaulipas  which  was  assembled  at 
Padilla.  The  legislature  ordered  that  the  decree  of  the  na- 
tional congress  dated  April  28  should  be  enforced  immediately. 
At  the  request  of  the  condemned  man,  his  execution  was 
postponed  for  a  short  time  in  order  that  he  might  prepare 


138  RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

to  die  like  a  Christian.  After  he  had  confessed  his  sins, 
heard  mass,  and  made  his  will,  Iturbide  was  shot  at  Padilla, 
on  July  19,  1824.  He  seems  to  have  met  his  fate  with  the 
fortitude  becoming  a  soldier  who  had  so  often  faced  death 
upon  the  battle-field.  According  to  a  comrade  who  was  present 
at  the  execution,  Iturbide  objected  to  an  attempt  to  bandage 
his  eyes,  but  when  told  that  this  was  necessary  "the  ex-em- 
peror drew  forth  his  handkerchief  and  bound  it  on  with  his 
own  hands;  this  done  he  knelt  down,  and  having  received 
two  balls  in  his  forehead,  and  two  in  his  breast,  fell  dead. 
They  instantly  removed  the  corpse  and  deposited  it  in  a  chapel 
for  the  purpose  of  interring  it  the  ensuing  day.  It  was  then 
buried  with  all  the  propriety  and  solemnity  which  could  have 
been  expected  in  a  small  inland  town;  the  Legislature  and 
all  the  public  authorities  followed  his  remains  to  the  grave  and 
assisted  in  consigning  the  Liberator  of  Mexico  to  his  last 
abode." 

In  his  last  words  Iturbide  evidently  denied  that  he  was  a 
traitor  to  Mexico  and  declared  that  he  forgave  his  enemies. 
Unfortunately  for  the  student  of  history,  after  the  execu- 
tion of  Iturbide  many  of  the  papers  which  he  had  brought 
with  him  were  burned  by  the  Mexicans.  But  among  Iturbide's 
posthumous  papers  there  is  found  a  memorial  addressed  to 
the  Mexican  congress  which  serves  as  his  apology. 

I  asked  if  it  was  a  crime  to  form  the  Plan  of  Iguala  and  to 
organize  the  army  of  the  three  guarantees  which  rapidly  trans- 
formed the  country  from  a  state  of  serfdom  to  that  of  in- 
dependence. I  asked  if  it  was  a  crime  to  have  established  the 
constitutional  system  in  Mexico  and  to  have  assembled  a  con- 
gress which  gave  her  laws  suitable  to  her  own  wishes  and 
convenience.  I  asked  if  it  was  a  crime  to  have  twice  de- 
stroyed the  plans  which  were  formed  after  the  year  1821  to 
elevate  me  to  the  position  of  a  king.  I  asked  if  having  ac- 
cepted the  crown  when  I  was  not  able  to  avoid  doing  so,  thus 
making  a  great  sacrifice  to  liberate  Mexico  from  the  threat 
of  anarchy,  constituted  a  crime.  I  asked  if  it  was  a  crime  not 
to  have  given  offices  to  my  nearest  relatives  or  to  have  aug- 


AGUSTIN  DE  ITURBIDE  139 

mented  their  fortunes.  ...  I  asked  if  it  was  a  crime  that, 
when  the  nation  had  scarcely  indicated  through  two  or  three 
provincial  deputations  and  a  part  of  the  army  the  desire  for 
a  new  government,  I  voluntarily  relinquished  the  crown  which 
I  had  been  compelled  to  accept.  ...  I  asked  if  it  was  a  crime 
to  leave  my  honorable,  virtuous,  and  venerable  father  in  need 
and  to  depart  from  Mexico  with  my  wife  and  eight  children 
for  a  country  two  thousand  leagues  distant  where  it  was  very 
probable  that  I  would  have  to  beg  a  livelihood.  ...  I  asked  if 
it  was  a  crime  for  me  to  risk  the  threats  of  the  Holy  Alliance 
and  to  prepare  to  return  to  my  country  when  that  alliance 
was  conspiring  against  her.  ...  I  beseech  your  Highness  not 
to  consider  me  as  an  enemy,  but  as  the  truest  lover  of  his 
native  land. 

Although  the  appr^ensions  of  Iturbide  concerning  the 
designs  of  the  Holy  Alliance  upon  Mexico  appear  to  have 
been  almost  without  foundation,  yet  similar  sentiments  were 
entertained  by  many  American  contemporaries. 

When  on  September  30,  1824,  the  Gaceta  de  Madrid  pub- 
lished the  news  of  the  execution  at  Padilla,  it  not  inappropri- 
ately said  that  upon  Iturbide  the  attention  of  both  worlds  was 
focused.  Among  the  prominent  leaders  of  the  revolution  in 
Spanish  America,  just  one  man,  Agustin  de  Iturbide,  was 
granted  not  only  the  office  of  chief  magistrate  by  the  nation 
which  he  had  founded,  but  also  the  ephemeral  dignity  of  a 
crowned  monarch.  Far  from  blameless  in  his  private  life, 
extravagant  and  despotic  as  emperor,  yet  the  martyr  of  Pa- 
dilla had  played  the  most  important  role  in  the  protracted 
drama  of  the  Mexican  revolution.  From  the  standpoint  of 
Mexican  independence,  Iturbide*s  part  as  emperor  of  Mexicn,^^ 
shrinks  in  contrast  with  his  majestic  role  as  liberator.  When 
the  revolt  against  Spain  in  Mexico  had  reached  a  critical 
stage,  Iturbide  seemed  to  essay  the  part  of  a  pacificator.  This 
role  culminated  in  a  movement  which  severed  forever  the 
political  bonds  that  had  united  Mexico  to  Spain.  It  is  indeed 
one  of  the  riddles  of  Mexican  history  that  an  illiterate  mili- 
tary commander  should  have  proclaimed  a  plan  which   so 


I40  RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

readily  won  the  support  of  the  discordant  and  belligerent 
classes — a  plan  that  laid  the  foundations  for  a  new  order  in 
Mexico.  Thus  did  Iturbide  bear  to  triumph  the  banner  which 
Hidalgo  had  raised.  In  singular  contrast  with  the  treatment 
which  the  Mexican  people  have  graciously  accorded  to  Hi- 
dalgo, they  have  been  peculiarly  ungrateful  to  Colonel  Iturbide, 
who  rightly  deserves  the  title  of  liberator  of  Mexico.  It  is 
significant  that  Iturbide's  plan  for  the  independence  of  Mexico 
from  Spain  unwittingly  resembled  a  design  for  the  liberation 
of  Peru  which,  as  will  be  shown  in  chapter  six,  was  cherished 
by  Jose  de  San  Martin. 

While  Iturbide  was  pining  in  exile,  the  state  which  had 
been  liberated  by  his  sagacious  plan  had  broken  into  two  parts. 
On  July  I,  1823,  a  congress  of  delegates  summoned  by  Gen- 
eral Filisola  from  certain  Guatemalan  provinces  proclaimed 
the  independence  of  the  United  Provinces  of  Central  America. 
In  the  following  year  a  constituent  assembly  adopted  a  con- 
stitution for  these  provinces  which,  in  some  respects,  was 
modeled  upon  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States.  The 
confederation  of  Central  America,  which  stretched  from  Mex- 
ico to  the  Isthmus  of  Panama,  did  not  include  all  the  territory 
which  had  been  under  the  control  of  Captain  General  Gainza, 
for  the  province  of  Chiapas  remained  a  part  of  Mexico.  Con- 
sequently, even  after  the  secession  of  Central  America,  the 
state  of  Mexico  extended  south!  beyond  the  boundary  of  the 
former  viceroy alty  of  New  Spain,  while  on  the  north  its 
boundary  remained  as  under  Agustin  I.  About  three  months 
after  the  death  of  Iturbide,  on  October  4,  1824,  the  constituent 
congress  of  Mexico  promulgated  a  constitution  for  the  Mexi- 
can republic, — a  constitution  which,  in  some  particulars,  was 
patterned  after  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States.  The 
constitution  of  the  "United  Mexican  States"  provided  for  a 
government  which  was  to  be  republican,  democratic,  and 
federal.  A  short  time  afterwards.  Generals  Bravo,  Negrete, 
and  Victoria,  who  had  composed  the  executive  power,  re- 
linquished their  authority,  and  General  Guadeloupe  Victoria 


AGUSTIN  DE  ITURBIDE  141 

was  inaugurated  as  the  first  president  of  the  Mexican  re- 
public. 

On  July  19,  1823,  the  congress  of  Mexico  decreed  that 
Hidalgo,  Allende,  Aldama,  Jimenez,  Morelos,  and  other  rev- 
olutionary leaders  were  henemeritos  de  la  patria  and  provided 
that  their  remains  were  to  be  transferred  to  Mexico  City. 
There,  on  September  17,  1823,  their  bones  were  solemnly  de- 
posited in  a  crypt  of  the  great  cathedral.  In  1838  the  remains 
of  Iturbide  were  likewise  transferred  to  the  capital  city  and 
interred  in  a  chapel  of  the  same  cathedral.  The  mortal  re- 
mains of  the  greatest  leaders  of  the  revolutionary  period  in 
Mexico  thus  at  last  reposed  together  within  the  city  which 
had  witnessed  so  many  scenes  in  the  strange  pageant  of 
Mexican  history. 


CHAPTER  V 


MARIANO   MORENO 


The  name  at  the  head  of  the  chapter  is  not  familiar  to 
EngUsh  readers.  Of  the  seven  worthies  who  are  sketched 
in  this  book,  Marj^no  Mprerin  is  probably  the  least  known. 
But  his  meteoric  career  furnishes  a  good  illustration  of  the 
course  of  the  early  revolutionary  movement  against  Spain 
in  southern  South  America.  On  the  eve  of  the  revolution 
the  fair  viceroyalty  of  la  Plata,  which  was  composed  of  eight 
provinces,  stretched  from  the  viceroyalty  of  Peru  to  Cape 
Horn.  The  most  important  of  these  districts  was  the  littoral 
province  of  Buenos  Aires.  The  capital  of  that  province,  as 
well  as  of  the  viceroyalty.  was  the  city  of  Buenos  Aires.  That 
metropolis  was  the  heart  of  the  viceroyalty:  it  was  an  eco- 
nomic center  of  southern  South  America,  for  much  foreign 
commerce  passed  through  its  custom-house;  it  was  also  the 
political  focus  of  the  viceroyalty,  for  there  was  the  residence 
of  the  viceroy  and  the  chief  intendant. 

In  the  latter  half  of  the  eighteenth  century  an  enterprising 
Spaniard  called  Manuel  Moreno,  a  native  of  Santander,  sailed 
from  Cadiz  for  South  America.  After  arriving  in  the  vice- 
royalty  of  la  Plata,  he  secured  a  position  in  the  royal  service 
in  the  capital  city.  There  he  married  Maria  Valle,  a  native 
of  Buenos  Aires.  From  that  union  there  sprang  a  number 
of  children:  the  first-born  child  is  the  subject  of  this  study. 
At  present  the  chief  source  of  our  information  concerning 
the  early  life  of  Mariano  Moreno  is  a  biography  written  by 
his  brother,  Manuel.  According  to  that  biography,  Mariano 
was  born  in  the  city  of  Buenos  Aires  on  September  23,  1778. 

142 


Mariano  Moreno 

(From  Manuel  Moreno's   Vida  del  Dr.  Mariano  Moreno,  London, 
1812,     Illustration  ftvfnished  by  the  Museum  Mitre) 


MARIANO  MORENO  143 

His  education  was  begun  at  home,  and,  as  his  father  was  in 
moderate  circumstances,  it  was  continued  in  the  best  schools 
of  Buenos  Aires.  Manuel  Moreno  declared  that  his  eldest 
brother  became  so  fond  of  books  that  his  father  prohibited 
him  from  reading  them  after  the  family  had  retired  to  rest. 
It  appears  that  Mariano  gained  some  distinction  in  the  study 
of  Latin,  theology,  and  philosophy  in  the  local  College  of 
San  Carlos.  An  estimable  friar  became  so  much  interested 
in  the  studious  youth  that  he  allowed  him  to  browse  in  the 
library  of  the  Franciscan  monastery. 

Mariano's  worthy  parents  wished  to  consecrate  their  eld- 
est son  to  the  service  of  the  altar.  In  1799,  encouraged  by 
a  priest  from  Upper  Peru  who  was  sojourning  in  Buenos 
Aires,  Mariano  Moreno  made  a  toilsome  journey  to  Chu- 
quisaca  where  he  entered  the  University  of  San  Francisco 
Javier,  a  center  of  legal  and  theological  study  in  South  Amer- 
ica. At  that  university  one  of  his  favorite  studies  was  theology. 
Manuel  Moreno  declared  that  Mariano  was  granted  the  de- 
gree of  doctor  of  theology  by  that  institution.  While  attend- 
ing the  University  of  San  Francisco  Javier  the  earnest  student 
won  the  friendship  of  Canon  Terrazas,  a  prominent  ecclesi- 
astic, who  gave  him  access  to  his  library.  As  prohibited 
books  sometimes  found  their  way  to  Chuquisaca,  Mariano 
Moreno  extended  his  knowledge  of  foreign  authors:  he  read 
the  works  of  Montesquieu,  Raynal,  and  other  celebrated 
writers  of  France. 

For  some  reason  or  other,  Mariano  Moreno  discarded 
the  design  of  becoming  a  priest.  Instead  he  undertook  the 
study  of  law.  According  to  his  brother's  story,  two  years  after 
completing  a  course  of  study  in  theology,  Mariano  was  granted 
the  degree  of  bachelor  of  law.  Certain  it  is  that  in  1802,  as 
a  candidate  for  a  degree  in  law,  he  presented  to  the  Carolinian 
academy  of  Chuquisaca — an  institution  which  appears  to  have 
been  affiliated  with  the  Uijiversity  of  San  Francisco  Javier — 
a  dissertation  which  explained  and  interpreted  a  mediaeval 
Spanish  law  that  contained  provisions  concerning  the  disposi- 


144  RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

tion  of  the  property  of  a  woman  who  married  more  than 
once.  After  completing  his  preparation  for  the  legal  pro- 
fession, Mariano  Moreno  began  to  practice  law  in  the  city 
of  Chuquisaca.  The  ambitious  young  advocate  evidently  con- 
tinued to  extend  his  knowledge  of  men  and  books;  when 
describing  that  period  of  his  brother's  career,  Manual  Moreno 
said: 

Never  would  he  have  been  contented  with  the  humble 
studies  of  an  ordinary  advocate.  A  presentiment  that  his  na- 
tive land  would  some  day  employ  him  in  important  affairs 
coupled  with  a  noble  ambition  to  gain  celebrity,  caused  him 
to  study  with  the  greatest  care  oratory,  politics,  history,  and 
geography.  Because  of  the  situation  and  the  relations  of  its 
master,  the  house  in  which  Mariano  lived  became  the  resort 
of  society  and  the  center  of  affairs  for  the  people  of  Upper 
Peru.  These  circumstances  served  to  give  him  a  singular 
dexterity  in  the  management  of  affairs  and  an  exact  knowl- 
edge of  the  human  heart.  His  observations  were  indeed  so 
exact  and  so  penetrating,  that  seldom  did  he  fail  rightly  to 
judge  men  and  to  divine  their  interests  or  their  passions.  This 
ability  helped  to  promote  his  success  in  the  courts  of  justice 
and  in  the  position  of  magistrate  with  which  he  was  subse- 
quently entrusted. 

As  this  statement  was  written  after  Mariano  Moreno  had 
achieved  fame,  it  must  be  considered  with  a  grain  of  salt. 
His  brother  also  declared  that  the  zeal  of  the  eloquent  advo- 
cate in  the  cause  of  justice  soon  provoked  such  powerful 
enemies  that  Mariano  decided  to  leave  Chuquisaca.  In  the 
latter  part  of  1805,  Mariano  Moreno  returned  to  his  native 
province.  There  his  genuine  ability  was  soon  recognized, 
for  he  was  appointed  legal  counselor  of  the  royal  audiencia 
at  Buenos  Aires.  While  he  was  serving  in  that  capacity  the 
viceroyalty  of  la  Plata  was  attacked  by  Beresford's  soldiers. 
In  a  patriotic  memoir  Moreno  declared  that  he  "wept  more 
than  anyone  else"  when  English  redcoats  were  quartered  in 
the  fortress  and  throughout  his  native  city.  Manuel  Moreno 
assures  us  that  as  an  adviser  of  the  cahildo  of  that  city  his 


MARIANO  MORENO  i45 

brother  inspired  some  of  the  acts  which  had  their  fruition  in 
the  defeat  of  General  Whitelocke. 

In  the  second  and  third  chapters  the  influence  of  Napo- 
leon's usurpations  in  Spain  upon  Venezuela  and  Mexico  was 
discussed;  in  this  chapter  the  influence  of  those  usurpations 
upon  the  Spanish  colonists  in  southern  South  America  must 
be  considered.  To  the  viceroyalty  of  la  Plata  Napoleon  sent 
the  Marquis  de  Sassenay  as  agent.  On  his  arrival  in  the  city 
of  Buenos  Aires  the  emissary  was  publicly  informed  by  De 
Liniers  that  the  colonists  desired  no  other  ruler  than  Ferdi- 
nand VII.  When  news  of  the  startling  changes  in  Spain  be- 
came known  in  that  city,  the  populace  was  agitated,  many 
people  loudly  professed  their  loyalty  to  Ferdinand  VIL,  and 
substantial  contributions  were  made  to  the  cause  of  the  Span- 
ish patriots.  Nevertheless  in  Buenos  Aires,  as  in  Caracas, 
there  were  some  alert  colonists  who  thought  that  the  acces- 
sion of  a  new  dynasty  to  the  Spanish  throne  had  radically 
altered  the  relations  between  Spain  and  her  colonies.  In  the 
viceroyalty  of  la  Plata  discontent  with  the  existing  regime  was 
also  stimulated  by  the  proceedings  of  .Carlotajoa^ina.  In 
the  latter  part  of  1808,  there  was  circulated  in  South  America 
a  proclamation  of  Carlota  Joaquina  asserting  that  she  was 
the  presumptive  heir  to  the  throne  of  Spain  and  the  Indies. 
A  group  of  conspirators  was  soon  formed  in  the  Plateau 
viceroyalty  who  seemed  to  support  Carlota's  pretensions. 
Among  the  members  of  the  secret  coterie  were  Manuel  Bel- 
grano,  a  young  lawyer  of  Italian  descent  who  had  been  edu- 
cated in  Spain,  his  friend  Juan  Jose  Castelli,  who  belonged  to 
the  same  profession,  Nicolas  Rodriguez  Pefia,  a  merchant  of 
Buenos  Aires,  and  Juan  Hipolito  Vieytes,  a  friend  of  Pefia 
who  was  a  manufacturer  of  soap.  It  is  significant  that  several 
leaders  who  in  1808  seemed  to  favor  the  establishment  at 
Buenos  Aires  of  a  monarchy  ruled  by  a  scion  of  the  Bourbon 
dynasty  at  a  later  time  ^vocated  the  separation  of  the  vice- 
royalty  of  la  Plata  from  Spain.  , 

At  this  critical  juncture,  to  replace  the  valiant  De  Liniers 


146  RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

as  viceroy  of  la  Plata  the  central  junta  selected  Baltasar 
Hidalgo  de  Cisneros,  lieutenant  general  of  the  Spanish  navy. 
The  new  viceroy  reached  the  banks  of  la  Plata  in  July,  1809. 
The  economic  condition  of  the  viceroyalty  was  deplorable; 
for  the  Spanish  colonial  system,  as  it  had  existed  before  the 
English  invasion,  had  been  restored.  In  general  commerce 
and  agriculture  were  languishing,  while  illegal  trade  was  flour- 
ishing, and  the  royal  treasury  was  being  cheated  of  its  rev- 
enues. Consequently  many  colonists  clamored  that  the  ports 
of  the  viceroyalty  should  again  be  opened  to  English  com- 
merce regularly.  When  he  became  acquainted  with  economic 
conditions.  Viceroy  Cisneros  favored  a  reform  in  the  tariff 
regulations.  On  September  30,  1809,  a  memorial  on  behalf 
of  the  discontented  landowners  of  la  Plata  basin  was  pre- 
sented to  the  viceroy  by  their  advocate,  Jose  de  la  Rosa: — 
after  the  uprising  of  18 10  the  real  author  of  this  Represen- 
tacion  became  known;  for  it  was  published  in  Buenos  Aires 
with  the  statement  that  it  had  been  written  by  Mariano 
Moreno. 

Some  excerpts  from  this  memorial  will  indicate  the  eco- 
nomic condition  of  the  fertile  viceroyalty  of  la  Plata.  Moreno 
declared  that  when  Cisneros  became  viceroy  the  treasury  was 
so  depleted  that  proper  measures  for  the  defence  of  the  vice- 
royalty  could  not  be  taken. 

In  this  sad  plight  there  is  no  other  remedy  than  to  grant 
English  merchants  permission  to  introduce  their  goods  into  the 
city  of  Buenos  Aires  and  to  export  the  products  of  the  coun- 
try. Thus  the  revenues  accruing  to  the  treasury  will  be  im- 
mediately increased  from  the  duties  upon  this  double  ex- 
change, and  an  impulse  will  be  given  to  our  declining  trade. 
.  .  .  Since  the  English  expedition  appeared  on  our  coasts  in 
1806,  the  merchants  of  that  country  have  not  lost  sight  of 
the  Rio  de  la  Plata  in  their  speculations.  A  continuous  series 
of  commercial  adventures  have  been  carried  on  which  have 
provided  almost  entirely  for  the  consumption  of  this  country. 
Large  importations  made  in  defiance  of  the  law  and  in  spite 
of  repeated  prohibitions  have   met  with  no  other  obstacles 


MARIANO  MORENO  147 

than  those  necessary  to  deprive  the  treasury  of  customs  duties 
and  to  rob  the  country  of  the  advantages  that  it  might  have 
received  from  the  exportations  which  would  result  from  a  free 
exchange. 

The  effect  of  this  system  has  been  to  allow  the  English  the 
exclusive  privilege  of  providing  the  country  with  all  the  mer- 
chandise that  it  requires,  while  the  treasury  has  lost  the  reve- 
nues which  the  importation  of  such  a  large  amount  of  mer^ 
chandise  and  the  consequent  exportations  should  have  pro- 
duced, because  of  a  scrupulous  regard  for  laws  that  were 
never  more  flagrantly  disregarded  than  at  the  very  time  when 
their  observance  was  insisted  upon  by  the  merchants  of  the 
capital.  Sir !  what  can  be  more  ridiculous  than  to  hear  a 
merchant  clamoring  for  the  enforcement  of  the  laws  which 
prohibit  the  introduction  of  foreign  merchandise  at  the  door 
of  a  shop  that  is  filled  with  English  goods  imported  clan- 
destinely ? 

To  the  gain  which  the  government  will  derive  from  the 
lawful  introduction  of  foreign  goods  should  be  added  those 
advantages  which  the  country  will  receive  from  the  free  ex- 
portation of  its  products.  Fortunately  the  products  of  this 
province  are  all  valuable ;  their  yield  is  constant ;  and  most  of 
them  are  today  necessities.  With  what  rapidity  would  our 
agriculture  progress,  if  the  ports  were  opened  for  the  ex- 
portation of  our  products,  so  that  the  farmer  could  count 
with  security  upon  a  lucrative  sale. 

Moreno  denounced  the  monopoly  of  colonial  commerce 
which  had  been  enjoyed  by  the  merchants  of  Cadiz.  He  de- 
clared that  events  in  Spain  had  "destroyed  all  the  pretexts 
which  supported  the  prohibitory  laws."  To  meet  an  argument 
of  Miguel  de  Agiiero,  the  representative  of  the  consulate  of 
Cadiz,  to  the  effect  that  to  legalize  trade  with  the  English 
would  loosen  the  bonds  which  united  the  Platean  provinces 
to  Spain,  Moreno  praised  "the  loyalty  of  the  Spanish-Ameri- 
cans," declaring  that  Spain  had  never  needed  "any  other 
guarantee  for  the  security  and  preservation"  of  those  prov- 
inces. He  declared  that  the  repulse  of  the  English  attacks 
upon  the  viceroyalty  should  make  the  colonists  "the  envy  of 
the  Spanish  people";  for  the  English  still  viewed  "with  re- 


148  RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

spect  the  victors  of  July  5,"  while  the  Spaniards  would  not 
soon  forget  that  the  people  of  la  Plata  had  defended  "the 
land  in  which  they  were  born,  shedding  their  blood  for  a 
regime  which  they  loved  and  venerated."  Moreno  also  pre- 
sented an  argument  drawn  from  the  writings  of  the  Italian 
publicist,  Gaetano  Filangieri,  to  the  effect  that  a  dependent 
role  became  unendurable  to  colonies  only  when  it  meant  misery 
and  oppression,  the  Roman  colonies  being  cited  as  an  exam- 
ple. He  quoted  Filangieri  approvingly  as  follows:  "The 
same  reasoning  could  be  applied  to  modern  colonies.  Happy 
under  the  rule  of  their  mother,  they  would  not  dare  to  throw 
off  a  light  and  easy  yoke  in  order  to  seek  an  independence 
which  would  deprive  th'^.m  of  the  protection  of  their  mother 
without  assuring  them  of  the  power  to  defend  themselves 
against  the  ambition  of  a  conqueror,  or  the  intrigues  of  a 
powerful  citizen,  or  the  perils  of  anarchy.  It  was  not  an 
excess  of  riches  and  prosperity  which  made  the  English  colo- 
nies revolt:  excessive  oppression  caused  them  to  turn  against 
their  mother  those  very  arms  which  they  had  so  often  em- 
ployed in  her  defense." 

In  this  argument  there  may  indeed  be  found  a  subtle  sug- 
gestion that  in  the  viceroyalty  of  la  Plata  a  revolutionary 
spirit  was  being  stimulated  by  economic  discontent.  Still,  it 
requires  a  lively  imagination  to  liken  Mariano  Moreno's  Rep- 
resentacion  to  Thomas  Paine's  "Common  Sense."  In  fine,  the 
lengthy  and  important  memorial  which  Moreno  prepared  for 
Viceroy  Cisneros  declared  that  commerce  with  English  mer- 
chants should  be  allowed  by  law;  that  such  a  reform  would 
destroy  the  commercial  monopoly  which  had  been  enjoyed 
by  the  merchants  of  Cadiz;  that  it  would  relieve  the  misery 
of  the  inhabitants  of  the  pampas ;  that  it  would  stimulate  agri- 
culture and  commerce;  that  the  revenues  accruing  from  the 
import  and  export  duties  would  replenish  the  depleted  colonial 
treasury;  and  that  Spain  could  then  be  given  substantial  aid 
in  her  critical  struggle  with  Napoleon.  To  suppose  that 
Moreno  argued  for  free  trade  in  the  ordinary  sense  is  to  mis- 


MARIANO  MORENO  149 

interpret  his  plea :  what  he  sought  was  such  freedom  of  trade 
as  would  permit  the  inhabitants  to  obtain  English  goods  legally, 
and  as  would  permit  them  to  export  the  produce  of  their 
fertile  plains.  Whether  or  not  Moreno's  memorial  had  much 
influence  upon  the  viceregal  government,  it  is  clear  that,  acting 
upon  the  advice  of  a  junta,  early  in  November  the  viceroy 
issued  a  decree  which  provided  that  vessels  of  friendly  or 
neutral  powers  laden  with  products  of  their  respective  coun- 
tries might  be  admitted  into  the  port  of  Buenos  Aires  accord- 
ing to  special  regulations.  But  despite  the  assurances  of 
colonial  loyalty  which  Moreno  voiced  in  his  argument  for 
freer  trade,  it  is  evident  that  when  this  reform  was  actually 
made  the  loyalty  of  some  prominent  citizens  of  Buenos  Aires 
declined. 

As  suggested  in  the  second  chapter,  the  increasing  dis- 
affection in  Spanish  America  was  partly  due  to  the  policies 
adopted  by  the  changeling  governments  of  Spain.  The  dis- 
affection in  Buenos  Aires  was  not  diminished  by  the  temporiz- 
ing policy  of  Viceroy  Cisneros.  On  May  15,  18 10,  he  pub- 
lished a  proclamation  which  was  addressed  to  "the  loyal  and 
generous  citizens"  of  his  viceroy alty.  In  that  proclamation 
Cisneros  spread  broadcast  the  recent  and  startling  news  from 
Spain :  he  declared  that  French  soldiers  had  swept  over  Anda-- 
lusia,  and  that  they  were  approaching  Cadiz  where  the  cen- 
tral junta  had  taken  refuge.  Foolishly  did  the  viceroy  vaunt 
that  even  though  the  peninsular  Spaniards  should  lose  their 
liberty,  still  France  could  not  enslave  the  entire  Spanish 
nation.  He  boasted  that  "within  the  confines  of  the  American 
continent  the  liberty  and  independence  of  the  Spanish  mon- 
archy would  be  preserved."  He  even  announced  that  if  the 
central  junta  should  be  subverted  by  French  soldiers,  he  would 
take  no  measures  which  were  not  approved  by  a  representa- 
tive assembly  of  the  citizens  of  Buenos  Aires.  This  indis- 
creet proclamation  furnished  tinder  for  the  revolutionary 
fires  which  were  smouldering  within  the  capital  city. 

The  organ  of  the  discontented  citizens  of  Buenos  Aires 


150  RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

was  the  cahildo.  On  May  21  it  asked  the  viceroy  for  per- 
mission to  summon  a  cahildo  abierto  which  might  voice  the 
popular  will.  With  some  reluctance  Cisneros  granted  its 
request.  Prominent  citizens,  both  clergy  and  laity,  were  ac- 
"cordingly  summoned  to  meet  with  the  cahildo  to  consider 
political  affairs.  On  May  22  those  citizens  met  as  an  open 
council  in  the  hall  of  the  cahildo.  There  many  different  views 
with  regard  to  the  proper  course  of  action  were  expressed. 
Some  citizens  proposed  that  Cisneros  should  be  left  in  com- 
mand but  that  two  military  officers  should  be  selected  to  aid 
him  in  the  government.  Colonel  Saavedra  proposed  that  the 
viceroy's  powers  should  be  temporarily  assumed  by  the  cahildo. 
Among  those  citizens  who  supported  Saavedra's  proposal  were 
Mariano  Moreno,  Manuel  Belgrano,  Juan  Jose  Castelli,  and 
Bernardino  Rivadavia,  a  talented  leader  of  Italian  descent. 
After  an  exciting  debate,  the  cahildo  ahierto  voted  that  the 
cahildo  itself  should  decide  what  action  should  be  taken  con- 
cerning the  government.  Whereupon  the  cahildo  voted  that 
the  viceregal  authority  should  be  temporarily  vested  in  itself. 
Perhaps  that  council  was  trying  to  steer  a  middle  course; 
for  Cisneros  was  soon  made  the  president  of  a  provisional 
junta,  installed  on  May  24,  which  was  declared  to  be  the  re- 
pository of  governmental  authority. 

It  was  probably  the  discontent  of  the  people,  as  well  as 
the  machinations  of  conspirators,  which  induced  the  cahildo 
again  to  promote  the  insurrection.  For  that  council  soon 
formed  a  new  junta  composed  of  nine  members  from  which 
the  deposed  viceroy  was  excluded.  Both  Castelli  and  Belgrano 
became  members  of  this  junta.  Saavedra  was  made  its  presi- 
dent, while  Juan  Jose  Paso,  a  graduate  of  the  University  of 
Cordoba,  and  Mariano  Moreno  became  its  secretaries.  On 
May  25,  1810,  on  bended  knees,  the  members  of  the  new 
junta  solemnly  swore  to  preserve  the  integrity  of  the  prov- 
inces of  la  Plata  River  for  their  beloved  sovereign,  Ferdinand 
VII.  Salvos  from  English  vessels  celebrated  the  junta's  in- 
auguration.    This  kaleidoscopic   scene  was  a  revolution  in 


MARIANO  MORENO  151 

disguise.  In  reality  the  establishment  of  the  provisional  junta 
of  May  25  was  a  step  towards  the  formation  of  an  independent 
government.  When  describing  the  choice  of  Mariano  Moreno 
as  a  secretary  of  the  junta,  Manuel  Moreno  ascribed  the  fol- 
lowing remarks  to  his  brother: 

I  know  the  perils  which  a  magistrate  will  have  to  over- 
come in  order  to  manage  affairs  during  such  a  critical  period. 
The  present  change  should  not  end  with  the  displacement  of 
viceregal  officials  and  the  imitation  of  their  corruption  and 
indolence.  The  new  government  must  destroy  administrative 
abuses,  display  an  unprecedented  activity,  remedy  the  evils 
which  afflict  the  state,  stimulate  and  direct  public  spirit,  edu- 
cate the  people,  destroy  their  enemies,  and  give  new  life  to 
the  provinces.  If  the  government  evades  this  task,  it  will  fol- 
low in  the  footsteps  of  its  predecessors,  sanctioning  confusion 
and  corruption  in  the  execution  of  the  important  functions 
which  have  been  entrusted  to  it.  Accordingly  to  avoid  the 
obstacles  with  which  despotism,  venality,  and  prejudice  have 
for  centuries  prevented  the  happiness  of  this  continent,  the 
government  will  have  to  pursue  an  untrodden  path.  After 
the  new  government  shall  have  escaped  the  attacks  to  which 
it  will  be  exposed  simply  because  it  is  new,  it  will  have  to 
encounter  attacks  due  to  the  passions,  the  interests,  and  even 
the  inconstancy  of  those  persons  who  now  promote  the  re- 
form. A  just  man  who  is  in  charge  of  such  a  government 
will  become  the  victim  of  ignorance  or  of  jealousy.  The 
tranquillity  which  I  have  heretofore  enjoyed  in  the  midst  of 
my  family  and  my  books  will  be  interrupted.  But  none  of 
these  apprehensions  will  deter  me  in  the  least,  if  the  people 
invite  me  to  take  a  part  in  the  administration  of  their  affairs. 
If  I  am  needed,  I  cannot  deny  my  country  the  sacrifice  of  my 
tranquillity,  my  profession,  my  fortune,  and  even  my  life. 

The  junta  of  Buenos  Aires,  which  was  installed  on  May 
25,  1810,  generally  styled  itself  "the  provisional  junta  of  the 
provinces  of  la  Plata  River."  It  soon  issued  a  circular  letter 
which  announced  the  creation  of  the  junta  and  invited  the 
people  of  the  interior  provinces  of  the  viceroyalty  to  select 
deputies  to  represent  them  at  Buenos  Aires.     The  members 


152  RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

,  of  the  cabildo,  as  well  as  many  viceregal  officials  and  military 
officers,  took  an  oath  to  obey  the  junta.  Soon  afterwards 
the  junta  formed  certain  rules  to  regulate  its  own  organiza- 
tion. It  entrusted  the  administration  of  the  government  to 
two  departments  which  were  placed  under  the  control  of 
the  secretaries.  Paso  was  given  charge  of  financial  affairs, 
while  Moreno  was  placed  in  charge  of  military  and  political 
affairs.  Provision  was  made  that  in  important  affairs  the 
junta,  or  a  part  of  it,  was  to  take  action ;  in  minor  matters,  the 
president  of  the  junta  and  a  secretary  were  authorized  to 
act.  It  also  provided  that  its  president  should  be  addressed 
as  his  excellency  and  otherwise  accorded  the  same  honors 
as  the  former  viceroy.  The  junta  soon  began  to  exercise 
executive  and  legislative  functions:  it  made  ecclesiastical  ap- 
pointments, provided  for  the  reorganization  of  the  military 
forces,  and  replaced  the  royal  governors  of  interior  provinces 
by  governors  of  its  own  selection.  The  junta  also  issued 
decrees  which  reduced  the  duties  on  imports  and  exports  and 
aimed  to  prevent  smuggling.  Further,  the  junta  prudently 
arranged  that  the  viceroy  and  the  audiencia  should  be  de- 
ported on  a  vessel  sailing  for  the  Canary  Islands. 

Although  Mariano  Moreno  apparently  accepted  the  posi- 
tion of  secretary  of  the  junta  with  considerable  reluctance, 
yet  he  performed  the  duties  of  that  office  with  zeal  and  energy. 
Being  allowed  a  vote  and  a  voice  in  the  meetings  of  the  junta, 
he  exercised  a  potent  influence  in  its  deliberations.  His  facile 
pen  was  probably  employed  to  draft  some  of  its  most  important 
decrees.  On  June  2,  1810,  a  decree  was  issued,  signed  only 
by  Moreno,  which  founded  the  Gaceta  de  Buenos  Aires.  That 
decree  expressed  the  opinion  that  the  provisional  government 
should  furnish  the  people  with  a  knowledge  of  public  affairs. 
It  declared  that  the  junta  had  decided  to  issue  from  the  press 
"a  new  weekly  periodical  with  the  title  of  the  Gaceta  de 
Buenos  Aires,  which  would  furnish  the  people  with  the 
foreign  and  domestic  news  which  they  ought  to  consider 
of  interest."    It  stated  that  the  Gaceta  would  publish  informa- 


MARIANO  MORENO  153 

tion  concerning  the  foreign  relations  of  the  junta,  the  condi- 
tion of  the  treasury,  and  measures  for  the  improvement  of 
the  finances.  It  expressed  the  hope  that  this  journal  might 
serve  as  an  organ  for  the  expression  of  the  views  of  private 
individuals  on  matters  of  common  welfare. 

The  first  number  of  the  Gaceta  de  Buenos  Aires  was  pub- 
lished on  June  7,  1810.  Of  that  journal  Mariano  Moreno  be- 
came the  editor.  The  Gaceta  spread  the  news  of  important 
events  throughout  the  provinces  of  la  Plata,  and  became  the 
junta's  mouthpiece.  While  under  Moreno's  direction,  the 
gazette  contained  such  items  as  the  following:  communica- 
tions from  citizens  of  Buenos  Aires,  lists  of  persons  who 
made  voluntary  contributions  to  the  support  of  its  junta,  de- 
crees of  the  junta,  orders  of  the  Spanish  regency,  articles 
respecting  the  French  invasion  of  Spain,  documents  con- 
cerning the  revolts  in  Spanish  America,  and  extracts  from 
newspapers  of  Europe  and  North  America.  A  phrase  of 
Tacitus,  which  was  adopted  as  a  motto  for  the  gazette,  served 
as  a  program:  Rara  temporum  felicitate,  ubi  sentire  quae 
velis,  et  quae  sentias,  dicere  licet.  Some  of  the  political  arti- 
cles which  appeared  in  the  gazette  were  doubtless  written  by 
the  editor  himself.  He  contributed  a  noteworthy  article  to 
the  Gaceta  on  June  21,  1810,  concerning  freedom  of  thought. 
In  this  article  Moreno  pointed  out  that  in  all  ages  men  had 
been  misled  by  erroneous  conceptions  and  "shameful  prepos- 
sessions." He  declared  that  it  was  a  worthy  occupation  for 
a  writer  to  attack  such  prepossessions  publicly  and  pitilessly; 
for  if  liberty  of  speech  were  not  permitted  in  all  matters 
which  did  not  prejudice  the  Roman  Catholic  religion  or  the 
policies  of  the  government,  the  people  would  continue  to 
cherish  errors  and  would  remain  in  "a  shameful  state  of  stupe- 
faction." He  asked  the  people  to  discard  their  "antiquated 
opinions,"  for  otherwise  there  could  be  "no  advance  in  the 
arts  or  in  useful  knowledge"  He  urged  them  freely  to  allow 
the  introduction  of  truth  and  light  and  learning.  "Truth, 
as  well  as  virtue,  contains  within  itself  the  most  convincing 


154  RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

apology ;  discussion  and  CKamination  cause  their  splendor  and 
luster  to  become  fully  apparent.  If  restrictions  are  placed 
upon  speech,  the  spirit  of  man  will  vegetate  as  does  matter: 
error,  falsehood,  prejudice,  fanaticism,  and  stupefaction  will 
become  the  devices  of  the  people,  and  will  cause  their  per- 
petual decadence,  ruin,  and  misery." 

Thus  Moreno  became  the  champion  of  free  speech  in  cer- 
tain political  matters.  In  the  Gaceta  he  bewailed  the  decadent 
condition  of  education  at  Buenos  Aires.  He  eulogized  the 
famous  libraries  of  antiquity.  About  the  middle  of  Septem- 
ber, when  the  junta  decided  to  establish  a  public  library  at 
Buenos  Aires,  the  editor  of  the  gazette  was  selected  to  be 
"the  protector"  of  the  library,  that  is  to  say,  the  director. 
Evidently  it  was  at  the  request  of  Moreno  that  popular  sub- 
scriptions were  made  for  this  library  and  that  books  were 
collected  from  individuals,  colleges,  and  religious  establish- 
ments. Accordingly  Mariano  Moreno  may  be  designated  as 
the  founder  of  the  national  library  of  Argentina.  That  alert 
scholar  also  promoted  the  establishment  of  an  academy  of 
mathematics  which  was  placed  in  charge  of  his  colleague  in 
the  junta,  Manuel  Belgrano.  So  strong  an  influence  did 
Moreno  exert  upon  the  policy  of  the  junta,  that  its  educational, 
commercial,  fiscal,  and  military  policies  have  often  been  in- 
discriminately ascribed  to  him.  In  truth,  the  matters  directly 
under  control  of  Secretary  Moreno  were  political  affairs  and 
war.  To  him  there  evidently  belonged  a  large  share  of  the  re- 
sponsibility for  the  execution  of  De  Liniers,  who  had  placed 
himself  at  the  head  of  an  unsuccessful  counter-revolution  in 
the  province  of  Cordoba.  Moreno  evidently  opposed  the  recog- 
nition of  the  council  of  regency  by  the  junta  of  Buenos  Aires. 
This  repudiation  of  the  patriot  government  of  Spain  led  that 
junta  farther  along  the  thorny  path  toward  independence. 

The  provisional  government  of  Buenos  Aires — which  pro- 
fessed to  rule  on  behalf  of  Ferdinand  VII. — ^not  only  repu- 
diated the  authority  of  the  patriot  government  of  Spain,  but 
also  attempted  to  extend  its  authority  over  important  provinces 


MARIANO  MORENO  155 

of  the  former  viceroyalty  of  la  Plata.  To  Paraguay  and  to 
la  Banda  Oriental — the  region  lying  between  the  Uruguay^ 
River,  Brazil,  and  the  Atlantic  Ocean — it  sent  letters  inviting 
the  people  to  join  the  movement  initiated  by  the  capital  city. 
It  sent  commissioners  to  Asuncion  and  Montevideo  who  were 
instructed  to  convert  those  cities  to  the  cause  of  Buenos  Aires. 
But  these  measures  were  in  vain ;  and  hence  the  junta  soon  felt 
compelled  to  take  drastic  action.  Subscriptions  were  gathered 
for  the  equipment  of  an  expedition  to  the  interior  provinces. 
At  the  head  of  the  list  of  contributors  published  in  the  gazette 
on  June  21,  1810,  was  the  name  of  Mariano  Moreno,  who  had 
donated  six  ounces  of  gold.  Early  in  August,  18 10,  the  junta 
issued  a  decree  which  severed  communications  between  Buenos 
Aires  and  Paraguay,  where  Governor  Velazco  had  announced 
his  fidelity  to  the  council  of  regency.  In  September,  1810, 
Manuel  Belgrano  was  given  charge  of  a  small  military  force, 
which  was  sent  to  spread  in  Paraguay  the  news  of  the  revolu- 
tion of  May  at  Buenos  Aires.  Although  in  March,  181 1, 
Belgrano's  soldiers  were  checked  by  the  Paraguayans,  still 
his  expedition  fomented  a  seditious  spirit  in  Paraguay.  The 
junta  of  Buenos  Aires  also  turned  its  attention  to  the  Pacific 
coast ;  in  November,  1810,  it  appointed  Antonio  Alvarez  Jonte 
agent  to  a  provisional  government  which,  as  will  be  shown 
later,  had  been  established  in  Santiago  de  Chile.  That  emis- 
sary was  instructed  to  solicit  the  cooperation  of  the  Chilean 
junta  to  promote  the  "glorious  system'*  which  southern  South 
America  had  adopted.  Thus,  at  the  very  beginning  of  the 
movement  which  developed  into  a  revolution,  the  junta  of 
Buenos  Aires  tried  to  incite  other  parts  of  South  America  to 
separate  from  the  motherland. 

The  eiforts  of  the  junta  of  Buenos  Aires  to  disseminate  in- 
formation concerning  the  separatist  movement  were  not  con- 
fined to  Spanish  America.  As  early  as  May  28,  1810,  it 
wrote  to  Lord  Strangford,  the  influential  English  ambassador 
at  Rio  de  Janeiro,  to  inform  him  of  the  creation  of  a  new 
government  at  Buenos  Aires.     In  response  Lord  Strangford 


156  RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

declared  that,  as  the  junta  had  expressed  its  loyahy  to  Ferdi- 
nand VII.,  he  would  write  to  it  with  the  same  consideration  as 
though  it  had  been  formally  recognized  by  the  English  govern- 
ment. He  advised  the  junta  to  shun  all  relations  with  the 
French.  He  urged  it  to  preserve  peace  and  concord,  and 
assured  it  of  the  pacific  intentions  of  the  Portuguese  court. 
He  also  expressed  his  willingness  to  aid  the  junta  personally 
and  promised  to  make  a  favorable  report  to  the  English  gov- 
ernment regarding  its  actions.  In  November,  1810,  Strang- 
ford  confidentially  advised  Moreno  that  the  junta  of  Buenos 
Aires  should  preserve  the  fidelity  which  it  had  professed  to  the 
Spanish  king  and  avoid  "a  premature  declaration  of  inde- 
pendence"; for  this  would  preclude  amicable  intervention  by 
England  in  the  dispute  between  Spain  and  her  colonies.  The 
English  ambassador,  however,  dropped  thinly  veiled  hints  that 
he  was  not  at  heart  opposed  to  the  movement  for  the  separa- 
tion of  Spanish  America  from  Spain. 

The  correspondence  between  Moreno  and  Strangford  sug- 
gests that  the  junta  of  Buenos  Aires  was  confronted  by  per- 
plexing diplomatic  problems.  Some  audacious  solutions  of 
those  problems  were  soon  proposed  to  it.  On  July  15,  1810, 
Manuel  Belgrano  presented  a  scheme  to  the  junta  which  pro- 
posed that  it  should  revolutionize  la  Banda  Oriental  and 
the  southern  provinces  of  Brazil,  while  negotiating  secretly 
with  Spain,  Portugal,  and  England.  Further,  he  recommended 
that  a  committee  should  be  selected  to  form  a  diplomatic 
program.  After  some  discussion  the  junta  evidently  decided 
to  select  Mariano  Moreno  to  formulate  a  foreign  policy  be- 
cause his  "vast  knowledge  and  well-known  talent"  qualified 
him  to  execute  the  unique  commission.  With  such  secrecy 
did  Moreno  perform  his  duty  that  some  doubts  have  been 
raised  concerning  the  authorship  of  the  plan,  ascribed  to  him, 
which  was  completed  by  the  end  of  August,  1810.  Apparently 
that  plan  was  first  printed,  in  part,  by  a  Spanish  historian, 
who  seems  to  have  secured  it  from  the  Spanish  archives.  Sub- 
sequent investigators  have  not  rediscovered  the  original  manu- 


MARIANO  MORENO  157 

script;  but  among  the  papers  of  the  archives  of  the  Indies 
the  writer  found  a  Hst  of  inedited  documents  which  at  one 
time  evidently  reposed  there:  in  this  Hst  was  mentioned  Mo- 
reno's "Plan  of  Operations  which  the  Provisional  Govern- 
ment of  the  United  Provinces  of  the  Rio  de  la  Plata  should 
Pursue  to  Consolidate  the  Great  Work  of  Our  Liberty  and 
Independence."  The  ultra-republican  spirit  of  this  unique  and 
elaborate  plan  of  operations  is  suggested  by  the  following 
excerpts : 

Let  me  say  here  that  at  times  accident  is  the  mother  of 
events;  for,  if  a  revolution  is  not  directed  aright,  if  intrigue 
and  ambition  destroy  public  spirit,  then  the  state  will  relapse 
into  the  most  horrible  anarchy.  My  fatherland,  what  changes 
you  may  suffer !  Where,  Oh  noble  and  grand  Washington,  are 
the  lessons  of  your  politics?  Where  are  the  rules  which 
guided  you  in  the  construction  of  your  great  work?  Your 
principles  and  your  system  would  be  sufficient  to  guide  us: — 
lend  us  your  genius  so  that  we  may  accomplish  the  results 
which  we  have  contemplated! 

The  foundations  of  a  new  republic  have  never  been  ce- 
mented unless  rigor  and  punishment  were  mingled  with  the 
blood  of  all  those  citizens  who  might  obstruct  progress.  .  .  . 
If  a  revolution  is  not  directed  aright,  if  intrigue,  ambition, 
and  egotism  smother  the  spirit  of  patriotism;  in  a  word,  if 
the  general  welfare  is  subordinated  to  private  interest,  then 
the  emancipation  of  a  nation  will  produce  all  sorts  of  excesses, 
and  will  cause  the  upheaval  of  the  social  order.  .  .  .  Never 
will  there  be  offered  to  South  America  a  better  opportunity 
than  the  present  for  the  establishment  of  a  republic  upon  the 
basis  of  moderation  and  virtue.  The  dynasty  of  the  Bourbons 
has  been  brought  to  the  ground;  none  of  its  cowardly  friends 
came  in  time  to  lend  it  a  hand:  all  that  is  now  necessary  is 
to  let  it  lie  and  to  forget  it.  .  .  .  Why  is  liberty  pictured  to 
us  as  being  blind  and  armed  with  a  dagger?  Because  neither 
an  aged  state  nor  a  province  can  be  regenerated  or  purged  of 
corrupt  abuses  without  rivulets  of  blood  being  spilled.  .  .  . 
Finally,  let  us  give  a  most  solemn  character  to  our  new  edi- 
fice; let  us  look  solely  to  our  native  land;  and,  when  the  con- 
stitution of  the  state  secures  to  every  person  the  legitimate 
enjoyment  of  the  rights  of  true   liberty  in  practice   and  in 


158  RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

quiet  possession,  without  the  existence  of  abuses,  then  will 
an  American  state  solve  the  true  and  great  problem  of  the 
social  contract. 

The  plan  contained  certain  suggestions  concerning  the  pol- 
icy of  the  junta.  Among  these  were  the  following  proposals. 
The  provisional  government  should  observe  a  wise  secrecy 
with  respect  to  the  management  of  its  internal  and  external 
affairs.  Adherents  of  the  new  order  should  be  punished  only 
for  disloyalty  to  the  sacred  cause  of  liberty.  Rewards  should 
be  provided  for  successful  soldiers.  Cruel  and  sanguinary 
measures  should  be  used  against  the  avowed  enemies  of  inde- 
pendence. Trusty  spies  should  be  stationed  throughout  the 
country  to  watch  suspicious  characters.  Foreigners  should 
be  given  governmental  offices  according  to  their  merits.  Caste 
distinctions  should  be  swept  away.  The  importation  of  slaves 
should  be  prohibited.  Those  slaves  who  enlisted  under  the 
banner  of  liberty  should  be  rewarded. 

With  regard  to  "the  mystery  of  Ferdinand" — the  plea  of 
allegiance  to  Ferdinand  VII. — the  author  intimated  that  in 
negotiations  with  foreign  states  the  junta  might  advantageously 
use  that  plea  to  veil  its  real  designs.  He  sketched  a  project 
for  the  revolutionizing  of  /a  Banda  Oriental.  His  object  was 
to  subjugate  Montevideo  and  to  attract  the  inhabitants  of  the 
adjacent  region  with  seductive  proclamations  of  liberty,  equal- 
ity, and  felicity.  By  such  measures  he  hoped  that  la  Banda 
Oriental  might  ultimately  be  incorporated  into  the  Platean 
state.  Toward  Spain  he  proposed  that  a  policy  of  dissimu- 
lation should  be  adopted.  Memorials  to  the  Spanish  govern- 
ment should  be  drawn  up  by  the  cabildos  of  important  towns 
and  cities  expressing  their  intention  to  preserve  la  Plata  for 
"Ferdinand  VII.  and  his  successors."  Those  cabildos  were  to 
suggest  that  the  corrupt  viceregal  government  had  designed  to 
transfer  the  colony  to  France.  They  were  to  praise  the  pro- 
visional government  for  its  energy  in  promoting  art,  agricul- 
ture, and  industry.  They  were  to  affirm  that  succor  would 
soon  be  furnished  to  Spain  in  the  struggle  against  Napoleon. 


MARIANO  MORENO  159 

With  these  memorials,  mutatis  mutandis,  should  be  sent  simi- 
lar representations  from  towns  and  villages.  The  object  of 
the  memorials  was  to  mislead  the  peninsular  Spaniards,  while 
the  people  of  Buenos  Aires  screened  their  real  intentions. 

Of  greater  interest  were  the  proposals  regarding  the  diplo- 
matic relations  of  the  junta  with  Portugal  and  England.  The 
plan  urged  that  a  liberal  policy  should  be  followed  towards 
those  nations.  Their  commerce  should  be  protected.  Import 
duties  on  their  goods  should  be  reduced.  They  should  be 
given  preferential  treatment.  A  secret  plan  should  be  pre- 
sented to  England  which  would  point  out  the  advantages  that 
her  merchants  might  derive  from  the  Plateau  provinces. 
Portuguese  intrigues  in  la  Banda  Oriental  should  be  foiled 
by  negotiations  with  the  court  of  Rio  de  Janeiro.  England 
should  be  induced  to  preserve  a  strict  impartiality  in  the 
internecine  struggles  of  Spanish  America.  She  should  be 
asked  to  make  a  public  declaration  that,  under  no  circum- 
stances, would  she  interfere  in  the  political  dissensions  which 
might  arise  in  the  Spanish- American  colonies,  so  long  as  these 
colonies  demonstrated  their  hatred  of  Napoleon  and  their 
fidelity  to  Ferdinand  VII.  Agents  of  the  junta  were  to  plead 
that  England  should  aid  the  cause  of  Plateau  independence 
by  selling  munitions  secretly  to  Buenos  Aires  and  by  convey- 
ing the  envoys  of  the  junta  oversea  under  the  protection  of 
her  flag.  These  emissaries  were  to  negotiate  an  offensive  and 
defensive  alliance  between  England  and  la  Plata.  To  induce 
England  to  enter  into  such  an  alliance,  she  was  to  be  offered 
the  island  of  Martin  Garcia  at  the  mouth  of  la  Plata  River. 
The  upshot  of  the  diplomacy  was  to  be  the  isolation  of  Portu- 
gal from  England  and  the  absorption  of  Brazil  by  the  Platean 
state. 

Whether  or  not  Mariano  Moreno  was  the  author  of  this 
plan,  it  discloses  the  thoughts  of  a  leader  of  the  Platean 
provinces  at  a  stormy  period.  It  reveals  that  by  means  of 
spies,  intrigues,  and  subtle  negotiations,  the  author  aspired 
to  found  in  the  broad  basin  of  la  Plata  River  a  state  which 


i6o  RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

would  be  absolutely  independent  of  Spain.  Draconian  pun- 
ishments were  to  be  meted  out  to  persons  who  obstructed  the 
crusade  for  liberty  and  independence.  The  new  state  should 
include  la  Banda  Oriental;  it  should  annex  Brazil.  This 
ambitious  and  visionary  project  displays  the  ignorance,  as  well 
as  the  knowledge,  of  the  author  in  regard  to  international 
politics.  An  alliance  with  England — which  was  pledged  to 
maintain  the  integrity  of  the  Spanish  dominions  in  both  hemi- 
spheres— was  the  pivot  upon  which  the  author  made  the  policy 
of  political  independence  and  territorial  expansion  depend. 
The  methods  which  the  author  of  this  plan  proposed  to  use 
were  Machiavellian  and  the  state  which  he  wished  to  create 
was  to  be  the  colossus  of  Hispanic  America. 

Moreno's  thoughts  concerning  society  and  government 
were  affected  by  various  influences.  For  a  Spanish- American 
of  the  early  revolutionary  period  he  was  exceptionally  well 
versed  in  the  literature  of  foreign  lands.  Moreno  was  ac- 
quainted with  Spanish  writers  on  economic  subjects :  he  praised 
the  treatise  of  Caspar  Melchor  de  Jovellanos  concerning  an 
agrarian  law.  When  arguing  against  the  commercial  policy 
of  Spain  in  his  memorial  to  Viceroy  Cisneros,  he  quoted  ap- 
provingly from  Filangieri.  The  Argentine  writer,  Vicente 
F.  Lopez,  declared  in  his  history  of  Argentina  that  he  had 
seen  Moreno's  suggestions  for  that  memorial  penciled  upon 
the  margins  of  the  writings  of  Campillo,  who  was  a  disciple 
of  Quesnay,  the  French  physiocrat.  To  a  considerable  extent 
Moreno  was  influenced  by  the  physiocratic  school  of  political 
economy:  he  frequently  argued  that  the  prosperity  of  his 
native  land  depended  upon  the  prosperity  of  agriculture. 

Most  of  all  was  Mariano  Moreno,  "the  soul  of  the  revolu- 
tion of  1810"  at  Buenos  Aires,  influenced  by  Jean  Jacques 
Rousseau.  Some  time  after  the  provisional  government  was 
established.  Secretary  Moreno  edited  a  Spanish  translation 
of  Le  Contrat  Social  which  was  published  in  his  native  city. 
In  the  introduction  to  this  work  Moreno  said  that  among  vari- 
ous books  composing  a  precious  collection  that  he  wished  to 


MARIANO  MORENO  i6i 

offer  to  his  compatriots,  he  had  given  the  first  place  to  "The 
Social  Contract."  He  characterized  Rousseau  as  an  "immortal 
man,  the  pride  of  his  century," — a  man  who  had  "placed  in 
a  clear  light  the  rights  of  the  people,"  who  "taught  them  the 
true  origin  of  their  obligations,  and  showed  them  what  were 
the  corresponding  obligations  which  the  rulers  contracted." 
He  declared  that  Rousseau  had  taught  the  people  "to  seek  in 
the  social  compact  the  root  and  only  origin  of  obedience.  .  .  . 
The  study  of  this  book  should  produce  good  results  in  all 
classes  of  readers.  .  .  .  Those  persons  who  desire  to  improve 
themselves  will  find  models  to  kindle  their  imagination  and  to 
rectify  their  judgment;  those  who  wish  to  comprehend  the 
basis  of  our  society  will  find  its  true  principles  analyzed  with 
simplicity.  The  citizen  will  learn  what  he  owes  to  the  magis- 
trate ;  similarly,  the  magistrate  will  learn  what  may  be  required 
of  him:  all  classes,  all  ages,  all  conditions,  will  share  in  the 
benefits  which  this  immortal  book  brings  to  the  world, — bene- 
fits which  should  secure  for  its  author  the  just  title  of  the  legis- 
lator of  nations.  .  .  .  Happy  my  country,  if  her  sons  know 
how  to  profit  by  such  important  lessons!" 

The  political  ideas  of  Moreno  were  most  clearly  presented 
in  a  series  of  articles  published  in  the  editorial  columns  of 
the  Gaceta  de  Buenos  Aires  from  November  i  to  December 
6,  1810.  In  those  articles  he  proposed  that  the  citizens  of 
the  former  viceroyalty  should  convoke  a  congress  to  consider 
certain  political  problems.  In  the  gazette  for  November  6 
he  declared  that  the  laws  of  the  Indies — a  collection  of  pre- 
cepts which  constituted  a  monument  of  their  degradation — 
could  not  serve  the  Spanish-Americans  in  place  of  a  consti- 
tution. He  suggested  that  the  proposed  congress  should  frame 
a  fundamental  law.  He  spoke  in  favor  of  a  division  of  powers 
in  the  projected  government.  Yet  he  praised  the  English 
government  as  a  model  for  modern  peoples.  He  intimated 
that  the  former  viceroyalty  of  la  Plata  constituted  a  sovereign 
state.  In  an  editorial  on  December  6,  Moreno  presented  his 
views  regarding  a  great  Spanish- American  state: 


i62   RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

If  we  consider  the  diverse  origin  of  the  group  of  states 
which  forms  the  Spanish  monarchy,  we  cannot  discover  a 
single  reason  why  they  should  remain  united  in  the  absence 
of  the  king,  who  was  the  bond  of  their  unity.  The  laws  of  the 
Indies  declared  that  America  was  a  part  or  an  appendage  of 
the  kingdom  of  Castile  from  which  it  could  never  be  sepa- 
rated. I  do  not  comprehend  the  legitimate  basis  of  this  opin- 
ion; but  the  submission  of  Castile  to  the  yoke  of  a  usurper 
separated  our  provinces  from  that  kingdom,  and  our  people 
entered  upon  the  enjoyment  of  rights  which  they  had  been  de- 
prived of  since  the  conquest.  ...  It  is  chimerical  to  claim  that 
all  of  Spanish  America  should  form  one  state.  How  could 
we  reach  an  understanding  with  the  Philippine  Islands  of 
which  we  have  hardly  any  other  information  than  that  which 
is  derived  from  a  geographical  chart?  How  could  we  recon- 
cile our  interests  with  those  of  the  viceroyalty  of  Mexico?  .  .  . 
The  colonies  should  form  constitutions;  they  should  do  so 
for  themselves;  nature  herself  has  ordained  this  conduct  be- 
cause of  the  products  and  the  boundaries  of  their  respective 
territories.  Every  arrangement  which  diverts  them  from  this 
procedure  is  a  trick  to  misdirect  the  enthusiasm  of  the  people 
until  the  occasion  is  ripe  to  furnish  them  with  a  new  master. 

I  hear  much  talk  of  a  federal  government  as  being  the 
most  suitable  to  the  present  circumstances  and  to  the  condi- 
tion of  our  provinces;  but  I  fear  that  its  advocates  are  ig- 
norant of  the  real  character  of  such  a  government,  and  that 
without  discernment  they  ask  for  a  system  which  they  would 
consider  unsuitable  when  they  became  acquainted  with  it.  .  .  . 
This  system  is  perhaps  the  best  which  has  ever  existed  among, 
men,  but  it  would  be  difficult  to  apply  such  a  system  to  Span- 
ish America.  At  what  point  would  the  general  assembly 
meet  so  that  this  body  might  conveniently  receive  instructions 
from  distant  peoples  in  regard  to  the  urgent  needs  of  the 
state?  I  desire  that  the  provinces  would  restrict  themselves 
to  the  limits  which  they  have  had  up  to  the  present  time ;  that 
they  form  separately  the  constitutions  adapted  to  promote  the 
happiness  of  each  of  them;  that  they  always  observe  the  just 
maxims  of  mutual  aid  and  succor;  and  that,  postponing  all 
thoughts  of  a  federal  system  which  under  present  conditions 
is  not  suitable  and  may  be  injurious,  they  consider  only  the 
formation  of  close  alliances  which  would  encourage  the  fra- 
ternity that  should  always  reign,  and  which  is  the  only  thing 


MARIANO  MORENO  163 

that  can  save  us  from  domestic  passions, — a  more  terrible 
enemy  to  a  state  that  is  in  process  of  formation  than  the  arm- 
ies of  foreign  nations  which  oppose  it. 

Thus  Moreno  evidently  wished  to  promote  the  formation 
in  Spanish  America  of  several  democratic  states.  In  the 
provisional  junta  his  democratic  ideas  provoked  the  opposition 
of  a  clique  led  by  President  Saavedra, — a  clique  which  cher- 
ished some  customs  of  the  viceregal  regime.  Moreno's  ad- 
herents even  suspected  that  the  partisans  of  Saavedra  wished 
to  acclaim  him  viceroy,  or  emperor,  of  la  Plata.  When  the 
impetuous  Moreno  decided  that  the  provisional  government 
should  be  stripped  of  the  vestiges  of  viceregal  days,  the  radical 
and  the  conservative  factions  clashed.  On  December  6,  1810, 
Moreno  triumphed,  for  upon  that  day  the  junta  adopted  a 
decree  abolishing  the  honors  which  had  been  previously  ac- 
corded to  President  Saavedra  and  declaring  that  the  members 
of  the  junta  were  equal.  Secretary  Moreno  probably  wrote  the 
decree  which  contained  the  following  expression  of  democratic 
sentiment : 

The  liberty  of  the  people  does  not  consist  in  words,  nor 
should  it  merely  appear  in  documents.  Any  despot  can  force 
his  subjects  to  chant  hymns  to  liberty, — mechanical  hymns 
which  accord  with  the  chains  and  the  oppression  of  the  sing- 
ers. If  we  desire  that  the  people  should  be  free,  we  should 
scrupulously  observe  the  sacred  dogma  of  equality.  If  I  con- 
sider myself  equal  to  my  fellow  citizens,  why  should  I  present 
myself  in  a  garb  which  indicates  that  they  are  less  important 
than  I  am?  My  superiority  consists  only  in  the  exercise  of 
the  functions  of  magistrate  which  have  been  confided  to  me: 
in  the  other  activities  of  society,  I  am  a  citizen  without  the 
right  to  any  other  consideration  than  that  which  I  deserve 
because  of  my  virtues. 

After  the  passage  of  the  decree  depriving  Saavedra  of  his 
cherished  titles  and  honor^,  his  discomfited  friends  evidently 
schemed  to  retahate  by  diminishing  the  power  and  influence 
of  Moreno.    An  opportunity  for  revenge  was  afforded  when 


i64  RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

there  appeared  in  the  city  of  Buenos  Aires  nine  deputies  from 
the  interior  provinces  who  were  led  by  Dean  Funes  of  Cordoba, 
an  aggressive  ecclesiastic.  With  a  show  of  legal  right,  those 
reactionary  deputies,  who  had  been  chosen  in  accordance  with 
the  junta's  decree  of  May  o.'j^  demanded  to  be  incorporated 
in  the  junta.  Evidently  the  demand  was  favorably  received 
by  several  members  of  the  provisional  government.  Moreno, 
however,  opposed  such  action  and  advocated  that  a  congress 
should  be  convoked  to  regulate  governmental  affairs.  The 
enemies  of  Moreno  achieved  a  triumph  when,  on  December  i8, 
the  members  of  the  junta  decided  to  allow  the  provincial 
deputies  to  vote  with  them  on  the  question  as  to  whether 
or  not  those  deputies  should  be  incorporated  in  the  provisional 
government.  Only  the  secretaries  of  the  junta  ventured  to 
vote  against  such  action,  maintaining  that  it  was  contrary  to 
law  and  opposed  to  the  welfare  of  the  state.  After  the  deci- 
sion was  reached  to  incorporate  the  provincial  deputies  in  the 
provisional  government,  Moreno,  who  seemed  to  consider  this 
action  as  an  attack  upon  himself,  resigned  his  position  as  secre- 
tary, declaring  that  *'a  discredited  magistrate"  should  not  re- 
main in  office. 

This  decision  checked  the  democratic  movement  in  the 
Plateau  provinces.  It  initiated  a  protracted  struggle  between 
the  citizens  of  Buenos  Aires  and  the  inhabitants  of  the  country 
provinces, — the  portenos  and  the  provincianos.  Moreno's  pro- 
posed congress  did  not  assemble.  Viceregal  honors  were  re- 
stored to  Saavedra.  Several  years  passed  before  the  provinces 
of  the  Rio  de  la  Plata  discarded  the  plea  of  allegiance  to 
Ferdinand  VII.  and  adopted  a  declaration  of  independence 
from  Spain. 

In  December,  1810,  the  junta  of  Buenos  Aires  selected 
Moreno  to  act  as  its  diplomatic  agent  in  certain  foreign  coun- 
tries. Originally,  the  junta  intended  that  Moreno  should  nego- 
tiate with  the  Portuguese  court,  w4th  Lord  Strangford,  and 
with  the  cabinet  of  England.  On  December  25  the  junta 
signed  Moreno's  credentials  as  its  diplomatic  agent  to  Rio 


MARIANO  MORENO  165 

de  Janeiro.  On  January  17,  181 1,  that  junta  wrote  a  letter 
to  I^ord  Strangford  declaring  that  the  addition  to  it  of  the 
deputies  from  the  interior  provinces  had  furnished  the  best 
opportunity  to  promote  its  relations  with  foreign  powers.  The 
quaint  translation  of  the  letter  which  is  preserved  in  the  Eng- 
lish archives  runs  as  follows : 

Under  these  Notions  it  resolved  to  send  its  Secretary  D. 
Mariano  Moreno  to  the  Courts  of  London  and  Brazil,  to  the 
End,  that  making  known  in  each  Court,  the  true  sentiments 
of  this  Junta,  he  might  conclude  arrangements  upon  solid 
and  lasting  Principles.  However,  as  an  assurance  of  his 
personal  safety  was  wanting  on  the  part  of  Brazil,  it  was 
finally  resolved  that  he  should  refrain  from  proceeding  there 
until  such  an  assurance  should  be  obtained  for  him  by  the 
Mediation  of  Your  Excellency;  and  that  he  should  without 
delay,  prosecute  his  Voyage  to  the  former  Place. 

The  Junta  has  furnished  him  with  sufficient  Powers  for 
the  purpose  of  treating  with  the  Ministers  of  His  Royal  High- 
ness, and  of  conferring  with  Your  Excellency,  but  persuaded 
that  this  object  is  not  to  be  obtained,  in  consequence  of  Cap- 
tain Elliot  having  refused  to  grant  him  the  protection  of  the 
British  Flag,  the  Junta  entreat  Your  Excellency  to  recom- 
mend him  and  the  object  of  his  Mission  which  is  in  no  man- 
ner opposite  to  the  Interests  of  Great  Britain. 

The  indefinite  statements  of  this  letter  with  regard  to  the 
purpose  of  Moreno's  mission  are  supplemented  by  a  letter 
which  the  junta  addressed  on  December  24,  18 10,  to  Marquis 
Wellesley,  the  English  secretary  for  foreign  affairs.  That 
letter  declared  that  the  "close  friendship"  between  Great 
Britain  and  the  provinces  of  la  Plata  which  had  been  pro- 
moted by  the  provisional  government  had  produced  "the  most 
sincere  satisfaction  in  the  minds  of  the  deputies  of  the  prov- 
inces." As  those  deputies  desired  to  promote  that  friendship, 
they  had  conferred  "all  their  power  and  authority  upon  Doctor 
Don  Mariano  Moreno" ;  so  that  he  might  proceed  to  the  court 
of  London  to  inform  the  English  king  and  his  ministers  "of 
the  real  desires  of  these  provinces."    The  letter  affirmed  that. 


i66  RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

as  the  wishes  of  Buenos  Aires  were  "intimately  related  to  the 
interests  of  the  British  nation,"  the  junta  expected  "a  favorable 
hearing"  from  the  British  government.  The  junta  declared 
that  Moreno  carried  documents  to  show  the  actual  condition 
of  la  Plata  provinces  and  that  he  was  vested  "with  all  the 
powers"  necessary  "to  establish  the  political  relations  between 
those  provinces  and  Great  Britain  which  the  existing  circum- 
stances imperiously  demanded."  The  hope  was  expressed 
that  Wellesley  would  receive  Moreno  as  "a  legitimate  repre- 
sentative" of  the  junta,  "a  trusty  medium  of  its  intentions,  a 
depositary  of  its  confidence  and  of  its  most  intimate  senti- 
ments." The  instructions  to  Moreno  said  that  he  should 
declare  the  fidelity  of  the  junta  to  Ferdinand  VII. ,  while  avow- 
ing that,  in  case  of  his  decease,  the  junta  would  consider  itself 
empowered  to  manage  the  government  on  behalf  of  a  people 
who  had  reassumed  their  sovereign  rights.  Moreno  was  di- 
rected to  negotiate  a  commercial  treaty  with  England  and  to 
solicit  munitions.  On  January  2,  181 1,  the  junta  voted  that 
besides  an  allowance  for  the  expenses  of  the  trip  to  England, 
Moreno  should  be  granted  eight  thousand  pesos  per  annum. 
Mariano's  brother,  Manuel,  and  Tomas  Guido,  who  held 
offices  under  the  provisional  government,  were  made  the  sal- 
aried secretaries  of  the  junta's  diplomatic  agent. 

The  attendant  circumstances  of  the  mission  of  Mariano 
Moreno  raise  the  question  as  to  whether  or  not  the  junta  in- 
tended thus  to  consign  him  to  political  exile.  On  that  question 
the  available  documents  emanating  from  the  provisional  gov- 
ernment are  almost  silent:  in  his  credentials  Moreno  was  in- 
deed styled  the  secretary  of  the  junta.  Manuel  Moreno  merely 
declared  that  his  brother  was  extremely  depressed  when  he 
started  on  the  voyage  to  England.  But,  in  a  letter  to  Marquis 
Wellesley  on  February  20,  181 1,  the  vigilant  Strangford  trans- 
mitted the  rumor  that  "the  Talents  and  Influence  of  Moreno 
had  begun  to  excite  the  jealousy  of  his  Colleagues,"  and  that 
the  diplomatic  mission  was  "merely  a  pretext  to  remove  him." 
Possibly  the  junta  was  animated  by  mixed  motives.    It  would 


MARIANO  MORENO  167 

certainly  have  been  difficult  for  that  body  to  have  selected  a 
more  capable  agent  to  speak  for  Buenos  Aires  at  the  court  of 
London  than  the  author  of  the  memorial  of  1809. 

In  the  end  of  January,  181 1,  the  first  important  embassy 
from  southern  South  America  to  the  Old  World  left  the  city 
of  Buenos  Aires.  Accompanied  by  his  secretaries,  Moreno 
embarked  on  an  English  vessel  en  route  for  England.  It 
soon  appeared  that  the  harassing  cares  of  a  revolutionary  mag- 
istrate had  injured  Moreno's  health;  he  was  unable  to  endure 
the  stormy  voyage,  and  was  soon  prostrated  by  a  violent  illness. 
According  to  his  brother's  account,  Mariano  Moreno  died  in 
the  arms  of  his  secretaries,  exclaiming,  "Long  live  my  country 
although  I  perish!"  Early  in  March,  181 1,  at  a  point  south  of 
the  equator,  the  corpse  of  Moreno,  which  seems  to  have  been 
shrouded  in  the  English  flag,  was  lowered  into  the  sea.  On 
hearing  the  news  of  the  sudden  death  of  his  protagonist, 
President  Saavedra  is  said  to  have  ejaculated,  "It  took  so  much 
water  to  extinguish  so  much  fire!" 

Manuel  Moreno  and  Tomas  Guido  proceeded  to  London. 
Whatever  approaches  Moreno  may  have  made  to  the  English 
ministry  were  fruitless :  that  ministry  had  formulated  its  policy 
in  regard  to  Spanish  America  to  the  Venezuelan  commis- 
sioners. Guido  soon  returned  to  his  native  land,  where  he 
promoted  the  revolution  against  Spain.  For  a  time  Manuel 
Moreno  eked  out  a  scanty  livelihood  in  the  busy  English 
metropolis,  and  then  he  also  proceeded  to  Buenos  Aires.  To 
Mariano  Moreno's  widow — a  woman  whom  he  had  married 
while  living  in  Upper  Peru — the  provisional  government 
granted  a   pension. 

Information  concerning  Moreno's  private  life  is  not  plenti- 
ful. Our  knowledge  of  the  personality  of  Mariano  Moreno 
must  be  drawn  almost  solely  from  the  biographical  sketch 
which  was  written  soon  after  his  death  by  Manuel  Moreno. 
In  its  pages  Mariano  is  portrayed  as  a  man  who  did  not  pos- 
sess a  robust  constitution,  but  who  was  endowed  with  a  strong 
will  and  a  fine  intellect.     Somewhat  fanatical  in  his  religious 


i68   RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

opinions,  he  was  fond  of  the  Church  and  revered  her  doctrines. 
In  Chuquisaca  and  Buenos  Aires  Moreno's  home  was  the 
scene  of  animated  political  discussions.  In  his  professional 
duties  Moreno  was  animated  by  a  stern  love  of  justice  and 
by  a  desire  to  protect  the  innocent  from  oppression.  His 
love  for  learning  was  displayed  during  his  career  at  Chuqui- 
saca. While  living  in  Upper  Peru  he  had  become  vividly 
impressed  with  the  evils  of  Spain's  colonial  system.  Moreno 
resented  Spain's  policy  of  subordinating  the  Creoles  to  the 
peninsular  Spaniards.  A  contemporary  estimate  by  an  Eng- 
lishman is  aiforded  by  a  letter  from  Strangford  to  Marquis 
Wellesley,  February  20,  181 1,  in  which  the  former  described 
Moreno  as  "a  man  of  extraordinary  Merit,  and  of  a  virtuous 
and  honorable  Character."  The  following  passage  written  in 
1855  by  Tomas  Guido  contains  a  somewhat  extravagant  eulogy 
of  Mariano  Moreno's  services  during  his  brief  public  career: 

As  eloquent  as  Mirabeau,  as  ardent  as  Camille  Demoulins, 
as  republican  as  Junius  Brutus,  he  was  endowed  with  a  re- 
markable faculty  for  the  transaction  of  administrative  af- 
fairs. His  comprehensive  intelligence  appreciated  all  the  cir- 
cumstances of  a  situation  which  was  beset  with  difficulties. 
The  light  of  the  junta,  he  dispelled  doubts,  and  calmly  promul- 
gated the  most  audacious  reforms.  Under  the  guidance  of 
his  surpassing  talent  and  copious  knowledge,  the  press  freely 
scattered  ideas  upon  all  subjects  concerning  which  the  Ameri- 
can people  were  summoned  to  act  when  extricating  themselves 
from  the  rule  of  Spain.  An  indefatigable  worker  in  the  or- 
ganization of  the  government,  familiar  with  the  history  of 
modern  times,  and  enriched  by  the  philosophy  of  the  an- 
cients, he  realized  his  sublime  mission.  With  undaunted 
front  he  fought  prejudices,  attacked  abuses,  and  laid  the  foun- 
dations of  the  Argentine  republic. 

There  remains  to  indicate  how  Paraguay  separated  from 
Spain.  As  already  suggested,  Belgrano's  expedition  stimu- 
lated a  spirit  of  dissatisfaction  with  Spanish  rule  in  that 
province.  Further,  the  apprehensions  of  Paraguayan  leaders 
were  provoked  by  the  suspicious  designs  of  the  Portuguese, 


MARIANO  MORENO  i6^ 

Consequently,  in  the  middle  of  May,  1811,  certain  Para- 
guayans quietly  deprived  Governor  Velazco  of  the  supreme 
authority  and  installed  a  provisional  government  at  Asuncion. 
On  June  20  a  junta  of  five  members  with  a  secretary  was  estab- 
lished. In  July,  181 1,  the  Paraguayan  junta  announced  its 
decision  to  suspend  the  recognition  of  the  Spanish  cortes  and 
the  regency;  it  declared  in  favor  of  common  action  with 
Buenos  Aires  in  support  of  Ferdinand  VII. ;  and  it  expressed 
its  intention  to  govern  Paraguay.  The  leaders  of  this  junta 
were  Pedro  Juan  Caballero,  Jose  Rodriguez  de  Francia,  and 
Fulgencio  Yegros.  Tradition  properly  ascribes  an  influential 
role  in  the  revolution  which  thus  altered  the  political  status  of 
Paraguay  to  Jose  Francia,  a  doctor  of  theology  of  the  Uni- 
versity of  Cordoba,  who  had  gained  a  reputation  in  Asuncion 
for  being  a  capable  and  upright  lawyer.  A  story  has  been 
preserved  that,  soon  after  the  junta  was  installed,  Francia 
stalked  into  the  midst  of  some  officials  who  were  considering 
the  policy  which  should  be  pursued  toward  Spain,  and,  laying 
two  loaded  pistols  upon  the  table,  he  declared,  "These  are  the 
arguments  which  I  bring  against  the  supremacy  of  Fernando 
Septimo." 

A  short  time  after  the  inauguration  of  that  junta,  Francia 
retired  from  its  council  table.  But  he  forsook  his  country 
villa  when  the  junta  at  Buenos  Aires  dispatched  Nicolas 
Herrera  as  emissary  to  Asuncion  ostensibly  to  promote  closer 
relations  with  Paraguay.  At  Francia's  suggestion  a  congress 
was  convoked  at  Asuncion  to  consider  Paraguayan  affairs. 
To  that  motley  assembly  Francia  presented  a  plan  of  govern- 
ment, which,  on  October  12,  1813,  it  adopted  by  acclamation. 
This  constitution  provided  that  the  supreme  power  of  Para- 
guay should  be  vested  in  "two  citizens,  I^on  Fulgencio  Yegros 
and  Don  Jose  Caspar  Francia,  with  the  titles  of  Consuls  of 
the  Republic  of  Faraguay^  ihe  title  of  brigadier  in  the 
Paraguayan  army  was  also  conferred  upon  each  of  these  men. 
Each  consul  was  to  wear  the  consular  insignia,  "a  sombrero 
decorated  with  a  blue  fringe  and  bearing  the  three-colored 


/ 


<6 


170  RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

cockade  of  the  republic."  These  magistrates  were  to  possess 
equal  authority;  they  were  to  sign  every  act  of  the  govern- 
ment. Their  primary  duty  was  to  preserve  and  defend  the 
republic:  the  soldiers  of  Paraguay  were  to  be  under  their 
joint  control.  They  were  to  hold  the  supreme  power  alter- 
nately for  a  period  of  four  months :  the  first  term  of  this  joint 
investiture  was  to  be  filled  by  Francia.  If  one  of  the  consuls 
died,  or  was  unable  to  act,  the  survivor  was  to  convoke  a  con- 
gress within  one  month.  A  congress  was  to  be  assembled 
annually  to  consider  the  measures  which  were  necessary  for 
"a  free  and  sovereign  people."  It  is  appa^^nt-th^tJFransia 
was  apings  the^overnmenLofJRjome  in  this  constitution  which 
transformed  the  province  of  Paraguay^into  the  republic  of 
Paraguay.  The  Paraguayan  historian,  Bias  Garay,  alleges 
g  that  on  October  12  the  constituent  congress  declared  that 
Paraguay  was  absolutely  independent. 

Two  decrees  which  were  issued  by  Francia  and  Yegros 
during  their  joint  consulate  will  suggest  the  policy  which  they 
adopted  toward  the  Spaniards.  On  January  5,  1814,  they  is- 
sued a  decree  announcing  that  all  peninsular  Spaniards  re- 
siding in  Paraguay  who  were  in  the  capital  should  appear  in 
the  plaza  at  a  fixed  hour  in  order  that  a  register  of  Spaniards 
might  be  formed  and  declaring  that  those  Spaniards  who  did 
not  appear  should  be  put  to  death  immediately.  A  decree 
of  March  i  provided  that  henceforth  no  marriages  should  be 
solemnized  between  peninsular  Spaniards  and  Paraguayan 
women  of  Spanish  descent  under  penalty  of  exile  and  confisca- 
tion of  property  for  the  priests  or  curates  authorizing  such 
marriages  and  the  imprisonment  of  the  offending  Spaniards 
for  ten  years  with  the  confiscation  of  their  property.  Penin- 
sular Spaniards,  however,  might  marry  Indian  women,  mu- 
lattoes,  and  negroes.  Evidently  it  was  the  intention  of  the 
consuls  to  diminish  the  prestige  of  Spaniards.  One  year  after 
the  fantastic  republican  constitution  was  adopted,  a  subservient 
congress  which  assembled  at  Asuncion  made  the  first  consul 
dictator  of  Paraguay.    On  June  i,  181 6,  another  congress  ap- 


MARIANO  MORENO  171 

pointed  Francia  the  ruler  of  the  republic  for  life^  That 
unique  authority  was  conferred  by  congress  upon  Francia 
in  these  words:  "Because  of  the  complete  confidence  which 
Citizen  Jose  Rodriguez  de  Francia  has  justly  merited  of  the 
people,  he  is  made  perpetual  dictator  of  the  republic  during  his 
lifetime  in  the  position  of  a  personage  without  any  equal.  .  .  . 
The  republic  will  have  a  congress  whenever  the  dictator  con- 
siders it  necessary."  The  congress  proposed  that  the  bishop  of 
Asuncion  should  direct  the  prelates  and  priests  of  Paraguay 
that  in  all  future  masses  they  should  replace  the  word  king  by 
the  word  dictator. 

After  congress  thus  made  Francia  dictator  of  the  republic, 
he  ruled  over  the  state  with  an  increasingly  despotic  sway. 
In  18 19  he  issued  a  decree  depriving  the  bishop  of  Asuncion — 
because  of  alleged  lunacy — of  his  ecclesiastical  authority,  ap- 
pointing in  his  place  a  provisor  and  a  general  vicar,  and  pro- 
viding that  no  profession  of  religious  faith  should  be  valid 
without  the  consent  of  his  government.  As  the  printed  records 
of  Francia's  administration  are  incomplete,  at  present  our 
knowledge  of  his  policy  depends  largely  upon  the  reminiscences 
of  foreigners  who  ventured  into  his  dominions.  European 
visitors  described  Dictator  Francia  as  an  extraordinary  char- 
acter: a  man  of  good  education  and  remarkable  ability,  but 
inordinately  vain,  ambitious,  cruel,  and  despotic.  As  the  dic- 
tator became  obsessed  with  the  idea  that  his  subjects  were 
conspiring  against  him,  he  developed  an  insidious  system  of 
espionage :  Asuncion  became  a  whispering  gallery.  Those  ill- 
fated  persons  who  were  supposed  to  be  disaffected  toward  the 
supreme  ruler  were  manacled  and  thrust  into  filthy  prisons. 
They  were  whipped,  tortured,  and  exiled  from  their  homes, 
or  put  to  death  in  a  revolting  manner  under  the  windows  of 
Francia's  palace.  It  has  been  estimated  that  thousands  of 
Paraguayans  were  arbitrarily  executed  during  this  prolonged 
reign  of  terror,  when  decrees  and  judgments  were  written  at 
Francia's  dictation.  Although  Francia  was  at  times  aided  by  a 
secretary  and  other  officials,  yet,  for  the  most  part,  his  method 


172  RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

of  administration  was  personal:  he  was  not  only  the  chief 
executive  and  the  legislator  but  also  the  supreme  court  of 
Paraguay  and  the  virtual  head  of  the  Church. 

But  there  is  another  side  to  the  shield  besides  that  harsh 
picture  drawn  by  some  foreign  visitors  to  Paraguay.  To 
an  extent  the  rule  of  Francia  was  animated  by  a  paternalistic 
spirit  like  that  which  marked  the  administration  of  the  Jesuit 
missions  among  the  Guarani  Indians.  Under  Francia's  auto- 
cratic rule,  the  Paraguayans  were  almost  completely  isgjatc^d. 
from  the  world,  politically  and  commercially.  The  most  strik- 
ing exception  to  his  jealous  policy  of  isolation  was  the  nego- 
tiation of  a  convention  between  Brazil  and  Paraguay  in  April, 
1823,  which  stipulated  that  trade  might  be  carried  on  between 
these  two  countries  through  Encarnacion,  provided  that  the 
traffickers  were  persons  addicted  to  the  sacred  cause  of  liberty. 
By  one  method  or  another,  Francia  gave  an  artificial  stimulus 
to  agriculture,  cattle  raising,  and  primitive  manufactures. 
During  his  administration  the  Paraguayans  evidently  enjoyed 
a  comparatively  large  measure  of  economic  prosperity.  A 
frugal  administrator,  at  his  death  Francia  left  a  surplus  in  the 
coffers  of  the  Paraguayan  state.  It  is  possible  that  when 
a  thorough  and  scientific  investigation  of  Francia's  administra- 
tion shall  have  been  made,  the  future  historian  may  feel 
fully  justified  in  appreciating  him  as  a  South  American  type 
of  the  benevolent  despot.  In  any  case,  it  is  only  just  to  Francia 
to  realize  that  the  rich  province  of  Paraguay  owed  her  inde- 
pendence of  the  neighboring  nations,  as  well  as  of  Spain, 
largely  to  his  influence: — this  remarkable  character  was  the 
founder  of  Paraguayan  nationality,  as  well  as  the  historical 
antecedent  of  the  Lopez  dynasty. 

In  an  account  of  the  rule  of  the  Paraguayan  dictator,  John 
Rengger,  a  Swiss  physician,  thus  described  his  first  meeting 
with  Francia: 

On  July  30,  1819,  we  disembarked  at  Asuncion,  and  some 
days  afterwards  were  presented  to  the  dictator.  He  is  a  man 
of  medium  height,  with  regular  features,  and  those  fine  black 


MARIANO  MORENO  173 

eyes  which  characterize  the  Creoles  of  South  America.  He 
has  a  most  penetrating  look,  with  a  strong  expression  of  dis- 
trust. On  this  occasion  he  wore  his  official  costume,  which 
consisted  of  a  blue  laced  coat — the  uniform  of  a  Spanish 
general — waistcoat,  breeches,  stockings  of  white  silk,  and 
shoes  with  gold  buckles.  .  .  .  Dictator  Francia  was  then  six- 
ty-two years  of  age,  though  he  did  not  appear  to  be  more  than 
fifty.  He  asked  me  with  a  studied  haughtiness  of  manner, 
several  questions,  by  which  he  sought  to  embarrass  me;  but 
he  soon  changed  his  tone.  Having  opened  my  portfolio  to 
take  out  some  papers  which  I  had  to  present  to  him,  he  per- 
ceived a  portrait  of  Bonaparte,  which  I,  aware  of  his  admi- 
ration for  the  original,  had  designedly  placed  there.  He 
took  it  up,  and  examined  it  with  great  interest,  when  I  told 
him  whose  likeness  it  was.  He  then  began  conversing  fa- 
miliarly upon  the  political  affairs  of  Europe,  with  which  he 
seemed  to  be  better  acquainted  than  I  could  have  supposed. 
He  asked  me  for  news  from  Spain,  for  which  country  he  ex- 
pressed the  most  profound  contempt.  Louis  the  Eighteenth's 
charter  was  not  to  his  taste ;  he  admired  much  more  the  mili- 
tary government  and  conquests  of  Napoleon,  whose  down- 
fall he  deplored.  .  .  .  But  the  principal  subject  on  which  he 
talked,  was  the  monks.  He  reproached  them  with  pride,  de- 
pravity of  manners,  and  every  species  of  intrigue;  and  de- 
claimed, particularly,  against  the  tendency  which  the  clergy 
in  general  have  to  reject  the  authority  of  government.  The 
better  to  make  known  his  principles  upon  this  point,  he  said, 
"If  his  holiness  the  Pope  should  come  to  Paraguay,  I  should 
make  him  merely  my  almoner."  ...  In  speaking  of  the  eman- 
cipation of  Spanish  America,  he  warmly  declared  his  devo- 
tion to  that  cause,  and  his  firm  resolution  to  defend  it  against 
any  attack. 

The  ideas  he  expressed  relative  to  the  manner  of  gov- 
erning these  new  states,  as  yet  but  little  advanced  in  civiliza- 
tion, appeared  to  me  sufficiently  reasonable ;  but,  unfortunately, 
he  had  himself  put  none  of  them  into  practice.  He  conde- 
scended to  show  us  his  library ;  it  was  small,  indeed,  but  it  was 
almost  the  only  one  existing  in  Paraguay.  I  saw  in  it,  be- 
sides the  best  Spanish  autjjors,  the  works  of  Voltaire,  Rous- 
seau, Raynal,  Rollin,  La  Place,  etc.,  all  of  which  he  had  pro- 
cured since  the  revolution.  .  .  .  He  dismissed  us  with  these 
words:    "Do  here  whatever  you  please,  profess  the  religion 


r 


I: 


174  RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

you  wish, — no  one   shall  molest  you;  but  take  care  not  to 
meddle  with  the  affairs  of  my  government."  .  .  . 

I  am  inclined  to  think  that,  at  first,  his  intentions  were 
good;  at  least  his  public  life,  before  the  revolution,  and  the 
use  which  he,  in  the  beginning,  made  of  his  power,  would 
lead  to  that  belief.  But  soon  hurried  on  by  the  love  of  sway, 
and  giving  way  to  his  suspicious  and  violent  temper,  he 
strayed  from  the  right  path  and  became  a  veritable  tyrant; 
at  the  same  time  that  he  justified  his  conduct  to  himself  by 
the  maxim,  that  liberty  should  be  in  proportion  to  civilization; 
and  that  to  a  people  who  felt  not  the  want  of  it,  it  could  only 
prove  injurious. 

Rengger's  account  impresses  the  writer  as  a  discriminating 
characterization  of  the  "Supreme,  Perpetual  Dictator  of  the 
Republic  of  Paraguay."  But  the  eccentric  dictator  was  much 
provoked  by  this  account  of  his  rule.  Francia  published  a 
reply  to  Rengger's  book :  he  described  it  as  an  "Essay  of  Lies" ; 
he  denounced  its  author  as  an  "assassin,"  a  "barbarous  atheist," 
and  an  "infamous  impostor  and  deceiver."  This  biting  criti- 
cism may  help  to  reveal  the  character  oi  El  Supremo,  who 
dominated  the  destinies  of  Paraguay,  the  hermit  state,  for 
almost  a  quarter  of  a  century. 

This  chapter  shows  that  some  revolutionists  in  the  vice- 
royalty  of  la  Plata  were  inclined  to  adopt  radical  measures. 
Strange  though  it  may  seem  to  some  Anglo-Saxons,  certain 
revolutionary  leaders  of  South  America  did  not  wish  to  found 
true  republican  governments  upon  the  ruins  of  Spain's  colonial 
system.  Under  the  guise  of  a  republic,  Francia  founded  an 
autocratic  state  in  Paraguay.  In  contrast  with  the  Paraguayan 
dictator,  Mariano  Moreno  stands  forth  like  a  tribune.  He 
was  the  democrat,  who  dreading  anarchy,  and  fearing  that 
the  people  of  la  Plata  provinces  were  not  ready  for  a  federal 
government,  wished  to  found  a  republic  at  Buenos  Aires. 
His  ideas  on  government,  however,  were  too  democratic  for 
his  associates.  Moreno  was  not  only  a  publicist,  he  was  also 
a  scholar;  the  national  library  of  the  Argentine  republic  is 
the  best  monument  to  the  memory  of  its  founder." 


CHAPTER  VI 

JOSE  DE  SAN    MARTIN 

The  gap  between  Mariano  Moreno  and  Jose  de  San  Martin 
may  be  partly  filled  by  the  picturesque  figure  of  J[gse.-AxtigaSju_ir* 
who  is  the  hero  of  the  struggle  for  independence  in  la  Banda  — 
OrkfitMh — the  territory  later  known  as  Uruguay.  His  father 
was  a  member  of  a  well-known  family  of  Montevideo  who 
owned  a  hacienda  where  Jose  spent  some  years  of  his  boyhood. 
The  youth  early  became  inured  to  the  hardships  of  frontier 
life.  On  the  wide  pampas  he  acquired  a  love  for  personal 
liberty.  With  regard  to  his  career  before  the  English  attack 
upon  Buenos  Aires,  it  is  particularly  difficult  to  distinguish 
between  Artigas  in  legend  and  in  history.  There  is  a  tradi- 
tion that  Jose  Artigas  became  the  chieftain  of  a  roving  band 
which  stole  herds  of  cattle  and  shared  the  illicit  gains  of 
smugglers.  Whether  or  not  he  was  for  a  time  "the  Robin 
Hood  of  South  America,"  it  is  clear  that  being  eventually  in- 
duced to  enter  the  employment  of  the  Spanish  governor  at 
Montevideo,  Artigas  then  upheld  the  rule  of  law  and  order  in 
la  Banda  Oriental.  In  1810  he  was  an  officer  in  a  corps  of 
lancers  in  the  Spanish  service. 

Early  in  181 1  Artigas  openly  forsook  his  post.  He  became 
the  leader  of  a  nondescript  band  which  acknowledged  the  gov- 
ernmental authority  of  the  junta  of  Buenos  Aires.  On  April 
II,  181 1,  Artigas  issued  a  proclamation  to  his  fellow-country- 
men :  he  invited  them  to  join  him  in  defense  of  "a  just  cause," 
declaring  that  they  ought  "to  die  with  honor  rather  than  to 
live  ignominiously  in  frightful  captivity."  On  May  18,  1811, 
at  the  head  of  some  insurgents  who,  according  to  his  own 
report,  were  mostly  armed  'with  poles  to  which  knives  had 

175 


176  RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

been  fastened/  Artigas  defeated  at  Las  Piedras  a  detachment 
of  royalist  soldiers  which  had  been  sent  from  Montevideo  by 
Francisco  Xavier  Elio,  who  was  the  successor  of  Cisneros 
as  the  viceroy  of  la  Plata.  Artigas  then  became  the  leader 
of  the  insurrectionary  movement  in  his  native  province. 

On  April  13,  18 13,  in  his  camp  before  Montevidep,  Artigas 
signed  the  instructions  to  five  delegates  from  la  Banda  Ori- 
ental to  a  constituent  assembly  which  had  been  convoked  in 
the  city  of  Buenos  Aires.  His  delegates  to  the  assembly  were 
directed  to  urge  that  it  should  adopt  a  declaration  of  absolute 
independence  from  Spain.  Their  instructions  proposed  that 
a  compact  between  the  provinces  of  the  Platean  basin  should 
establish  a  confederation  which  would  ensure  complete  civil 
and  religious  liberty.  Each  province,  as  la  Banda  Oriental, 
should  be  allowed  to  organize  its  own  government.  The 
central  government  should  direct  only  the  general  business  of 
the  state,  while  other  matters  should  be  managed  by  the  prov- 
inces. The  suggestion  was  made  that,  for  the  time  being, 
the  provinces  of  la  Plata  should  form  a  firm  league  of  friend- 
ship for  their  common  defense,  liberty,  and  mutual  happi- 
ness. Article  eleven  of  the  instructions  provided  that  la 
Banda  Oriental  retained  "its  sovereignty,  liberty,  and  inde- 
pendence, and  every  power,  jurisdiction,  and  right"  which 
was  not  expressly  delegated  by  the  confederation  to  the  con- 
gress of  "the  United  Provinces."  Article  fourteen  provided 
that  "no  tax  or  duty  should  be  imposed  upon  articles  exported 
from  one  province  to  another;  nor  should  any  preference  be 
given  by  any  regulation  of  commerce  or  revenue  to  the  ports 
of  one  province  over  those  of  another;  nor  should  vessels 
sailing  from  this  province  to  another  province  be  obliged  to 
enter,  anchor,  or  pay  duties  in  another."  The  instructions 
contained  a  provision  that  each  province  should  have  the  right 
to  raise  and  to  organize  its  own  militia ;  this  was  accompanied 
by  a  statement  that  military  despotism  should  be  completely 
prevented  by  constitutional  checks.  It  was  affirmed  as  neces- 
sary and  indispensable  that  the  capital  should  be  located  at 


JOSE  DE  SAN  MARTIN  177 

some  other  place  than  the  city  of  Buenos  Aires.  With  regard 
to  the  type  of  government,  there  was  a  provision  that  the  prov- 
inces should  form  their  own  constitutions.  Each  province 
should  also  have  the  right  to  sanction  the  constitution  for  the 
United  Provinces  which  should  be  framed  by  the  assembly. 
That  constitution  was  to  guarantee  to  the  provinces  a  republi- 
can form  of  government  which  would  save  them  from  do- 
mestic violence,  as  well  as  from  any  usurpation  of  theif 
rights  or  sovereignty.  The  "instructions  of  the  year  thirteen," 
as  they  are  known  in  Platean  history,  were  obviously  based 
in  part  upon  North-American  example.  Whether  or  not  Ar- 
tigas  was  the  sole  author  of  these  instructions,  they  embodied 
his  federalist  ideals. 

But  the  assembly  at  Buenos  Aires  declined  to  admit  the 
federalist  delegates,  alleging  that  their  credentials  were  not 
acceptable.  Still  the  battle  of  Las  Piedras  was  one  of  the 
victories  mentioned  in  a  patriotic  hymn  which,  in  May,  18 13, 
was  declared  by  the  assembly  to  be  the  song  of  the  Platean 
provinces.  A  literal  translation  of  the  first  stanza  of  the 
song  will  suggest  the  sentiments  of  some  Platean  leaders  at 
this  time. 

Hear,  Oh  Mortals!  the  sacred  shouts. 

Of  liberty,  liberty,  liberty. 

Hear  the  sound  of  broken  chains. 

Behold  equality  enthroned; 

Behold  in  the  face  of  day  arising, 

A  new  and  glorious  nation. 

Her  brows  are  crown'd  with  laurel, 

A  vanquished  lion  at  her  feet. 

It  was  probably  a  dislike  for  the  government  at  Buenos 
Aires  which  impelled  Artigas  in  January,  1814,  to  leave  the 
Platean  soldiers  who,  under  General  Jose  Rondeau,  were  be- 
sieging Montevideo.  Consequently,  on  February  11,  1814, 
Cjervasio  Antonio  Posadas,  who  had  just  become  the  supreme 
director  of  the  provinces  of  la  Plata,  declared  the  federalist 
leader  to  be  a  traitor,  and  set  a  price  upon  his  head.    Despite 


178  RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

the  attempts  which  were  subsequently  made  to  reconcile  the 
proscribed  leader  with  Buenos  Aires,  the  breach  could  not  be 
healed.  Thus  Artigas,  the  advocate  of  independence  and 
federation,  became  the  champion  of  those  inhabitants  of  la 
Banda  Oriental  who  struggled  fiercely  against  the  domination 
of  the  government  at  Buenos  Aires,  the  emperor  of  Brazil,  and 
the  king  of  Spain.  His  spirit  is  preserved  in  the  response 
which  he  made  to  an  agent  of  Spain  who  tried  to  induce  him 
to  join  the  cause  of  the  royalists:  *I  cannot  be  purchased; 
I  wish  no  other  reward  for  my  hardihood  than  to  see  my  nation 
free  from  Spanish  rule;  and,  if  the  noise  of  cannon  cease 
during  my  lifetime,  my  hands  will  drop  the  sword  which  they 
have  seized  to  defend  my  native  land/  In  1815  this  revolution- 
ary chieftain  had  reached  the  climax  of  his  power ;  for  the  city 
of  Montevideo,  and  several  provinces  of  the  viceroyalty  of 
Buenos  Aires,  as  well  as  the  region  of  the  Guarani  missions, 
had  recognized  his  ascendancy.  His  seat  of  power  was  at  el 
Hervidero  upon  the  banks  of  the  Uruguay  River;  his  preten- 
tious title  was  "the  Protector  of  Free  Peoples."  A  Scotchman 
who  sailed  up  the  Uruguay  River  to  the  headquarters  of  the 
"protector"  thus  described  him: 

And  there  (I  pray  you  do  not  turn  skeptic  on  my  hands), 
what  do  you  think  I  saw?  Why,  the  most  excellent  Pro- 
tector of  half  of  the  New  World,  seated  on  a  bullock's  skull, 
at  a  fire  kindled  on  the  mud  floor  of  his  hut,  eating  beef  off 
a  spit,  and  drinking  gin  out  of  a  cow-horn!  He  was  sur- 
rounded by  a  dozen  officers  in  weather-beaten  attire,  in  simi- 
lar positions,  and  similarly  occupied  with  their  chief.  All 
were  smoking,  all  gabbling.  The  Protector  was  dictating  to 
two  secretaries,  who  occupied,  at  one  deal  table,  the  only 
two  dilapidated  rush-bottom  chairs  in  the  hovel.  ...  To 
complete  the  singular  incongruity  of  the  scene,  the  floor  of 
the  one  apartment  of  the  mud  hut  ...  in  which  the  general, 
his  staff,  and  secretaries  were  assembled,  was  strewn  with 
pompous  envelopes  from  all  the  provinces  (some  of  them 
distant  1,500  miles  from  that  centre  of  operations),  addressed 
to  "His  Excellency  the  Protector."  At  the  door  stood  the 
reeking  horses  of  couriers  arriving  every  half-hour,  and  the 


JOSE  DE  SAN  MARTIN  179 

fresh  ones  of  those  departing  as  often.     Soldiers,  aides-de- 
camp, scouts,  came  galloping  in  from  all  quarters. 

The  prestige  of  this  caudillo,  rude,  wild,  and  strong — who 
cherished  some  extravagant  ideas  concerning  liberty — declined 
from  1817  to  1820.  In  1817  Portuguese  soldiers  under  Gen- 
eral Lecor  took  possession  of  Montevideo.  Early  in  1820 
one  of  his  own  lieutenants,  Francisco  Ramirez,  raised  his 
hand  against  the  "protector."  In  September,  1820,  the  de- 
jected leader  of  Gauchos  withdrew  to  Paraguay,  where  he 
was  given  an  asylum  by  Dictator  Francia.  While  the  enigmat- 
ical Artigas  was  living  near  Asuncion,  he  was  quoted  as  having 
described  his  career  in  the  following  words: 

I  did  no  more  than  to  respond  to  the  dark  measures  of  the 
directory  of  Buenos  Aires  and  to  the  war  which  it  made  upon 
me  because  it  considered  that  I  was  an  enemy  of  centraliza- 
tion. .  .  .  Taking  the  United  States  as  a  model,  I  desired  the 
autonomy  of  the  Platean  provinces,  granting  to  each  state  its 
own  government,  its  constitution  and  its  flag,  with  the  right  to 
elect  its  representatives,  its  judges,  and  its  governors  from  its 
own  natural-born  citizens.  This  is  what  I  attempted  to  do  for 
my  province  and  for  those  other  provinces  which  proclaimed 
me  their  Protector.  .  .  .  But  the  Pueyrredons  and  their  assist- 
ants wished  to  make  of  Buenos  Aires  a  new  imperial  Rome 
which  could  send  its  proconsuls  to  govern  the  provinces  in  a 
military  fashion  and  deprive  them  of  all  political  representa- 
tion, just  as  it  rejected  the  deputies  whom  the  people  of  la 
Banda  Oriental  selected  for  the  constituent  assembly,  and  as  it 
set  a  price  upon  my  head. 

Thus  did  Artigas  apparently  interpret  his  role  in  Platean 
history. 

In  1825  a  compatriot  of  Artigas,  Juan  Antonio  Lavalleja, 
with  an  immortal  band  of  about  thirty-three  followers,  ini- 
tiated another  struggle  for  the  liberation  of  la  Banda  Oriental, 
with  the  aid  of  Buenos  Aii^s.  Lavalleja  was  soon  joined  by 
Fructuoso  Rivera  and  other  patriots.  On  August  25  of  that 
year,  in  the  town  of  Florida,  an  assembly  of  delegates  from 


i8o  RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

various  sections  of  the  province  framed  a  declaration  of  inde* 
pendence.  That  declaration  announced  that  all  measures  of 
incorporation  or  oaths  of  allegiance  which  had  been  forcibly 
imposed  upon  the  people  of  the  province  by  the  intrusive  agents 
of  Portugal  and  Brazil  were  null  and  void.  "In  consequence 
of  the  foregoing  declaration,  la  Banda  Oriental — reassuming 
those  rights,  liberties,  and  prerogatives  inherent  to  the  peoples 
of  the  earth — declares  itself  by  fact  and  right,  free  and  inde- 
pendent of  the  king  of  Portugal,  of  the  emperor  of  Brazil,  and 
of  any  power  of  the  universe,  with  ample  power  to  assume  in 
the  exercise  of  its  sovereignty  whatsoever  form  it  may  con- 
sider convenient."  On  the  same  day  this  assembly  decreed 
that  the  "Oriental  Province"  should  be  united  to  the  other 
provinces  of  the  Rio  de  la  Plata : — thus  did  it  secure  the  coop- 
eration of  the  United  Provinces  against  its  colossal  neighbor, 
the  empire  of  Brazil.  In  reality,  the  struggle  for  the  inde- 
pendence of  la  Banda  Oriental  was  not  crowned  with  success 
until  August  27,  1828,  when  the  United  Provinces  of  the  Rio 
de  la  Plata  and  Brazil  by  a  solemn  treaty  mutually  recognized 
its  independence.  In  the  following  year  a  constitution  was 
formed  for  "the  Oriental  Republic  of  Uruguay" ;  and  in  1830, 
under  the  presidency  of  General  Rivera,  that  republic  was 
launched  upon  an  independent  career. 

While  Artigas  was  struggling  to  found  a  vast  federation 
in  the  Platean  basin,  or,  at  least,  to  establish  a  new  nation 
in  one  province  of  the  ancient  viceroyalty  of  la  Plata,  Jq§£ 
de  San  Martin  was  winning  the  independence  of  South  Amer- 
ica from  Spain.  Jose  Francisco  de  San  Martin  was  born  on 
February  25,  1778,  in  the  village  of  Yapeyu,  which  was  located 
on  the  right  bank  of  the  Uruguay  River.  Yapeyu  was  a  mis- 
sion which  had  been  planted  by  Jesuit  padres  among  the 
Guarani  Indians.  In  1778  Juan  de  San  Martin,  the  father  of 
Jose,  was  the  administrator  of  that  mission.  Juan  de  San 
Martin  was  a  native  of  Cervatos  de  la  Cueza  in  the  province 
of  Leon,  Spain,  who  had  served  as  lieutenant,  adjutant,  and 


JOSE  DE  SAN  MARTIN  i8i 

captain  of  a  battalion  of  Spanish  militia  in  the  city  of  Buenos 
Aires.  Gregorio  Matorras  de  San  Martin,  the  mother  of 
Jose,  was  the  daughter  of  Domingo  Matorras,  who  had  under- 
taken to  conquer  the  Indians  of  Chaco.  On  the  paternal  side, 
she  traced  her  descent  from  Spaniards  who  had  emigrated 
from  the  province  of  Asturias;  and,  on  the  maternal  side, 
from  natives  of  Old  Castile. 

The  earliest  years  of  Jose  de  San  Martin  were  spent  in 
the  Indian  village  of  Yapeyii.  When  his  father  was  again 
stationed  in  the  city  of  Buenos  Aires,  Jose  was  taken  from  the 
frontier  village  to  the  metropolis  of  the  viceroyalty.  By  an 
order  of  Charles  III.,  dated  May  21,  1785,  Captain  San  Martin 
was  transferred  from  his  post  at  Buenos  Aires  to  Malaga. 
His  fourth  son,  Jose,  profited  by  the  change,  for  he  was  soon 
sent  to  a  school  in  Madrid,  where,  at  least,  he  acquired  some 
knowledge  of  mathematics.  The  example  of  his  father,  and 
of  his  three  older  brothers,  who  had  also  become  soldiers  of 
Spain,  obviously  influenced  Jose,  for,  on  July  i,  1789,  he  asked 
the  Spanish  government  to  be  allowed  to  join  the  infantry 
company  of  Murcia,  in  order,  as  he  expressed  it,  that  he 
might  "follow  the  distinguished  profession  of  arms." 

This  boy  volunteer  fought  for  the  first  time  under  Spain's 
banner  of  blood  and  gold  against  the  Moors  in  North  Africa. 
In  1793  he  served  in  the  campaign  of  the  Spaniards  against 
the  French  in  Roussillon.  In  1797  and  1798  he  served  on  the 
frigate  Dorotea  in  the  Mediterranean  Sea.  With  the  regiment 
of  Murcia,  San  Martin  then  saw  service  in  Spain's  campaign 
of  1801  against  Portugal.  In  1804,  as  captain  of  the  infantry 
company  of  Voluntarios  de  Campo  Mayor,  to  which  he  had 
been  transferred,  San  Martin  served  in  the  garrison  at  Cadiz, 
where  he  read  books  of  history,  geography,  and  military  sci- 
ence. Later,  as  a  reward  for  bravery  in  the  guerrilla  warfare 
against  the  soldiers  of  Napoleon,  the  junta  of  Seville  made  San 
Martin  a  captain  in  the  cavalry  regiment  of  Bourbon.  For 
his  services  in  the  engagements  which  preceded  the  surrender 
of  the  French  army  under  General  Dupont  at  Bailen  in  July, 


i82   RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

1808,  San  Martin  was  granted  a  medal  and  appointed  lieuten- 
ant colonel  of  cavalry.  About  a  year  later,  he  was  made  aide- 
de-camp  of  the  Marquis  de  Coupigny  in  the  army  of  Cata- 
lonia. According  to  his  own  statement,  in  July,  181 1,  San 
Martin  was  appointed  commander  of  the  regiment  of  dragoons 
of  Saguntum. 

From  1789  to  181 1  Jose  de  San  Martin  had  faithfully 
served  his  king.  He  had  passed  through  many  varied  experi- 
ences as  a  Spanish  officer.  His  valiant  services  had  frequently 
been  recognized  by  the  government  of  Spain.  Such  a  distin- 
guished and  honorable  reputation  in  the  military  service  of 
a  European  power  had  not  been  earned  by  any  other  Spanish- 
American  of  the  revolutionary  epoch, — not  even  by  Francisco 
de  Miranda.  Possibly  the  creole  colonel,  San  Martin,  felt  that 
his  services  had  not  been  sufficiently  appreciated.  Many  years 
afterwards  he  explained  his  departure  from  Spain  in  these 
words :  "In  181 1, 1  was  serving  in  the  Spanish  army.  Twenty 
years  of  honorable  service  had  gained  for  me  some  considera- 
tion in  spite  of  the  fact  that  I  was  an  American;  I  heard  of 
the  revolution  in  South  America;  and — forsaking  my  for- 
tunes and  my  hopes — I  desired  only  to  sacrifice  everything 
to  promote  the  liberty  of  my  native  land.  I  arrived  at  Buenos 
Aires  in  the  beginning  of  1812: — thenceforward  I  consecrated 
myself  to  the  cause  of  Spanish  America." 

On  March  9,  1812,  Colonel  San  Martin  disembarked  at  the 
city  of  Buenos  Aires,  having  proceeded  from  the  Iberian  pen- 
insula to  South  America  by  way  of  England.  A  short  time 
after  arriving  in  Buenos  Aires,  he  married  Maria  de  los  Reme- 
dios  Escalada,  the  daughter  of  a  well-known  inhabitant  of  that 
city.  The  Argentine  biographer  of  San  Martin,  General  Mitre, 
has  asserted  that  his  hero  transplanted  to  South  America  a 
secret  society,  sometimes  called  the  Lautaro  lodge,  which  sol- 
emnly pledged  its  members  to  consecrate  themselves  to  the  task 
of  liberating  America  from  the  odious  rule  of  Spain.  It  is 
possible  that  San  Martin  did  establish  at  Buenos  Aires  a  so- 
ciety, which,  in  some  respects,  resembled  a  masonic  lodge. 


Jose  de  San  Martin 
(Medallion  by  Simon) 


JOSE  DE  SAN  MARTIN  183 

But  the  writer  has  not  found  evidence  to  prove  that  such  a 
society  was  a  potent  force  at  Buenos  Aires  in  1812.  At  a  later 
stage  in  the  South- American  revolution  evidence  can  be  found 
of  the  activity  of  a  secret  association  to  which  certain  leaders 
belonged.  For  example,  San  Martin's  correspondence  con- 
tains occult  allusions  to  "O-O",  and  to  "los  Amigos" — allu- 
sions which  evidently  veiled  a  mysterious  fraternity  that  in- 
fluenced the  actions  of  prominent  revolutionary  leaders. 

At  once  San  Martin  felt  that  the  South  American  soldiers 
were  deficient  in  discipline  and  ignorant  of  the  military  art, 
while  the  government  of  Buenos  Aires  realized  that  Colonel 
San  Martin  might  render  valuable  services  to  the  revolutionary 
cause.  Accordingly,  on  March  16,  1812,  the  junta  of  Buenos 
Aires  appointed  San  Martin  lieutenant  colonel  of  cavalry  and 
commander  of  a  projected  squadron  of  mounted  grenadiers. 
On  April  3  his  name  was  published  in  the  Gaceta  de  Buenos 
Aires  in  recognition  of  his  offer  of  one-third  of  his  salary  and 
a  monthly  contribution  of  fifty  pesos  for  the  support  of  the 
provisional  government.  San  Martin  soon  took  steps  to  im- 
prove the  soldiers  of  Buenos  Aires:  he  established  a  military 
training  school,  and  provided  for  the  supervision  of  the  con- 
duct of  the  soldiers  through  a  monthly  assembly  of  grenadiers. 
That  gathering,  which,  in  some  respects,  resembled  a  secret 
lodge,  may  have  been  the  hazy  nucleus  of  the  Lautaro  society. 
In  any  case  the  esprit  de  corps  of  the  citizen  soldiery  was 
stimulated,  if  not  indeed  created.  A  token  of  what  a  trained 
soldiery  might  accomplish  under  a  brave  and  experienced  com- 
mander was  soon  given.  On  February  3^^873.  ColOTIf.l  .Sfln 
Martin's  grenadiers  attacked  a  small  detachment  of  roy^li^t 
soldiers  at  San  Lorenzo  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Parana  River. 
The  Spanish  soldiers  were  routed  and  forced  to  retreat  to 
Montevideo.  A  Scotchman  who  witnessed  this  conflict  likened 
San  Martin's  grenadiers,  who  had  screened  themselves  from 
the  royalists  in  the  cloisters  of  the  monastery  of  San  Lorenzo, 
to  the  Grecian  warriors  who  were  introduced  into  the  city  of 
Troy  in  a  wooden  horse. 


i84  RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

While  San  Martin  was  training  his  grenadiers,  the  sol- 
diers of  Buenos  Aires  under  General  Belgrano  had  defeated 
the  royalists  in  an  engagement  at  Tucuman  on  September  24, 
1812,  and  in  an  engagement  at  Salta  on  February  20,  1813. 
But  in  October  and  in  November,  181^,  the  royalists  defeated 
Belgrano.  Hence  in  the  tollowing  month,  Sgm  Martin  was 
given  command  of  an  expedition  which  was  sent  to  reenfprce 
Belgrano's  dispirited  soldiers  near  the  city  of  Tucuman.  On 
January  18,  1814,  San  Martin  was  made  "general  in  chief"  pf 
the  army  of  Buenos  Aires  near  Tucuman.  That  was  indeed 
a  "heavy  cross";  for  the  army  was  poorly  disciplined;  some 
of  the  officers  were  incompetent ;  and  San  Martin  was  ignorant 
of  the  nature  of  the  country.  Upon  reaching  the  defeated 
army  San  Martin  began  to  reform  it:  he  established  an  en- 
trenched camp  at  Tucuman ;  he  gathered  recruits,  reorganized 
the  soldiers,  and  provided  for  instruction  in  mathematics  and 
engineering.  So  successful  was  San  Martin  in  directing  a 
guerrilla  warfare  that  the  victorious  royalists  were  checked. 

In  April,  1814,  San  Martin  relinquished  his  position  as  com- 
mander of  the  army  which  the  government  at  Buenos  Aires 
had  designed  for  use  against  the  royalists  in  Upper  Peru:  on 
August  10,  18 14,  the  supreme  director  of  la  Plata  appointed 
him  governor-intendant  of  the  province  of  Cuyo,  which  was 
south  of  Tucuman.  With  regard  to  the  cause  for  this  sig- 
nificant transfer,  it  is  evident  that  San  Martin  had  asked  to 
be  relieved  of  his  position  at  Tucuman  and  to  be  given  instead 
a  position  at  Cuyo  because  of  poor  health.  But  that  plea  prob- 
ably masked  his  main  motive.  For  it  is  certain  that  coupled 
with  the  desire  to  improve  his  health  in  the  delicious  climate 
of  Mendoza,  the  capital  of  the  province  of  Cuyo,  was  the  ambi- 
tion to  become  more  serviceable  in  the  stniggle  against  the 
royalists.  As  early  as  April,  1814,  San  Martin  had  written 
to  Nicolas  Rodriguez  Pena  and  declared  that  in  Upper  Peru 
he  could  only  wage  a  defensive  war.  In  confidence  he  also 
imparted  to  Pena  his  "secret."  This  was  the  project  which  he 
had  conceived  for  the  prosecution  of  the  war  against  Spain, 


JOSE  DE  SAN  MARTIN  185 

as  contrasted  with  the  plan  of  the  provisional  ^overament-of 
'Buenos  Aires  to  attack  the  Spanish  stronghold  in  Peru 
through  Upper  Peru :  'A  small  well-disciplined  army  in  Men- 
dc^a  to  cross  the  Andes  in  oT^gFttrexterminate  the  fOySlTsts 
m*T!KiT^and  to  aid  a  government  of  trusty  friends  to  pufjaji 
end  to  the  anarchy  which  reigns  there.  Then,  allying  our 
fcJces;  "we  shall  go  by  sea  to  capture  Linia.  This  is  the  road 
and  not  the  other:  you  may  be  sure  that  the  war  will  not  be 
finished  until  we  capture  Lima/ 

From  1814  to  1821  San  Martin's  energies  were  devoted  to 
the  execution  of  this  strategic  plan.  Before  considering  the 
measures  which  he  took  at  Mendoza  to  carry  out  his  project, 
brief  mention  should  be  made  of  the  rise  and  fall  of  the  patriot 
party  in  Chile. 

The  captaincy  general  of  Chile  included  a  narrow  fringe  of 
territory  between  the  cordillera  and  the  ocean,  extending  from 
the  Straits  of  Magellan  to  the  desert  of  Atacama.  In  1808 
Garcia  Carrasco  became  its  captain  general:  he  was  also 
the  chief  intendant  and  the  president  of  the  royal  audiencia. 
Although  reports  of  the  deposition  of  Ferdinand  VII.  finally 
reached  the  city  of  Santiago,  yet  the  news  did  not  produce 
such  a  ferment  there  as  in  Buenos  Aires.  Many  Chileans 
wished  to  conserve  the  rights  of  the  idolized  Ferdinand ;  some 
were  apprehensive  of  the  supposed  designs  of  Carlota  Joaquina, 
while  others  saw  visions  of  independence  from  Spain. 

In  the  city  of  Santiago  on  September  18,  1810,  in  the  pres- 
ence of  a  cahildo  ahierto,  Captain  General  Garcia  Carrasco 
quietly  laid  down  the  baton  of  command.  He  was  replaced 
by  a  provisional  junta  that  made  loud  professions  of  loyalty  to 
Ferdinand  VII.  Three  months  later,  at  the  instance  of  the 
cahildo  of  Santiago,  the  junta  issued  a  summons  for  the  elec- 
tion of  delegates  to  a  congress  which  should  form  a  new  gov- 
ernment for  Chile.  In  the  meantime,  Camilo  Henriquez,  a 
learned  monk  who  was  seeped  in  the  philosophy  of  Rousseau, 
published  a  pseudonymous  pamphlet  which  advocated  the  es- 
tablishment of  an  independent  republic.    The  Chilean  congress 


i86  RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

met  at  Santiago  on  July  4,  181 1.  Its  members  took  an  oath  of 
fidelity  to  Ferdinand  VII. ;  and  they  swore  to  support Iheccm—- 
stitution  and  the  laws  which  congress  might  establish.  Jose 
Miguel  Carrera,  an  ambitious  military  officer  who  had.  served 
under  the  Spanish  standard,  soon  became  the  leader  of  a  fac- 
tion which  favored  the  independence  of  Chile  from  Spain, 
Soon  after  September  4,  181 1,  when,  aided  by  his  brothers 
Luis  and  Juan  Jose,  that  leader  overthrew  the  provisionaJLgov- 
ernment,  the  movement  against  Spanish  rule  in  Chile  became, 
in  part,  a  struggle  between  the  adherents  of  Jose  Miguel  Car- 
rera and  the  followers  of  Bernardo  O'Higgins.  Ultimately 
the  contending  factions  were  compelled  to  bury  their  jealousies 
and  to  join  hands  against  the  common  enemy.  For,  in  181 3 
and  1814,  Jose  de  Abascal,  viceroy  of  Peru,  sent  expeditions 
to  re-conquer  Chile.  After  several  encounters  between  the 
royalist  soldiers  and  the  Chilean  patriots,  in  October,  18 14, 
the  patriots  led  by  Bernardo  O'Higgins  and  the  Carrera  broth- 
ers were  shamefully  defeated  at  Rancagua  by  the  royalists 
under  General  Mariano  Osorio. 

Bernardo  O'Higgins,  a  protege  of  Miranda,  is  the  Chilean 
hero  of  the  revolutionary  epoch.  The  natural  son  of  an  ad- 
venturous Irishman  who  closed  a  career  in  the  Spanish  colonial 
service  as  viceroy  of  Peru,  Bernardo  was  educated  in  South 
America  and  Europe.  After  the  deposition  of  Carrasco,  he 
organized  a  band  of  soldiers  and  offered  his  services  to  the  new 
government.  O'Higgins  soon  won  a  reputation  for  wisdom 
in  council  and  impetuous  bravery  upon  the  field  of  battle. 
When,  after  the  defeat  at  Rancagua  many  Chilean  patriots 
were  forced  to  seek  a  refuge  beyond  the  frozen  peaks  of  the 
Andes,  O'Higgins  led  a  group  of  Chilean  emigres  to  Mendoza, 
where  they  were  cordially  received  by  Jose  de  San  Martin. 

At  that  time  the  most  important  political  problems  con- 
fronting the  inhabitants  of  la  Plata  provinces  resembled  those 
which  had  confronted  Moreno  in  1810.  What  should  be  their 
attitude  toward  the  Spanish  monarch?  What  form  of  gov- 
ernment should  they  adopt?    An  interesting  sidelight  is  cast 


/ 


JOSE  DE  SAN  MARTIN  187 

upon  the  plans  of  Platean  leaders  by  the  fact  that  in  18 14  Di- 
rector Posadas  commissioned  Manuel  Belgrano  and  Bernar- 
dino Rivadavia  to  negotiate  with  England,  or  with  Spain,  for 
the  establishment  of  a  constitutional  monarchy  in  southern 
South  America  which  might  be  ruled  by  a  prince  of  Spain,  of 
England,  or  of  some  other  strong  nation.  It  appears  that 
when  San  Martin  arrived  in  South  America,  he  entertained 
the  hope  that  he  would  find  his  compatriots  disposed  to  es- 
tablish a  democratic  form  of  government, — that  is  to  say,  a 
republic.  An  examination  of  his  correspondence  with  Tomas 
Godoy  Cruz,  an  intimate  friend,  furnishes  some  interesting 
suggestions  in  regard  to  the  political  organization  which  San 
Martin  thought  was  most  suitable  for  the  Platean  provinces. 
In  February,  1816,  he  wrote  to  Cruz: 

I  feel  as  though  I  might  die  every  time  that  I  hear  people 
speak  of  a  federation.  Would  it  not  be  more  convenient  to 
transfer  the  capital  from  Buenos  Aires  to  some  other  place 
and  thus  to  silence  the  just  complaints  of  the  provinces?  A 
federation!  How  could  this  be  estabHshed?  If  a  country 
like  the  United  States  with  an  established  government,  well 
populated,  artistic,  agricultural,  and  commercial  had  so  many 
difficulties  under  a  federal  system  of  government  during  the 
last  war  with  England,  what  would  happen  if  the  provinces 
of  la  Plata  became  jealous  of  each  other?  If  you  consider 
also  the  rivalries  and  the  clashing  interests  of  various  regions, 
you  will  agree  that  the  United  Provinces  would  become  a  den 
of  beasts  of  which  the  royalists  would  be  the  masters. 

Neither  did  San  Martin  believe  in  professions  of  loyalty  to 
Ferdinand  VII.  On  April  12,  1816,  he  wrote  to  Cruz,  who 
then  represented  the  province  of  Cuyo  in  a  congress  at  Tucu- 
man,  "Does  it  not  indeed  appear  ridiculous  to  coin  money,  to 
have  a  flag  and  a  national  cockade,  and,  lastly,  to  make  war 
on  the  sovereign  on  whom  it  is  believed  that  we  are  in  a  state 
of  dependence?"  In  another  letter  dated  May  24,  1816,  San 
Martin  said :  "The  inhabitants  of  the  United  Provinces  have 
had  no  other  object  in  their  revolution  than  to  emancipate 
themselves  from  Spanish  rule  and  to  establish  a  nation.    Are 


i88  RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

we  able  to  establish  a  republic  without  provoking  the  opposi- 
tion of  Brazil?  A  republic  without  arts,  sciences,  agriculture, 
inhabitants,  and  with  a  large  extent  of  territory  which  may 
properly  be  called  a  desert,  is  not  a  good  neighbor  for  a  mon- 
archy." Thus  as  early  as  1816,  San  Martin — the  republican 
at  heart — had  become  convinced  that  the  people  of  la  Plata 
provinces  were  not  ready  for  a  republic.  In  other  letters  to 
Cruz  he  urged  that  the  congress  at  Tucuman  should  make  a 
public  declaration  of  independence  from  Spain. 

The  delegates  who  assembled  at  Tucuman  on  March  24, 
18 1 6,  were  selected  in  accordance  with  a  statute  which  had 
been  issued  by  a  junta  at  Buenos  Aires.  The  congress  was  at- 
tended by  delegates  from  various  provinces  of  the  former  vice- 
royalty  of  la  Plata ;  but  Paraguay  and  la  Banda  Oriental  were 
not  represented,  while  only  a  few  delegates  of  Upper  Peru 
were  present.  In  a  short  time  the  congress  dispatched  agents 
to  Artigas  and  Francia  to  invite  "the  free  peoples"  and  the 
Paraguayans  to  send  delegates  to  the  assembly.  Vain  was 
the  invitation.  This  congress  took  other  measures  which  in- 
dicated the  assumption  of  governmental  authority:  it  made 
provisions  for  the  collection  of  forced  loans ;  and,  on  May  3, 
it  appointed  Juan  Martin  de  Pueyrredon,  a  delegate  from  San 
Luis,  "the  supreme  director  of  the  state."  There  appeared 
at  Tucuman  while  congress  was  in  session,  Manuel  Belgrano, 
who  evidently  reenforced  the  arguments  of  those  delegates 
who  favored  a  declaration  of  independence.  The  official  act 
of  that  congress  of  July  9,  1816,  declared  that : 

The  ordinary  session  of  the  congress  of  the  United  Pro- 
vinces having  ended,  it  continued  its  former  discussions  con- 
cerning the  grand  object  of  the  independence  of  the  peoples 
represented  therein.  Although  the  opinion  of  the  entire  region 
in  favor  of  emancipation  from  the  despotic  rule  of  the  kings  of 
Spain  was  general,  constant,  and  decisive,  yet  the  delegates 
devoted  to  this  crucial  question  the  profundity  of  their  talents, 
and  the  rectitude  of  their  intentions,  which  demanded  a  de- 
cision regarding  their  own  fate,  the  fate  of  the  peoples  repre- 
sented, and  of  posterity.     Finally,  they  were  asked:  if  they 


JOSE  DE  SAN  MARTIN  189 

wished  that  the  provinces  of  the  Union  should  form  a  nation 
free  and  independent  of  the  kings  of  Spain  and  of  her  me- 
tropolis. At  once,  animated  by  a  holy  love  of  justice,  each 
and  every  delegate  successively  announced  his  spontaneous 
decision  in  favor  of  the  independence  of  the  country,  signing 
in  consequence  the  following  declaration.  We,  the  representa- 
tives of  the  United  Provinces  in  South  America,  assembled  in 
a  general  congress,  invoking  the  God  who  presides  over  the 
universe,  in  the  name  and  by  the  authority  of  the  people  whom 
we  represent,  and  proclaiming  to  heaven  and  to  all  nations  and 
peoples  of  the  earth  the  justice  of  our  intentions,  declare 
solemnly  to  the  world  that  the  unanimous  wish  of  these 
provinces  is  to  sever  the  oppressive  bonds  which  connect  them 
— ..  with  the  kings  of  Spain,  to  recover  the  rights  of  which  they 
were  deprived,  and  to  assume  the  exalted  position  of  a  nation 
free  and  independent  of  Ferdinand  VII.,  of  his  successors, 
and  of  the  metropolis  of  Spain. 

Thus  certain  provinces  of  la  Plata  adopted  a  declaration  of 
independence.  This  declaration  was  the  logical  culmination 
of  the  action  taken  on  May  25,  18 10,  in  the  city  of  Buenos 
Aires.  Mariano  Moreno's  dream  of  independence  from  Spain 
was  thus  partly  fulfilled.  The  title  of  the  new  state,  the  United 
Provinces  of  South  America,  resembled  the  title  proposed  by 
Artigas  in  18 13.  In  practice,  however,  the  name  applied  to 
that  state  was  ordinarily  the  United  Provinces  of  the  Rio  de 
la  Plata.  In  1816  the  prospect  of  independence  from  Spain  was 
becoming  brighter  in  the  Plateau  provinces;  but  it  had  been 
darkened  by  royalist  successes  in  many  parts  of  South  Amer- 
ica. The  royalist  commander  Morillo  dominated  New  Gran- 
ada and  Venezuela.  Captain  General  Marco  del  Pont  was  the 
master  of  Chile.  Yet  down  in  the  province  of  Cuyo  the  valiant 
Jose  de  San  Martin  was  quietly  recruiting  the  brave  army  of 
the  Andes, — an  army  which  was  destined  to  eclipse  in  the  New 
World  the  achievements  of  Hannibal.  On  hearing  of  the  dec- 
laration of  July  9,  18 1 6,  San  Martin  declared  that  this  was 
"a  masterly  stroke."  On^August  8  he  and  his  chief  officers 
took  a  solemn  oath  to  promote  and  defend  the  liberty  and  in- 
dependence of  the  United  Provinces  of  South  America. 


190  RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

The  congress  of  Tucuman  also  considered  what  type  of 
government  should  be  established  in  the  United  Provinces.  At 
a  secret  session  of  congress  on  July  6,  1816,  Belgrano  urged 
that  the  most  suitable  form  of  government  was  a  monarchy 
with  a  member  of  the  Inca  dynasty  upon  the  throne.  This  pro- 
ject— which  resembled  Miranda's  plan — apparently  gained  the 
approval  of  San  Martin ;  for,  on  August  12,  he  wrote  to  Cruz 
declaring  that  'all  judicious  persons  would  be  pleased  with  the 
plan  concerning  the  dynasty  of  the  Incas.'  In  September,  18 16, 
some  members  of  the  Platean  congress  wer^  considering  the 
establishment  at  Buenos  Aires  of  a  constitutional  monarchy 
under  a  foreign  prince.  Two  months  later,  Director  Pueyrre- 
don  proposed  to  congress  a  scheme  for  the  coronation  of  a 
prince  of  the  house  of  Braganza  as  king  of  the  United  Prov- 
inces under  a  constitution.  Early  in  the  following  year,  the 
protean  project  was  broached  again.  In  a  letter  to  San  Martin 
on  March  3,  1817,  Pueyrredon  declared:  "I  desire  a  monarch 
for  our  state;  but  I  desire  one  worthy  of  the  honor  which  he 
would  receive  in  commanding  us;  that  is  to  say,  I  wish  a 
greater  man  than  Prince  John  of  Portugal ;  and  I  wish  a  mon- 
arch who  would  rule  us  only." 

While  Platean  publicists  deliberated  in  regard  to  the  frame 
of  government  for  the  United  Provinces,  San  Martin  was  ex- 
ecuting his  military  plans.  His  base  of  operations  was  at  Men- 
doza.  That  city  was  located  in  an  oasis  that  marked  the  line 
where  the  foothills  of  the  lofty  Cordillera  sank  into  the  broad 
pampas.  On  the  west  was  "the  snow-capped  Andean  range 
trending  away  towards  distant  Patagonia"  till  the  farthest 
peaks  sank  below  the  horizon.  With  all  possible  secrecy  San 
Martin  prepared  to  attack  the  Spaniards  in  Chile.  He  formed 
from  Chilean  emigres  the  nucleus  of  a  regiment.  He  recruited 
soldiers  and  raised  war  revenues.  He  sent  out  spies  to  collect 
information  concerning  the  Chilean  royalists.  San  Martin 
solicited  the  impecunious  government  at  Buenos  Aires  to  aid 
him :  he  sent  pleas  to  that  city  for  muskets,  sheepskins,  moun- 
tain artillery,  munitions,  mules,  horseshoes,  anchors,  clarinets, 


JOSE  DE  SAN  MARTIN  191 

and  rftoney.  Aware  that  the  royalists  would  entertain  appre- 
hensions concerning  his  designs,  he  tried  to  lull  their  sus- 
picions and  to  deceive  them  by  various  subterfuges.  For  ex- 
ample, messages  bearing  the  similitude  of  truth  were  allowed 
to  fall  into  the  hands  of  Chilean  royalists, — messages  which 
contained  false  statements  concerning  San  Martin's  designs. 
San  Martin  sent  letter  after  letter  to  the  Plateau  government 
urging  that  his  plan  of  campaign  was  the  wisest  which  could 
be  adopted  for  the  liberation  of  South  America.  On  April 
25,  1816,  he  declared:  "Chile  is  the  citadel  of  this  part  of 
America;  her  conquest  will  establish  the  basis  of  our  political 
being.  Peru  will  yield  to  her  influence ;  and  the  continent  will 
be  free!" 

In  a  letter  to  the  supreme  director  on  June  15,  1816,  San 
Martin  sketched  his  plan  of  operations.  He  maintained  that 
the  soldiers  who  were  destined  to  invade  Chile  should  cross  the 
Andean  range  only  by  certain  passes.  The  most  fertile  and 
populous  provinces  of  Chile  should  be  occupied  at  once.  The 
great  aim  of  the  army  should  be  utterly  to  overwhelm  the 
royalists  in  the  first  action.  Then  Santiago  should  be  cap- 
tured. He  declared  that  *upon  the  outcome  of  this  expedition 
depended  the  liberty  of  South  America.'  The  difficulties 
which  had  to  be  surmounted  in  the  projected  march  may  be 
suggested  by  the  statement  that  the  Uspallata  pass,  the  high- 
est of  the  passes  over  the  Andes  from  Mendoza,  is  about  twelve 
thousand  five  hundred  feet  above  sea  level, — over  four  thou- 
sand feet  higher  than  the  pass  of  St.  Bernard  by  which  Na- 
poleon crossed  the  Alps.  San  Martin  did  not  underestimate 
the  obstacles  which  confronted  the  expedition ;  for  on  June  14, 
1816,  he  wrote  to  Tomas  Guido,  "It  is  not  the  opposition  which 
the  royalists  can  offer  to  my  soldiers  that  disturbs  my  sleep 
but  the  passage  of  these  immense  mountains." 

In  the  latter  part  of  18 16  Director  Pueyrredon  took  the 
final  steps  for  the  execution  cfi  San  Martin's  cherished  design. 
On  August  I,  1 8 16,  Pueyrredon  appointed  San  Martin  com- 
mander-in-chief of  the  army  of  the  Andes;  and  on  October  17, 


192  RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

he  made  San  Martin  captain  general  of  that  army.  On  De- 
cember 21  Pueyrredon  signed  the  instructions  for  the  expedi- 
tion against  Chile.  These  instructions  declared  that  one  pur- 
pose of  the  expedition  was  to  acquire  glory  for  the  United 
Provinces, — which  may  have  been  merely  a  rhetorical  flourish. 
The  primary  object  of  the  campaign  was  to  liberate  Chile  and 
thus  to  promote  the  independence  of  South  America  from  the 
Spanish  monarchy.  San  Martin  was  carefully  instructed  to 
remain  at  the  head  of  the  army :  he  was  to  engage  in  a  pitched 
battle  only  when  conditions  favored  a  victory.  In  case  the 
royalists  were  defeated,  San  Martin  was  cautioned  never  to 
agree  that  they  should  be  allowed  to  retire  to  Lima,  which  was 
apparently  regarded  as  his  final  objective  point.  Pueyrredon 
explicitly  declared  that  the  soldiers  of  the  army  of  the  Andes 
were  neither  to  plunder  nor  to  oppress  the  people  of  Chile.  A 
design  to  acquire  control  of  the  liberated  territory  was  ex- 
pressly disclaimed.  San  Martin  was  authorized  to  make  ar- 
rangements for  a  provisional  government  at  Santiago.  The 
hope  was  expressed  that  a  government  might  be  established  in 
independent  Chile  which  would  resemble  the  government  of 
the  United  Provinces.  It  was  suggested  that  these  two  coun- 
tries might  even  enter  into  "a  constitutional  alliance."  San 
Martin  was  to  try  to  persuade  the  Chileans  to  send  delegates 
to  a  congress  at  Buenos  Aires ;  in  order  that  ultimately  Spanish 
South  America  might  constitute  one  nation. 

To  deceive  the  Chilean  royalists  San  Martin  sent  small  de- 
tachments of  soldiers  against  the  enemy  to  the  north  and  south 
of  the  passes  through  which  he  planned  to  send  the  main  divi- 
sions of  his  army.  By  January,  i8i^,  the  army  of  the  Andes 
was  ready  to  march.  That  army  was  divided  into  three  divi- 
sions, which  were  commanded  by  Colonel  Gregorio  de  las 
Heras,  General  Miguel  Soler,  and  General  O'Higgins.  General 
Soler  commanded  the  vanguard  of  the  army  which  was  to 
proceed  by  the  longer  and  more  difficult  route  by  Los  Patos 
pass  that  wound  around  the  northern  side  of  Mount  Acon- 
cagua, General  O'Higgins  was  to  follow  Soler  with  the  re- 


JOSE  DE  SAN  MARTIN  193 

serve  division,  while  Las  Heras  with  a  small  body  of  infantry 
and  the  artillery  was  to  lead  his  soldiers  along  the  Uspallata 
road  which  traversed  the  mountains  south  of  Mount  Acon- 
cagua. Each  of  these  commanders  received  from  San  Martin 
an  itinerary  of  the  projected  marches  with  topographical  data 
and  detailed  instructions.  The  army  of  the  Andes  was  com- 
posed of  about  two  thousand  six  hundred  infantry,  seven  hun- 
dred cavalry,  and  two  hundred  and  fifty  artillerymen.  The 
procession  started  on  January  18,  when  the  soldiers  of  Las 
Heras  left  the  camp  near  Mendoza  and  began  to  march  up  the 
trail  leading  toward  the  two  passes.  This  division  was  sup- 
plied with  carts  and  anchors  and  cables  to  aid  in  the  trans- 
portation of  the  cannon  over  the  crags  and  across  the  precipices 
of  the  Andes.  About  a  week  later  San  Martin  left  Mendoza 
to  overtake  his  soldiers  who  were  approaching  the  gloomy  de- 
files of  the  Cordillera.  Twenty-one  days  after  the  expedition 
started,  the  soldiers  of  Soler,  O'Higgins,  and  Las  Heras  had 
passed  the  snowy  summits  of  the  Andes  and  were  far  down 
the  valleys  that  converged  toward  the  Chilean  plains.  On 
February  8,  18 17,  San  Martin  wrote  to  Pueyrredon  from  the 
valley  of  Aconcagua: 

The  passage  of  the  Andes  has  been  a  triumph  in  itself. 
The  soldiers  of  the  army  with  supplies  for  almost  a  month, 
with  armament,  munitions  of  war,  and  baggage  have  marched 
a  hundred  leagues  along  a  road  which  crossed  craggy  peaks, 
defiles,  folds,  and  deep,  narrow  chasms, — a  road  intersected 
by  four  mountain  ridges,  where  the  cragginess  of  the  soil 
competes  with  the  asperity  of  the  atmosphere.  If  to  over- 
come these  obstacles  has  been  to  gain  a  victory,  it  is  no  less 
a  victory  because  it  has  frightened  the  enemy. 

Physical  geography  made  possible  this  marvelous  march. 
In  the  execution  of  his  daring  design  San  Martin  was  favored 
by  circumstances;  the  loyal  support  of  Pueyrredon,  the  sacri- 
ficing spirit  of  the  inhabitant^  of  Cuyo,  and  the  devotion  of  his 
soldiers.  Nevertheless,  he  might  have  been  foiled  by  Marco 
del  Pont,  the  captain  general  of  Chile;  but  that  commander. 


194  RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

deceived  by  the  false  moves  of  San  Martin,  had  guarded  the 
lyOS  Patos  and  Uspallata  passes  lightly.  San  Martin  was  a 
military  genius.  The  student  of  history  will  search  long  in 
military  annals  to  find  a  campaign  more  carefully  matured, 
more  systematically  prepared  for,  and  more  successfully  ex- 
ecuted than  his  march  over  the  Andean  range.  Although  San 
Martin's  army  was  much  smaller  than  Napoleon's  army  which 
surmounted  the  Alps  in  1800,  yet  it  is  hardly  too  much  to  say 
that  the  passage  of  the  Andes  had  a  more  abiding  influence 
upon  history.  The  march  of  San  Martin  prepared  the  way 
for  the  establishment  of  the  independence  of  Chile  and  Peru. 
This  heroic  march  was  San  Martin's  greatest  achievement. 

But  when  San  Martin  had  reached  the  valley  of  Aconcagua, 
he  had  not  yet  set  foot  upon  the  plains  of  Chile.  Royalist 
soldiers  fled  from  the  passes,  while  Spanish  troops  marched 
from  Santiago  toward  the  mountains.  When  San  Martin 
heard  of  the  movements  of  the  royalists  he  decided  to  attack 
them  at  once,  before  they  had  an  opportunity  to  concentrate 
their  forces  at  the  outlet  of  the  passes.  He  divided  his  army 
into  two  parts :  the  right  division  was  led  by  General  Soler,  and 
the  left  by  General  O'Higgins.  Preparations  were  made  for 
a  night  march  in  order  to  surprise  the  enemy.  Early  on  the 
morning  of  February  12,  San  Martin's  soldiers  deployed  from 
mountain  paths  and  attacked  the  royalists,  who  were  com- 
manded by  Colonel  Rafael  Maroto,  in  front  and  on  the  left 
flank.  After  a  stubborn  resistance,  Maroto's  soldiers  were 
dislodged  from  their  position  near  the  village  of  Chacabuco 
and  thrown  into  disorder.  The  decisive  victory  of  Chacabuco 
opened  the  road  to  Santiago.  Marco  del  Pont  fled  precipi- 
tately from  the  capital ;  and  two  days  later  San  Martin  entered 
it  in  triumph.  As  the  reports  of  this  victory  spread  through- 
out Chile,  the  spirit  of  discontent  with  Spanish  rule  was  stimu- 
lated, and  the  prestige  of  the  Spanish  arms  was  lowered.  On 
February  28,  iSi^,  Jose  de  San  Martin  wrote  jubilantly  to 
Pueyrredon  saymg  that  *in  twenty- four  days  his  soldiers  had 
completed  the  campaign,  defeated  the  tyrants,  and  given  lib- 


Bernardo  O'Higgins 

(From  a  Portrait  in  the  Collection  of  Sr.  Carlos  I.  Salas,  Buenos 

Aires) 


JOSE  DE  SA^  MARTIN  195 

erty  to  Chile/  When  the  news  of  this  victory  was  received  in 
Buenos  Aires  great  rejoicings  took  place:  salvos  were  fired 
from  the  fortresses  and  from  the  ships  in  the  river.  The  gov- 
ernment of  the  United  Provinces  appointed  the  victorious 
commander  brigadier  general;  it  provided  that  he  was  to  be 
presented  with  a  pair  of  pistols  and  a  sword.  The  cabildo  of 
Buenos  Aires  provided  that  a  gold  medal  should  be  struck  off 
and  a  sword  be  forged  for  presentation  to  the  victorious  com- 
mander. The  cabildo  of  Tucuman  made  him  perpetual  regi- 
dor.  A  cabildo  abierto  of  Santiago  unanimously  selected  the 
victor  of  Chacabuco  to  be  the  governor  of  Chile. 

With  characteristic  devotion  to  his  grand  design,  San  Mar- 
tin declined  the  appointment  as  brigadier  general  of  the  United 
Provinces ;  he  also  declined  to  accept  the  position  of  governor 
of  Chile,  for  he  considered  it  his  duty  to  remain  at  the  head 
of  the  army  and  to  carry  the  war  into  Peru.  Accordingly 
some  prominent  citizens  of  Santiago  elected  General  O'Hig- 
gins  Supreme  Director  of  Chile :  this  act  virtually  made  O'Hig- 
gins  dictator  of  the  liberated  territory.  O'Higgins  soon  se- 
lected a  few  secretaries  to  aid  him  in  the  government  of  Chile ; 
he  appointed  Miguel  Zafiartu  secretary  of  state,  and  Jose 
Ignacio  Zenteno  secretary  of  war.  A  little  later  Hipolito  Vil- 
legas  was  placed  in  charge  of  Chile's  treasury.  Meanwhile 
Director  O'Higgins  issued  decrees  providing  that  the  Chileans 
should  take  an  oath  of  fidelity  to  the  new  government,  that 
the  property  of  the  royalists  should  be  confiscated,  and  that  a 
Chilean  army  should  be  organized. 

O'Higgins  and  San  Martin  soon  discussed  the  plans  for  an 
attack  upon  the  royalists  in  Peru.  Both  leaders  felt  that  to 
secure  control  of  the  Pacific  Ocean  a  navy  was  necessary. 
To  secure  aid  in  this  enterprise  San  Martin  soon  re-crossed 
the  Andes,  accompanied  only  by  two  companions,  and  pro- 
ceeded to  Buenos  Aires.  In  the  end  of  March  he  quietly  en- 
tered that  city,  where  he  soon  held  conferences  with  Pueyrre- 
don.  In  accordance  with  a  resolution  of  the  congress  of 
Tucuman,  Manuel  de  Aguirre,  a  merchant  of  Buenos  Aires, 


196  RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

was  appointed  by  Pueyrredon  agent  from  the  United  Prov- 
inces to  the  United  States  of  North  America.  By  an  agree- 
ment between  Pueyrredon  and  San  Martin,  who  had  been 
given  the  requisite  authority  by  O'Higgins,  Aguirre  was  also 
commissioned  to  act  for  Chile.  That  agent  was  instructed  to 
enter  into  whatever  negotiations  might  be  necessary  in  the 
United  States  for  the  purchase  of  war  vessels.  He  carried 
with  him  two  hundred  thousand  pesos,  and  was  authorized  to 
borrow  funds  in  the  United  States.  Aguirre  took  with  him  a 
letter  addressed  by  San  Martin  to  the  president  of  the  United 
States  which  declared  that  the  great  object  of  the  mission  was 
to  secure  in  that  country  a  squadron  of  vessels  to  promote 
the  liberation  of  Peru.  Aguirre  arrived  in  Washington  in 
July,  1817;  he  soon  attempted  to  execute  his  commission.  He 
informed  President  Monroe  of  the  declaration  of  independence 
of  the  United  Provinces.  In  vain  he  pleaded  with  the  secre- 
tary of  state,  John  Quincy  Adams,  for  the  recognition  of  the 
United  Provinces  as  a  sovereign  power  and  for  the  negotia- 
tion of  a  treaty  of  amity  and  commerce  between  that  nation 
and  the  United  States.  At  the  same  time  Aguirre  was  bar- 
gaining with  merchants  and  ship-owners  for  vessels  and  muni- 
tions for  his  struggling  compatriots.  As  the  United  States 
government  was  pursuing  a  neutral  policy  in  the  struggle  be- 
tween Spain  and  her  revolted  colonies,  after  securing  two 
vessels  of  war,  Aguirre  was  arrested  for  violating  the  neutral- 
ity law.  Finally  he  despatched  two  vessels,  the  Curiaco  and 
the  Horiaco,  to  Buenos  Aires.  In  18 18  the  Curiaco,  re- 
christened  the  Independencia,  joined  Chile's  squadron  in  the 
Pacific  Ocean. 

In  the  meantime  the  Chilean  patriots  were  making  progress. 
On  June  9,  181 7,  shortly  after  the  return  of  San  Martin  from 
Buenos  Aires,  Hilario  de  Quintana,  who  was  acting  as  the 
director  during  the  absence  of  O'Higgins  from  the  capital, 
issued  a  decree  providing  for  the  coinage  of  money  bearing 
the  inscription  "Liberty,  Union,  and  Strength, — Independent 
Chile."    The  official  declaration  of  Chilean  independence  pur- 


JOSE  DE  SAN  MARTIN  197 

ported  to  be  signed  at  Concepcion  on  January  i,  18 18,  by 
Director  O'Higgins  and  his  three  ministers.  The  declaration 
asserted  that  the  rule  of  Spain  in  America  was  based  upon 
force,  that  the  revolution  of  September  18,  1810,  was  the 
first  step  which  Chile  had  taken  to  fulfill  her  high  destiny,  and 
that  the  ensuing  war  with  Spain  had  inspired  the  inhabitants 
of  Chile  with  the  determination  to  separate  from  the  mother- 
land. It  also  declared  that  the  citizens  of  Chile  had  decided  in 
favor  of  an  immediate  declaration  of  independence  from  Spain. 
Hence  the  announcement  was  made  that  "the  continental 
territory  of  Chile  and  the  adjacent  islands"  formed  "in  fact 
and  by  right,  a  free,  independent,  and  sovereign  state,  which 
will  remain  forever  separated  from  the  Spanish  monarchy  with 
full  power  to  adopt  a  suitable  system  of  government." 

In  his  monumental  history  of  Chile,  Diego  Barros  Arana 
states  that  this  declaration  was  drafted  by  Miguel  Zanartu 
and  revised  by  Bernardo  O'Higgins.  Barros  Arana  also  de- 
clares that  O'Higgins  added  to  the  clause  declaring  that  Chile 
was  to  be  forever  independent  of  Spain,  the  words  "and  of 
any  other  state" — a  phrase  which  was  not  inserted  in  the  of- 
ficial declaration  as  printed.  The  Chilean  historian  also  affirms 
that  the  document  was  subsequently  antedated,  for  Bernardo 
O'Higgins  actually  signed  the  declaration  of  independence  at 
Talca  on  January  2^_i8i8^___^ 

On  February  7,  1818,  a  proclamation  was  issued  by  the 
government  of  Chile  declaring  that  February  12  had  been  se- 
lected as  the  day  when  the  independence  of  Chile  from  Spain 
was  to  be  formally  announced.  The  proclamation  contained 
provisions  concerning  the  arrangements  for  the  ceremony. 
Accordingly  on  the  forenoon  of  February  12 — the  first  anni- 
versary of  the  battle  of  Chacabuco — the  tribunals  and  the  cor- 
porations of  Santiago,  with  the  leading  officials,  including  Jose 
de  San  Martin  and  Tomas  Guido,  the  envoy  of  the  govern- 
ment of  the  United  Provinces,  proceeded  from  the  palace  of 
government  to  a  stage  which  had  been  erected  in  the  great 
square.    On  that  stage  in  the  presence  of  an  enthusiastic  crowd 


198  RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

of  people,  the  declaration  of  independence  was  read;  then 
Jose  de  San  Martin  and  the  chief  governmental  officials 
solemnly  swore  to  sustain  the  absolute  independence  of  the 
Chilean  state  with  their  lives,  their  fortunes,  and  their  honor. 
There  were  scattered  among  the  populace  medals  of  silver, 
bearing  the  Chilean  coat  of  arms  and  an  appropriate  inscrip- 
tion. Copies  of  the  declaration  of  independence  were  dis- 
tributed among  the  people  and  also  copies  of  a  manifesto 
which  stated  the  reasons  that  justified  the  Chilean  revolution. 
The  people  of  many  towns  in  Chile  and  the  soldiers  of  the 
patriot  army  received  the  news  of  the  declaration  with  joy. 

Nevertheless  the  independence  of  Chile  was  not  completely 
•established.  On  the  night  of  March  19,  1818,  the  united  army 
of  the  Andes  and  of  Chile  was  surprised  on  the  plains  of 
Cancha  Rayada,  north  of  Talca;  and  San  Martin  had  to  re- 
treat with  the  loss  of  some  artillery.  But  he  gathered  his 
soldiers  together  again,  breathed  into  them  his  own  indom- 
itable spirit,  and  marched  to  the  plains  of  Maipu,  near  San- 
tiago. When  the  royalists  under  General  Osorio  forded  the 
Maipii  River  and  threatened  Santiago,  they  found  San  Mar- 
tin's army  drawn  up  in  battle  array.  On  a  beautiful  day, 
April  5,  1818,  San  Martin  attacked  the  enemy.  After  a  stub- 
born conflict,  the  royalists  were  defeated  and  put  to  rout: 
San  Martin  had  won  the  last  important  engagement  which  was 
fought  for  the  independence  of  Chile.  He  and  other  patriot 
commanders  were  showered  with  decorations  and  medals.  The 
battle  upon  the  plains  of  Maipti  instilled  fresh  courage  into 
the  soldiers  of  independence,  while  reports  of  the  victory 
startled  the  viceroys  of  Peru  and  New  Granada.  This  victory 
almost  insured  the  independence  of  southern  South  America 
from  Spain.  Further,  it  enabled  San  Martin  to  use  Chile  as 
a  naval  base  for  his  projected  attack  upon  the  last  great  strong- 
hold of  the  Spaniards  in  Peru.  In  the  meantime  other  patriots 
were  driving  the  remaining  royalists  out  of  Chile. 

In  May,  1818,  O'Higgins  appointed  a  commission  to  frame 
a  project  of  a  provisional  constitution  for  the  new  state.    The 


JOSE  DE  SAN  MARTIN  '  199 

constitution  thus  formed  was  promulgated  by  the  Supreme 
Director  several  months  later  and  was  known  as  the  "con- 
stitution of  the  year  181 8."  It  placed  the  executive  authority 
of  Chile,  both  civil  and  military,  in  the  hands  of  Director 
O'Higgins,  who  was  to  be  aided  by  secretaries  of  state,  treas- 
ury, and  war.  It  vested  the  legislative  authority  in  a  senate 
composed  of  five  members  chosen  by  O'Higgins,  who  had  the 
right  to  veto  legislation.  It  vested  the  supreme  judicial  au- 
thority  in  a  supreme  court  composed  of  five  members  also 
selected  by  O'Higgins.  For  administrative  purposes  the  terri- 
tory of  Chile  was  divided  into  three  provinces  which  were  to 
be  managed  by  governor-intendants.  Although  this  provisional 
constitution  contained  a  promise  that  a  constituent  congress 
would  be  assembled,  O'Higgins  remained  dictator  of  the 
Chilean  people  for  several  years.  Not  until  1828  was  a  con- 
stitution  promulgated  for  the  republic  of  Chile.  v^ 

A  few  days  after  the  battle  of  Maipii,  San  Martin  started 
on  another  trip  to  Buenos  Aires,  where  the  congress  of  the 
United  Provinces  publicly  thanked  him  for  his  services.  His 
mission  was  to  secure  aid  for  the  expedition  against  Peru. 
As  a  result  of  his  representations,  the  government  of  the 
United  Provinces  promised  to  contribute  five  hundred  thou- 
sand pesos  for  the  army  of  the  Andes, — a  pledge  which  it  found 
extremely  difficult  to  fulfill.  In  July,  1818,  from  the  city  of 
Mendoza,  where  he  had  tarried  on  his  return  trip,  San  Martin 
sent  to  Bernardo  O'Higgins  and  to  General  Balcarce  a  project 
for  an  expedition  from  Chile  against  Peru  with  an  army  of  six 
thousand  men.  In  April,  1819,  San  Martin  accepted  an  ap- 
pointment  as  brigadier  general  of  Chile's  army. 

While  San  Martin  was  promoting  the  cause  of  inde- 
pendence at  Buenos  Aires,  the  Chileans  were  creating  a  navy. 
A  number  of  vessels  were  purchased,  mounted  with  guns,  and 
placed  under  the  command  of  a  Chilean  mariner  named  Blanco 
Encalada.  The  Chileans  'wiere  soon  pleased  to  hear  that  while 
their  small  squadron  was  cruising  in  the  Pacific,  it  had  cap- 
tured a  Spanish  frigate.     About  the  same  time  through  the 


200  RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

influence  of  an  agent  in  London,  Jose  Antonio  Alvarez  Con* 
darco,  Chile  secured  a  most  valuable  recruit;  for  Lord  Coch- 
rane, an  able  and  resourceful  naval  officer  who  had  fallen 
into  disgrace  in  England,  was  induced  to  enlist  in  the  cause 
of  South-American  independence.  Soon  after  the  arrival  of 
Lord  Cochrane  at  Valparaiso  in  November,  1818,  he  was  made 
the  commander  of  the  Chilean  navy.  Shortly  afterwards 
Admiral  Cochrane  engaged  in  some  daring  exploits.  He  at- 
tacked the  fortified  port  of  Callao,  but  without  success;  and, 
in  February,  1820,  he  captured  the  port  of  Valdivia.  The 
spectacular  deeds  of  Lord  Cochrane  under  the  Chilean  flag 
soon  frightened  the  Spaniards,  who  nicknamed  him  El  Diablo 
There  were  some  Plateau  leaders  who  still  dreamed  of 
founding  a  monarchy  at  Buenos  Aires.  When  he  heard  ru- 
mors of  those  designs,  the  ambassador  of  France  in  England, 
the  Marquis  of  Osmond,  sent  Colonel  le  Moyne  to  that  city 
on  a  secret  mission.  After  arriving  there,  this  agent  held 
several  conferences  with  Director  Pueyrredon.  On  Septem- 
ber 2,  1 8 18,  Le  Moyne  reported  that  Pueyrredon  secretly  fa- 
vored the  establishment  of  a  monarchy  in  the  United  Provinces 
'Under  French  influence,  while  Belgrano  and  San  Martin  fa- 
vored the  establishment  of  a  monarchy  there  under  English 
influence.  It  is  significant  that  in  October,  181 8,  the  govern- 
ment of  the  United  Provinces  sent  Jose  V.  Gomez,  an  ec- 
clesiastic, on  a  mission  to  Europe  with  instructions  which 
directed  him  to  enter  into  negotiations  with  the  government 
of  France.  In  May,  1819,  Gomez  had  conferences  with  Mar- 
quis Dessolle,  the  French  minister  of  foreign  affairs,  concern- 
ing the  creation  of  an  independent  kingdom  in  the  United 
Provinces  with  a  European  prince  as  its  sovereign.  Baron 
Dessolle  evidently  thought  that  the  separation  of  the  United 
Provinces  from  Spain  was  almost  inevitable.  The  role  which 
he  wished  to  play  was  that  of  mediator  between  those  provinces 
and  Spain :  he  proposed  a  scheme  for  the  coronation  of  Prince 
Charles  Louis,  Duke  of  Lucca,  as  king  of  the  United 
Provinces.    Gomez,  however,  did  not  favor  the  project  because 


JOSE  DE  SAN  MARTIN  201 

that  duke  was  a  prince  of  Spain.  In  the  same  month  when 
these  negotiations  were  pending,  the  congress  of  the  United 
Provinces  adopted  a  constitution  which  vested  the  supreme 
power  of  the  state  in  a  director,  a  native-born  citizen  who 
should  swear  to  preserve  the  integrity  and  independence  of 
the  national  territory.  The  legislative  authority  was  vested  in 
a  senate  and  a  house  of  representatives.  In  June,  1819,  Pueyr- 
redon  renounced  the  position  of  supreme  director:  he  was 
succeeded  by  General  Rondeau.  When  Director  Rondeau 
heard  of  the  negotiations  of  Gomez,  he  sent  a  message  to  con- 
gress regarding  the  candidacy  of  the  Duke  of  Lucca  for  the 
throne  of  the  United  Provinces.  The  aspirations  of  some 
Plateau  leaders  are  suggested  by  the  surprising  fact  that  the 
members  of  congress  decided  to  accept  that  duke  as  their 
monarch  upon  certain  conditions.  But  in  the  same  month, 
the  new  French  minister  of  foreign  affairs,  Baron  Pasquier, 
informed  Gomez  that  his  government  had  withdrawn  com- 
pletely from  the  project  of  making  a  Spanish  prince  the  king 
of  the  United  Provinces.  Thus  the  negotiations  of  1819  for 
the  establishment  of  a  European  dynasty  in  South  America 
ended  fruitlessly. 

The  discord  and  anarchy  in  the  United  Provinces,  which 
made  some  leaders  favor  the  establishment  of  a  monarchy 
there,  hindered  the  preparations  for  San  Martin's  expedition 
against  Peru.  The  government  at  Buenos  Aires  even  ordered 
San  Martin  to  lead  his  soldiers  back  across  the  Andes.  But 
instead  of  obeying  that  command,  and  thus,  for  the  time  being 
at  least,  relinquishing  his  long-cherished  project,  San  Martin 
resigned  his  office  as  general  of  the  army  of  the  Andes,  de- 
claring that  the  director  who  had  appointed  him  to  the  com- 
mand was  no  longer  in  power.  At  the  instance  of  San  Martin, 
however,  this  resignation  was  referred  to  his  army  for  con- 
sideration. At  the  town  of  Rancagua  on  April  2,  1820,  a 
junta  of  his  officers  decided  that  San  Martin  was  still  the 
commander  of  the  army  of  the  Andes.  The  Platean  soldiers 
of  San  Martin  thus  acted  in  defiance  of  their  own  government. 


202  RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

while  San  Martin  sanctioned  their  action  by  retaining  the 
command  of  the  army.  In  truth  the  so-called  act  of  Rancagua 
was  a  revolutionary  measure: — San  Martin  and  his  soldiers 
virtually  renounced  the  governmental  authority  of  the  United 
Provinces. 

About  one  month  after  the  act  of  Rancagua,  the  Chilean 
government  appointed  San  Martin  commander-in-chief  of  the 
army  of  liberation.  On  July  22,  1820,  General  San  Mar- 
tin issued  a  proclamation  from  Valparaiso  addressed  to  the 
people  of  the  United  Provinces  of  la  Plata.  In  his  farewell 
proclamation  San  Martin  attributed  the  anarchy  prevailing 
in  those  provinces  to  jthe  attempt  "to  estabHsh  a  federal  gov- 
ernment in  a  thinly-settled  country  where  there  were  many 
jealousies  and  local  antipathies,  where  the  citizens  were  poorly 
acquainted  with  political  affairs,  and  where  revenues  to  pay  the 
expenses  of  the  national  government  were  lacking."  To  justify 
his  action  in  declining  to  return  to  Buenos  Aires,  he  asserted 
that,  if  he  had  taken  part  in  the  dissensions  of  the  United 
Provinces,  he  would  have  been  forced  to  relinquish  his  project 
for  the  liberation  of  Peru.  "Provinces  of  the  Rio  de  la  Plata," 
said  General  San  Martin,  "this  proclamation  will  be  my  last 
response  to  my  calumniators :  I  can  do  no  more  than  to  risk 
my  life  and  my  honor  for  the  sake  of  my  native  land.  What- 
ever may  be  my  lot  in  the  campaign  against  Peru,  I  shall 
demonstrate  that  ever  since  I  returned  to  my  native  land, 
her  independence  has  been  my  constant  thought,  and  that  I 
never  entertained  any  other  ambition  than  to  merit  the  hatred 
of  the  ungrateful  and  the  esteem  of  the  virtuous." 

In  August,  1820,  the  expedition  for  the  liberation  of  Peru 
gathered  at  Valparaiso.  The  fleet  consisted  of  eight  war  ves- 
sels and  sixteen  transports  which  carried  supplies  for  six 
months.  The  soldiers  on  board  those  vessels  numbered  over 
four  thousand ;  more  than  one-half  of  them  belonged  ostensibly 
to  the  army  of  the  Andes,  while  the  remainder  were  mainly 
Chileans.  There  were  about  three  hundred  officers,  most  of 
whom  were  from  the  Platean  provinces,  or  from  Europe.    A 


JOSE  DE  SAN  MARTIN  203 

large  number  of  the  European  military  officers  were  from 
England.  The  seamen  and  marines  in  the  expedition  num- 
bered about  sixteen  hundred:  among  the  naval  officers  there 
were  also  a  number  of  men  of  European  birth.  The  flag 
of  independent  Chile  flew  from  the  masthead  of  the  frigate 
O'Higgins,  commanded  by  Lord  Cochrane,  which  led  the  small 
squadron  out  of  the  harbor  of  Valparaiso  on  August  20,  1820. 
When  Cochrane  opened  his  sealed  instructions,  signed  by 
O'Higgins  and  Zenteno,  he  read  these  words:  "The  object 
of  the  expedition  is  to  free  Peru  from  Spanish  domination, 
to  raise  her  to  the  rank  of  a  free  and  sovereign  power,  and 
thus  to  complete  the  sublime  task  of  establishing  the  inde- 
pendence of  South  America.  Captain  General  Jose  de  San 
Martin  is  the  chief  to  whom  the  government  of  the  republic 
has  given  the  entire  charge  of  this  great  enterprise." 

In  secret  instructions  San  Martin  was  informed  that,  if 
Admiral  Cochrane  disobeyed  his  commands,  he  was  author- 
ized to  remove  that  admiral  and  to  replace  him  by  an  officer 
who  merited  his  entire  confidence.  In  conferring  these  ex- 
tensive powers  upon  San  Martin,  O'Higgins  declared  that  the 
expedition  was  to  liberate  the  Peruvian  people,  who  should 
be  organized  in  the  political  form  which  was  best  adapted  to 
the  circumstances  of  Peru  and  of  South  America.  Director 
O'Higgins,  to  whose  exertions  the  equipment  of  the  expedi- 
tion was  largely  due,  had  written  a  proclamation  for  distribu- 
tion among  the  Peruvians  in  which  he  declared:  *You  shall 
be  free  and  independent ;  you  shall  form  your  government  and 
your  laws  according  to  the  spontaneous  wish  of  your  own 
representatives.  The  soldiers  of  the  army  of  liberation,  your 
brothers,  will  exert  no  influence,  military  or  civil,  direct  or 
indirect,  in  your  social  system.  Whenever  it  suits  you,  dismiss 
the  army  which  marches  to  protect  you.  A  military  force 
should  never  occupy  the  territory  of  a  free  people  unless  in- 
vited by  its  legitimate  magistrates.' 

The  viceroyalty  of  Peru — ^the  last  important  stronghold  of 
Spanish  power  on  the  American  continent — stretched  north- 


204  RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

ward  along  the  Pacific  coast  from  the  desert  of  Atacama  to 
the  presidency  of  Quito.  On  the  east  it  was  bounded  by 
Brazil  and  the  presidency  of  Charcas.  Its  chief  port  was  the 
fortified  city  of  Callao.  A  short  distance  east  of  Callao  was 
the  capital  city  of  Lima,  which  Peruvians  often  designated  as 
the  city  of  the  kings.  After  1810  there  had  been  uprisings 
against  Spanish  rule  in  Peru — notably  the  revolt  of  Pumacahua 
at  Cuzco  in  1814 — but  no  sustained  movement  such  as  we 
have  noticed  in  the  basin  of  la  Plata.  A  number  of  intellectual 
leaders  had  attempted  to  arouse  the  Peruvian  people  against 
the  motherland.  Of  these  leaders  we  may  only  notice  Hipolito 
Unanue  of  the  University  of  San  Marcos,  and  Jose  de  la  Riva 
Aguero,  a  young  lawyer  who  was  the  most  able  and  in- 
fluential member  of  the  revolutionary  coteries.  While  the 
army  of  the  Andes  was  still  at  Mendoza,  General  Joaquin  de 
Pezuela,  who  had  commanded  the  royalist  army  in  Upper 
Peru,  was  appointed  viceroy  of  Peru.  When  Pezuela  learned 
that  San  Martin  was  preparing  an  expedition  against  his  vice- 
royalty,  he  earnestly  hoped  that  the  Spanish  government  would 
send  him  reenforcements,  but  his  hopes  were  disappointed. 

On  September  8,  1820,  the  first  division  of  the  army  of 
liberation  landed  near  Pisco,  south  of  Callao.  On  that  day 
General  San  Martin  issued  an  address  to  his  soldiers  declar- 
ing "that  their  main  duty  was  to  console  South  America,  and 
that  they  were  not  to  make  conquests  but  to  free  peoples." 
He  asked  them  "to  respect  the  rights  of  their  Peruvian  broth- 
ers, as  they  had  respected  the  rights  of  the  Chileans  after  the 
battle  of  Chacabuco."  In  an  address  to  the  people  of  Peru 
he  spoke  of  the  triumph  of  the  constitutionalists  in  the  Spanish 
peninsula  as  follows :  "The  revolution  in  Spain  is  of  the  same 
nature  as  our  own  revolution;  both  of  these  revolutions  were 
caused  by  oppression:  the  object  of  both  revolutions  is  to 
ensure  liberty  to  the  people.  But  Spanish  America  can  view 
the  liberal  constitution  of  Spain  only  as  a  fraudulent  attempt  to 
conserve  a  colonial  system  which  can  no  longer  be  maintained 
by  force." 


JOSE  DE  SAN  MARTIN  305 

In  accordance  with  instructions  from  the  constitutional 
government  of  Spain,  Viceroy  Pezuela  selected  two  commis- 
sioners, Count  Villar  de  Fuente  and  Lieutenant  Dionisio 
Capuz,  to  treat  with  San  Martin  regarding  peace.  San  Martin 
sent  as  commissioners  Colonel  Tomas  Guido,  his  aide-de- 
camp, and  Juan  Garcia  del  Rio,  a  cultured  creole  of  New 
Granada  who  was  acting  as  his  secretary.  On  September  26 
both  parties  agreed  to  observe  an  armistice  during  the  nego- 
tiations. The  commissioners  held  some  conferences  at  Mira- 
flores,  near  Lima.  The  agents  of  Pezuela  asked  that  the  con- 
stitution of  1 812  should  be  accepted  by  the  Chileans  and  by 
the  army  of  San  Martin,  while  the  agents  of  San  Martin 
asked  that  the  independence  of  Peru  should  be  recognized  by 
Spain.  In  the  course  of  the  negotiations  San  Martin's  agents 
evidently  intimated  that  they  might  agree  to  a  compromise 
which  would  provide  for  the  coronation  in  South  America  of 
a  European  prince.  According  to  the  viceroy  those  agents 
even  suggested  that  the  prince  might  be  selected  from  the 
ruling  dynasty  of  Spain.  However,  the  commissioners  could 
not  reach  an  agreement,  evidently  because  Pezuela  thought 
that  to  negotiate  for  the  establishment  of  a  European  prince 
in  South  America  was  to  exceed  his  authority.  Pezuela  also 
questioned  the  authority  of  San  Martin  to  engage  in  such  ne- 
gotiations. In  announcing  to  the  people  of  Peru  the  outcome 
of  the  negotiations  at  Miraflores,  San  Martin  declared  that 
his  functions  as  general  of  the  army  of  liberation  would  cease 
upon  the  day  when  the  Peruvians  manifested  their  wishes  con- 
cerning their  governmental  institutions. 

When  he  decided  to  break  off  negotiations  with  Pezuela, 
San  Martin  sent  a  part  of  his  army  under  General  Arenales 
toward  the  Andean  range,  and  meanwhile  he  feigned  an  at- 
tack upon  Lima.  Arenales  made  a  venturesome  march  north- 
ward ;  and  on  December  6,  he  defeated  the  royalists  at  Pasco, 
a  short  distance  northwest  of  Lima.  In  the  end  of  October, 
San  Martin  reembarked  his  army  and  sailed  along  the  coast 


2o6  RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

to  Huaura,  a  point  about  seventy  miles  north  of  Lima,  where, 
on  January  8,  1821,  he  was  joined  by  Arenales. 

In  the  same  month  the  vacillating  viceroy,  who  was  in 
camp  near  Lima,  was  deposed  by  a  junta  of  his  officers  led  by 
Generals  Canterac  and  Valdez  and  replaced  by  General  Jose  de 
la  Serna,  who  had  succeeded  him  as  commander  of  the  army 
in  Upper  Peru.  Soon  afterwards  La  Serna,  who  thus  vir- 
tually became  viceroy  of  Peru,  invited  San  Martin  to  enter 
into  negotiations  for  reconciliation  with  Spain.  Commissioners 
were  again  selected  by  the  contending  parties :  again  no  agree- 
ment was  reached.  The  attempt  was  revived  in  the  following 
March,  when  Manuel  Abreu,  who  had  been  commissioned  by 
the  Spanish  government  to  negotiate  with  the  Chilean  in- 
surgents, arrived  at  Huaura.  After  Abreu  and  San  Martin  met. 
La  Serna  appointed  new  commissioners  to  negotiate  with  San 
Martin  for  peace.  The  upshot  of  the  negotiations  was  that 
an  armistice  was  arranged  at  Punchauca  on  May  23,  1821, 
which  provided  for  an  interview  between  La  Serna  and  San 
Martin.  On  June  2  this  interview  took  place  at  Punchauca 
in  the  presence  of  the  peace  commissioners  and  the  generals  of 
both  armies.  As  a  preliminary  to  any  negotiations,  San  Martin 
demanded  the  recognition  of  Peruvian  independence.  Should 
this  be  granted,  he  proposed  that  a  governmental  junta  be 
established  in  Peru.  To  San  Martin  the  occasion  seemed  op- 
portune for  the  presentation  of  his  favorite  political  project. 
Again  he  proposed  the  establishment  of  a  constitutional  mon- 
archy in  South  America,  suggesting  that  the  king,  or  emperor, 
might  be  a  prince  of  the  Spanish  royal  house.  He  even  pro- 
posed to  send  envoys  to  Spain  to  urge  his  project  upon  the 
government.  After  conferring  with  the  officers  of  his  army. 
La  Serna  declined  to  agree  to  these  proposals.  It  is  note- 
worthy that  this  project  bore  some  resemblance  to  the  Plan 
of  Iguala,  which  unknown  to  San  Martin,  had  been  proclaimed 
in  Mexico  three  months  before  the  armistice  of  Punchauca. 
When  San  Martin  heard  of  the  progress  of  the  Iturbidista 
movement   in    Mexico,   he   broached   his    favorite   design   to 


JOSE  DE  SAN  MARTIN  207 

General  Canterac,  but  that  officer  firmly  replied  that  events  in 
New  Spain  would  in  no  wise  influence  him  to  adopt  a  rneas* 
ure  which  was  not  in  harmony  with  the  views  of  the  Spanish 
nation.  The  interpretation  which  San  Martin  later  gave  to 
the  negotiations  with  the  Spaniards  should  be  noticed :  namely, 
that  his  object  was  to  compromise  the  Spanish  commanders 
by  inducing  them  virtually  to  recognize  the  independence  of 
Spanish  America. 

A  short  time  after  the  failure  of  the  negotiations  between 
Viceroy  La  Serna  and  General  San  Martin  for  the  pacification 
of  Peru,  Captain  Basil  Hall,  an  English  traveler,  had  an  in- 
terview with  the  revolutionary  leader  on  board  a  schooner 
which  was  anchored  in  the  harbor  of  Callao.  In  his  journal 
Captain  Hall  recorded  his  impressions  of  San  Martin  in  these 
words : 

There  was  little,  at  first  sight,  in  his  appearance  to  engage 
the  attention;  but  when  he  rose  up  and  began  to  speak,  his 
great  superiority  over  every  other  person  I  had  seen  in  South 
America  was  sufficiently  apparent.  He  received  us  in  very 
homely  style,  on  the  deck  of  his  vessel,  dressed  in  a  surtout 
coat,  and  a  large  fur  cap,  seated  at  a  table  made  of  a  few 
loose  planks  laid  along  the  top  of  two  empty  casks. 

General  San  Martin  is  a  tall,  erect,  well-proportioned, 
handsome  man,  with  a  large  aquiline  nose,  thick  black  hair, 
and  immense  bushy  whiskers  extending  from  ear  to  ear  under 
the  chin:  his  complexion  is  deep  olive,  and  his  eye,  which  is 
large,  prominent,  and  piercing,  jet  black;  his  whole  appear- 
ance being  highly  military.  He  is  thoroughly  well-bred,  and 
unaffectedly  simple  in  his  manners;  exceedingly  cordial  and 
engaging,  and  possessed  evidently  of  great  kindliness  of  dis- 
position :  in  short,  I  have  never  seen  any  person,  the  enchant- 
ment of  whose  address  was  more  irresistible.  In  conversa- 
tion he  goes  at  once  to  the  strong  points  of  the  topic,  dis- 
daining, as  it  were,  to  trifle  with  its  minor  parts:  he  listens 
earnestly,  and  replies  with  distinctness  and  fairness,  showing 
wonderful  resources  in  argument,  and  a  most  happy  fertility 
of  illustration ;  the  effect  ^f  which  is  to  make  his  audience 
feel  they  are  understood  in  the  sense  they  wish.  Yet  there 
is  nothing  showy  or  ingenious  in  his  discourse;  and  he  cer- 


2o8  RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

tainly  seems  at  all  times  perfectly  in  earnest,  and  deeply  pos- 
sessed  with  his  subject.  Several  times  during  this  interview 
his  animation  rose  to  a  high  pitch,  and  then  the  flash  of  his 
eye,  and  the  whole  turn  of  his  expression,  became  so  ex- 
ceedingly energetic  as  to  rivet  the  attention  of  his  audience 
beyond  the  possibility  of  evading  his  arguments.  This  was 
most  remarkably  the  case  when  the  topic  was  politics.  .  .  . 

The  contest  in  Peru,  he  said,  was  not  of  an  ordinary  de- 
scription— not  a  war  of  conquest  and  glory,  but  entirely  of 
opinion;  it  was  a  war  of  new  and  liberal  principles  against 
prejudice,  bigotry,  and  tyranny.  "People  ask,"  said  San 
Martin,  "why  I  don't  march  to  Lima  at  once;  so  I  might, 
and  instantly  would,  were  it  suitable  to  my  views — which  it 
is  not.  I  do  not  want  military  renown — I  have  no  ambition 
to  be  the  conqueror  of  Peru — J  want  solelv_to^  liberate,  the 
country  from  oppression.  Of  what  use  would  Lima  be  to 
me,  if  the  inhabitants  were  hostile  in  public  sentiment?  How 
could  the  cause  of  Independence  be  advanced  by  my  holding 
Lima,  or  even  the  whole  country,  in  military  possession? 
Far  different  are  my  views.  I  wish  to  have  all  men  thinking 
with  me,  and  do  not  choose  to  advance  a  step  beyond  the 
gradual  march  of  public  opinion.  The  capital  is  now  ripe  for 
^-  declaring  its  sentiments,  and  I  shall  give  them  the  opportunity 
of  doing  so  in  safety.  It  was  in  sure  expectation  of  this  mo- 
ment that  I  have  hitherto  deferred  advancing;  and  to  those 
who  know  the  full  extent  of  the  means  which  have  been  put 
in  action,  a  sufficient  explanation  is  afforded  of  all  the  delays 
that  have  taken  place.  I  have  been  gaining,  indeed,  day  by 
day,  fresh  allies  in  the  hearts  of  the  people,  the  only  certain 
allies  in  such  a  war.  In  the  secondary  point  of  military 
strength,  I  have  been,  from  the  same  causes,  equally  success- 
ful in  augmenting  and  improving  the  liberating  army;  while 
that  of  the  Spaniards  has  been  wasted  by  want  and  desertion. 
The  country  has  now  become  sensible  of  its  true  interests,  and 
it  is  right  the  inhabitants  should  have  the  means  of  expressing 
what  they  think.  Public  opinion  is  an  engine  newly  intro- 
duced into  this  country;  the  Spaniards,  who  are  utterly  in- 
capable of  directing  it,  have  prohibited  its  use ;  but  they  shall 
now  experience  its  strength  and  importance." 

Possibly  it  was  partly  because  of  the  increasing  sentiment 
in  favor  of  independence  in  northern  Peru  that,  early  in  July, 


JOSE  DE  SAN  MARTIN  209 

the  viceroy  decided  to  evacuate  the  Peruvian  coast.  On  July 
6  the  soldiers  of  La  Serna  marched  out  of  the  capital  city 
toward  the  Andes,  leaving  a  garrison  in  Callao.  A  deputa- 
tion from  the  cahildo  of  Lima  at  once  invited  San  Martin  to 
enter  the  city.  True  to  the  policy  which  he  had  announced, 
San  Martin  declared  that,  if  the  citizens  of  Lima  wished  to 
declare  themselves  independent  of  Spain,  he  was  ready  to 
enter  that  capital.  Captain  Hall  quoted  him  as  saying:  "All 
that  I  wish  is,  that  this  country  should  be  managed  by  itself, 
and  by  itself  alone.  As  to  the  manner  in  which  it  is  to  be 
governed,  that  belongs  not  at  all  to  me.  I  propose  simply 
to  give  the  people  the  means  of  declaring  themselves  in- 
dependent, and  of  establishing  a  suitable  form  of  government; 
after  which  I  shall  consider  that  I  have  done  enough,  and  leave 
them."  Soon  after  the  departure  of  the  royalists,  San  Mar- 
tin's soldiers  occupied  Lima.  On  July  12,  Captain  General 
San  Martin  quietly  entered  that  city.  Captain  Hall  has  left 
an  interesting  description  of  the  reception  of  San  Martin 
by  the  people. 

A  fine-looking  woman  offered  him  her  sons  for  the  Peruvian 
service.  Five  ladies  wished  to  clasp  his  knees  at  once.  A  "tall 
raw-boned,  pale-faced  friar"  praised  the  manner  in  which  he 
had  entered  Lima.  A  "beautiful  young  woman  .  .  .  threw 
herself  into  the  General's  arms  and  lay  there  full  half  a  minute 
without  being  able  to  utter  more  than,  'Oh  mi  General!  mi 
General !'  She  then  tried  to  disengage  herself,  but  San  Martin, 
who  had  been  struck  with  her  enthusiasm  and  beauty,  drew  her 
gently  and  respectfully  back,  and  holding  his  head  a  little  on 
one  side,  said  with  a  smile,  that  he  must  be  permitted  to  show 
his  grateful  sense  of  such  good-will,  by  one  affectionate  salute." 

By  his  addresses,  proclamations,  and  letters  San  Martin 
had  instilled  the  idea  of  independence  from  Spain  into  the 
minds  of  some  Peruvians  and  stimulated  it  in  the  minds  of 
others.  In  accordance  wi^  his  suggestion,  the  cahildo  of 
Lima  now  invited  some  prominent  citizens  to  assemble  in  order 
to  consider  in  an  open  council  the  question  of  Peruvian  in- 


2IO  RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

dependence.  On  July  15  this  cabildo  abler  to  informed  San 
Martin  that  the  personages  who  attended  the  meeting  had 
agreed  that  'the  general  wish  was  in  favor  of  the  independence 
of  Peru  from  Spain,  and  from  all  other  nations,  and  that 
measures  should  be  taken  to  sanction  the  popular  will  by  the 
proper  oath/  In  a  short  time  arrangements  were  made  to 
declare  Peru  independent.  On  July  28,  182 1,  General  San 
Martin,  the  chief  officers  of  his  army,  representatives  of  the 
University  of  San  Marcos,  some  prominent  ecclesiastics,  many 
nobles,  the  members  of  the  audiencia,  and  the  cabildo,  accom- 
panied by  a  military  escort,  proceeded  from  the  former  palace 
of  the  viceroy  to  the  great  square  of  Lima.  Thtre,  on  a 
spacious  stage,  General  San  Martin  unfurled  for  the  first 
time  the  flag  of  independent  Peru.  "  'From  this  moment/  " 
he  is  reported  to  have  said  in  the  proclamation  announcing 
the  event,  "  'Peru  is  free  and  independent,  by  the  general  ztrish 
of  the  people,  and  by  the  justice  of  her  cause,  which  may  God 
defend.'  Then,  waving  the  flag,  he  exclaimed  several  times 
in  a  tone  thrilling  with  the  pure  and  celestial  pleasure  which 
only  a  beneficent  personage  could  feel:  'Viva  la  patria!  Viva 
la  libertad!  Viva  la  independencia!' — expressions  which,  like 
a  festive  echo,  resounded  throughout  the  plaza,  amid  the  noise 
of  cannon,  the  ringing  of  all  the  bells  of  the  city,  and  the 
exclamations  of  universal  joy." 

Thus  the  independence  of  Peru  from  Spain  was  pro- 
claimed. Silver  medals  were  scattered  in  the  square.  They 
bore  upon  one  side  the  inscription,  *'Lima  being  liberated, 
avowed  its  independence  on  JuK^^S^-^^Saill;.  and  upon  the 
other  side,  "Under  the  protection  of  the  liberating  army  of 
Peru,  commanded  by  San  Martin."  On  the  following  day 
Te  Deum  was  chanted  and  high  mass  performed  in  the  cathe- 
dral of  Lima.  Then  the  leading  inhabitants  of  the  capital 
swore  *'to  maintain  and  to  defend  with  their  opinions,  persons, 
and  properties  the  independence  of  Peru  from  the  goverrunent 
of  Spain  and  from  any  other  foreign  domination."  In  the 
evening  a  ball  was  given  at  the  governmental  palace,  while 


JOSE  DE  SAN  MARTIN  211 

the  houses  were  decorated  and  illuminated.  The  consulate  of 
Lima  erected  a  triumphal  arch  which  bore  an  equestrian  statue 
of  the  liberator  with  saber  in  hand.  The  news  of  the  cere- 
monies which  marked  the  proclamation  of  Peruvian  inde- 
pendence was  published  in  Peru  by  the  Gaceta  del  Gobierno 
de  Lima  Independiente.  Meanwhile,  San  Martin  had  taken 
^ steps  to  make  the  people  conform  to  the  system  of  independence 
\nd  to  "the  new  institutions  of  Peru,"  or  to  leave  Peruvian 

;il. 
Then  San  Martin  had  to  decide  upon  a  system  of  govem- 
ent  for  the  new  state.  This  was  a  difficult  task,  for  Peru 
was  in  a  peculiar  position.  A  large  portion  of  her  territory 
was  still  dominated  by  the  royalists.  There  was  no  govern- 
mental nucleus  around  which  a  national  organization  might  be 
formed.  Instructions  for  the  army  of  liberation  which  were 
framed  by  the  Chilean  senate  had  provided  that,  after  the 
capture  of  Lima,  a  director,  or  a  supreme  junta,  was  to  be 
elected  there,  with  full  power  to  govern  Peru;  but  evidently 
these  instructions  were  withheld  from  San  Martin  by  O'Hig- 
gins.  San  Martin's  administrative  policy  was  embodied  in  a 
proclamation  dated  August  3,  1821.  He  announced  that  the  su- 
preme military  and  civil  authority  of  the  former  viceroyalty  of 
Peru  was  vested  in  himself  with  the  title  of  protector.  He  de- 
clared that  his  object  in  taking  this  action  was  "to  advance  the 
sacred  cause  of  America  and  to  promote  the  happiness  of  the 
Peruvian  people."  He  said  that  there  still  were  enemies  to  com- 
bat in  Peru ;  hence  it  was  imperative  that  he  should  continue  to 
exercise  the  civil  and  military  authority.  San  Martin  dis- 
claimed any  ambitious  motives.  The  experience  gained  during 
ten  years  of  revolution  in  South  America,  he  said,  had  taught 
him  the  lesson  that  to  convoke  a  congress  while  there  still  were 
royalists  in  a  country  was  to  produce  serious  evils.  He  argued 
that  independence  should  first  be  secured  and  then  liberty 
might  be  established  firmlyT  Again  he  declared  that,  at  the 
moment  when  he  saw  Peru  free,  he  would  relinquish  his 
office  to  make  way  for  the  government  which  the  Peruvians 


212  RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

might  wish  to  estabHsh.  "When  I  have  the  satisfaction  of 
resigning  the  command  and  giving  an  account  of  my  actions 
to  the  representatives  of  the  people,"  said  San  Martin,  "I 
am  certain  that  they  will  not  discover  during  the  period  of  my 
administration  those  traces  of  venality,  despotism,  and  cor- 
ruption which  have  marked  the  administration  of  the  Spanish 
government  in  America.  To  administer  exact  justice  to  all, 
to  reward  virtue  and  patriotism,  and  to  punish  vice  and  sedi- 
tion wherever  they  may  be  found, — this  is  the  ideal  which 
will  regulate  my  actions,  while  I  am  at  the  head  of  this 
nation/' 

The  protector  of  Peru  selected  three  secretaries  to  assist 
him  in  the  administration  of  the  government.  Juan  Garcia 
del  Rio  was  made  secretary  of  state  and  foreign  relations; 
Bernardo  Monteagudo  was  made  secretary  of  war  and  the 
navy;  and  Hipolito  Unanue  was  made  secretary  of  the  treas- 
ury. Wide  differences  of  opinion  have  been  expressed  by 
various  writers  in  regard  to  the  wisdom  of  San  Martin's 
proclamation  declaring  himself  the  protector  of  Peru.  Perhaps 
the  judgment  of  Captain  Hall  is  the  fairest:  *Tt  was  more 
creditable  to  assume  the  full  authority  in  a  manly  and  open 
manner,  than  to  mock  the  people  with  the  semblance  of  a 
republic,  and,  at  the  same  time,  to  visit  them  with  the  reality 
of  a  despotism."  Unfortunately,  however,  the  establishment 
of  a  protectorate,  or  rather  a  dictatorship,  did  not  harmonize 
with  the  assurances  which  had  been  given  to  the  Peruvians 
concerning  a  free  and  independent  government.  At  a  later 
time  Lord  Cochrane  indignantly  declared  that  San  Martin  had 
tried  to  induce  him  to  accept  the  title  of  "First  Admiral  of 
Peru,"  that  is,  had  virtually  asked  him  to  turn  over  Chile's 
squadron  to  the  Peruvian  government. 

On  October  8,  1821,  the  protector  of  Peru  issued  a  pro- 
visional decree  which  was  to  be  observed  until  a  permanent 
constitution  was  promulgated.  The  decree  provided  that  the 
laws  of  Spain  which  harmonized  with  it  and  with  the  declara- 
tion of  independence  were  to  remain  in  force.     It  vaguely 


JOSE  DE  SAN  MARTIN  213 

defined  the  powers  of  the  protector  and  provided  a  council 
of  state  to  advise  him  in  governmental  affairs.  It  declared 
that  the  judicial  department  of  government  should  be  kept 
separate  from  the  executive  department.  The  precise  form  of 
government  which  was  to  be  established  in  Peru,  however, 
was  tacitly  left  to  the  future.  A  short  time  after  issuing  this 
provisional  decree  San  Martin  founded  a  military  fraternity, 
the  Order  of  the  Sun.  His  object  was  evidently  to  reward 
the  warriors  who  had  fought  to  establish  Peruvian  inde- 
pendence. The  chief  officers  of  his  army  were  made  members 
of  the  order;  certain  funds  were  assigned  for  its  maintenance; 
and  an  academy  was  established  for  the  education  of  the  sons 
of  its  members.  While  the  establishment  of  that  order  pro- 
vided a  reward  for  soldiers  of  merit,  yet,  as  it  also  furnished 
a  natural  basis  for  a  military  aristocracy,  it  promoted  jealousy 
among  the  Peruvians.  In  this  particular  the  protectorate  of 
San  Martin  resembled  the  rule  of  Emperor  Agustin  I.  of 
Mexico.  There  is  some  significance  in  the  fact  that  at  a 
meeting  of  the  patriotic  society  of  Lima,  which  was  founded 
under  the  auspices  of  San  Martin,  a  member  argued  that 
Peru  was  not  ready  for  a  democratic  government,  and  that  a 
kingdom  should  be  established  there. 

Several  other  decrees  of  San  Martin  the  protector  deserve 
attention.  On  August  4  he  issued  a  decree  warning  the  Span- 
iards who  were  secretly  intriguing  against  the  government 
that  they  would  be  made  to  feel  all  the  rigors  of  the  law  and 
would  be  deprived  of  their  properties.  He  declared  that  he 
was  aware  of  what  happened  "in  the  most  secluded  comer" 
of  their  houses.  On  August  12  he  issued  another  decree  de- 
claring that  the  children  of  slaves  born  in  Peru  after  the 
proclamation  of  Peruvian  independence  should  be  free.  Three 
days  later  the  protector  issued  a  decree  which  declared  that 
every  person  who  had  left  Valparaiso  with  his  expedition 
should  be  considered  as  belonging  to  the  Peruvian  service 
and  entitled  to  a  pension.  On  August  2"]  the  tribute  which 
the  Spaniards  had  levied  upon  the  Indians  was  abolished. 


214  RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

One  of  the  most  important  decrees  was  that  providing  for  the 
establishment  of  a  national  library  at  Lima. 

But  San  Martin  had  passed  the  zenith  of  his  power.  The 
refusal  to  fight  Canterac,  who  provokingly  marched  before  the 
gates  of  Lima,  although  justified  in  September,  1821,  by  the 
surrender  of  Callao,  nevertheless  injured  San  Martin's  mili- 
tary prestige.  A  bitter  quarrel  with  the  belligerent  Lord 
Cochrane  respecting  the  payment  of  the  officers  and  seamen 
of  the  Chilean  squadron  undermined  the  protector's  authority, 
and  resulted  in  the  withdrawal  from  Peru  of  the  squadron 
which  had  made  her  independence  possible.  In  November, 
182 1,  San  Martin  was  attacked  by  a  mysterious  malady  which 
confined  him  to  his  bed,  convinced  him  of  the  precarious  con- 
dition of  his  health,  and  made  him  desire  private  life.  The 
wings  of  the  "new  Icarus,"  as  Cochrane  styled  San  Martin, 
would  not  support  his  lofty  flight.  Many  of  the  revolutionary 
soldiers  had  become  dissatisfied  with  the  Fabian  policy  which 
their  general  had  adopted.  Grave  dissensions  appeared  in  the 
army  of  liberation.  A  jealous  dislike  of  their  austere  chieftain 
spread  among  the  military  officers.  A  conspiracy  against  the 
authority,  and  perhaps  even  against  the  life,  of  San  Martin 
was  discovered.  Furthermore,  in  1822,  the  defeat  of  the  sol- 
diers whom  he  had  sent  south  to  the  lea  Valley  in  charge  of 
two  Peruvians,  Domingo  Tristan  and  Colonel  Gamarra,  im- 
periled the  cause  of  independence  and  damaged  his  military 
reputation.  Lastly,  suspicions  were  rife  about  the  designs 
of  San  Martin  regarding  the  government  of  independent  Peru. 
Perhaps  it  was  not  simply  by  way  of  a  jest  that  some  of  his 
military  associates  spoke  of  him  as  "King  Jose." 

The  suspicions  of  San  Martin's  monarchical  projects  were 
strengthened  by  rumors  in  regard  to  agents  who  were  sent 
abroad  at  the  instance  of  the  protector.  In  December,  1821, 
with  the  advice  of  his  council  of  state,  San  Martin  had  chosen 
Juan  Garcia  del  Rio  and  Diego  Paroissien  to  proceed  to  the  Old 
World  on  a  secret  mission.  The  ostensible  objects  of  this 
mission  were  to  solicit  the  recognition  of  the  independence  of 


JOSE  DE  SAN  MARTIN  215 

Peru  by  European  nations  and  to  negotiate  a  loan  of  six 
million  pesos.  Garcia  del  Rio  and  Paroissien  were  instructed 
to  negotiate  a  treaty  of  alliance  with  the  government  of  Eng- 
land. In  secret  instructions  the  agents  were  directed  to  ask 
that  a  prince  of  the  house  of  Brunswick  should  become  the 
emperor  of  Peru  under  a  constitution  framed  by  representa- 
tives of  the  Peruvians.  If  the  approaches  of  those  emissaries 
to  the  court  of  London  were  unsuccessful,  they  were  em- 
powered to  make  similar  proposals  to  Russia,  Austria,  France, 
and  Portugal.  They  might  even  solicit  the  Duke  of  Lucca 
to  occupy  the  throne  of  the  Incas.  San  Martin  attempted 
to  secure  the  cooperation  of  Chile  in  his  schemes ;  for  he  wrote 
to  O'Higgins :  *T  am  persuaded  that  my  views  will  meet  with 
your  approval,  for  I  believe  that  you  will  be  convinced  of 
the  impossibility  of  erecting  republics  in  these  countries.  In 
brief,  I  desire  only  the  establishment  of  that  form  of  govern- 
ment which  is  adapted  to  the  existing  circumstances,  thus 
avoiding  the  horrors  of  anarchy."  At  that  juncture,  however, 
O'Higgins  did  not  favor  the  establishment  of  a  monarchy  in 
Chile.  In  a  memorandum  which  San  Martin's  agents  wrote 
concerning  their  interview  with  Director  O'Higgins,  they  re- 
corded him  as  expressing  the  view  that  the  monarchical  plan 
was  doubtless  suitable  for  Peru,  but  that  in  Chile,  where  there 
was  no  definite  opinion  concerning  the  system  of  government, 
the  best  policy  was  to  leave  the  government  as  it  was.  Ap- 
parently San  Martin's  emissaries  never  fully  disclosed  the 
monarchical  project  to  a  single  chancellery  of  Europe.  For 
after  the  middle  of  1822,  when,  as  will  be  shown  in  the  fol- 
lowing chapter,  San  Martin  withdrew  from  the  position  of 
protector  of  Peru,  his  emissaries  no  longer  felt  authorized 
to  negotiate  with  European  nations  for  the  creation  of  a 
monarchy  in  America. 

The  dramatic  manner  in  which  San  Martin  retired  from 
public  life,  and  the  influeitte  of  that  step  upon  the  fortunes  of 
the  revolution  against  Spanish  rule  in  Peru,  can  rightly  be  un- 
derstood only  after  considering  the  career  and  the  aspirations 


2i6  RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

of  his  Colombian  rival.  For,  although  under  the  inspiration 
of  San  Martin's  leadership,  Chile  had  been  re-conquered  from 
the  royalists  and  the  city  of  the  kings  had  been  captured,  yet 
the  struggle  for  the  establishment  of  South-American  in- 
dependence was  not  yet  crowned  with  success.  The  narrative 
of  that  struggle  is  a  serial  story,  which  will  be  continued  in 
the  chapter  devoted  to  Simon  de  Bolivar,  who,  after  ten  years 
of  warfare,  established  the  independence  of  northern  South 
America. 


CHAPTER  VII 

SIM6n   DE  BOliVAR 

The  Bolibar  family,  to  name  it  with  the  mediaeval  spelling, 
was  Spanish,  and  its  ancestral  home  was  at  Marquina,  a  town 
in  Vizcaya  near  Bilbao.  Simon  de  Bolivar,  the  founder  of  the 
Bolivar  family  in  northern  South  America,  emigrated  from 
Vizcaya  to  Santo  Domingo  in  the  middle  of  the  sixteenth  cen- 
tury. About  1588  he  moved  from  Santo  Domingo  to  South 
America,  where  his  descendants  figured  prominently  in  the 
annals  of  Venezuela.  They  married  into  various  noble  fami- 
lies: de  Rojas,  de  Rebolleda,  de  Villegas,  de  Ponte,  de  Nar- 
vaez;  and  they  served  as  judges,  alcaldes,  corregidores,  and 
captains.  In  the  eighteenth  century,  the  Bolivars  accordingly 
held  an  enviable  place  in  Venezuelan  society.  Nevertheless,  it 
is  suspected  that  in  the  veins  of  that  aristocratic  family  there 
ran  some  Indian  blood. 

In  1772  Juan  Vicente  de  Bolivar,  the  fifth  lineal  descend- 
ant of  Simon,  married  Maria  de  la  Concepcion  Palacios  y 
Blanco,  who,  like  himself,  had  been  bom  in  the  city  of  Caracas. 
The  ancestry  of  Maria  Palacios  y  Blanco  has  been  traced  back 
to  Juan  de  Palacios,  who,  in  the  seventeenth  century,  lived 
in  the  Spanish  province  of  Burgos.  Two  daughters,  Maria 
Antonia  and  Juana,  and  two  sons  sprang  from  this  marriage. 
The  elder  son,  Juan  Vicente,  figures  dimly  in  the  early  revolu- 
tion ;  for  he  was  sent  to  the  United  States  in  1810  as  an  envoy 
of  the  provisional  junta  of  Venezuela,  and  apparently  perished 
in  a  shipwreck  on  the  homeward  voyage.  The  second  son, 
Simon  de  Bolivar,  was  bofn  in  the  city  of  Caracas  on  July  24, 
1783.  His  father  was  a  wealthy  and  influential  citizen  of  Ca- 
racas: he  was  a  regidor  of  that  city  and  a  colonel  of  militia 

317 


2i8  RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

of  the  valleys  of  Aragua;  he  owned  rich  copper  mines  in  the 
sierra  de  Aroa  and  various  haciendas  in  the  valleys  of  Vene- 
zuela. 

On  July  30,  1783,  the  second  son  of  Juan  de  Bolivar  was 
baptized  Simon,  Jose,  Antonio,  de  la  Santisima  Trinidad.  The 
child  probably  received  the  baptismal  name  "de  la  Santisima 
Trinidad"  because  his  parents  were  accustomed  to  worship  in 
a  chapel  of  Caracas  which  a  member  of  the  Bolivar  family 
had  dedicated  to  the  worship  of  the  Holy  Trinity, — a  cult  which 
Simon  supported  throughout  his  life.  Only  a  few  years  of 
Simon's  boyhood  were  spent  in  his  father's  house  near  the 
Plaza  de  San  Jacinto;  for  he  was  left  an  orphan  at  an  early 
age:  his  father  died  in  1786,  and  his  mother  died  in  1792. 
Soon  after  the  death  of  his  father,  the  child  was  placed  in 
charge  of  Miguel  J.  Saenz,  a  jurisconsult  of  Caracas,  with 
whom  he  lived  for  about  two  years.  After  the  death  of  his 
mother,  the  orphan  was  for  a  time  under  the  guardianship 
of  Esteban  Palacios,  his  maternal  uncle.  According  to  tradi- 
tions preserved  in  the  Saenz  family,  the  little  boy  was  diso- 
bedient, talkative,  and  provocative,  but  mentally  and  physically 
alert. 

For  about  eight  years  Bolivar  was  under  the  tutorship  of 
Simon  Rodriguez,  an  eccentric  philosopher,  who  taught  him 
the  rudiments  of  Spanish  grammar,  Latin,  arithmetic,  and  his- 
tory. A  younger  tutor,  Andres  Bello — who  later  became  a 
famous  Chilean  scholar — strove  to  teach  the  youth  geography 
and  cosmography.  Of  his  preceptors  Bolivar  liked  Rodriguez 
the  best;  years  afterwards  he  described  that  philosophic  tutor 
as  the  wisest,  most  virtuous,  and  most  extraordinary  man :  **he 
was  the  companion  of  my  childhood,  the  confidant  of  all  my 
joys  and  sorrows,  the  mentor  whose  advice  and  encouragement 
have  influenced  me  greatly."  In  view  of  this  intimate  rela- 
tionship it  appears  significant  that  in  1797  the  favorite  tutor 
of  Bolivar  was  arrested  for  complicity  in  a  revolutionary  con- 
spiracy. When  he  was  released  from  prison  the  philosopher 
left  South  America.     It  is  clear  that  Simon  de  Bolivar  did 


Simon  de  Bolivar 
(Medallion  by  David  d' Angers) 


SIMON  DE  BOLIVAR  219 

not  profit  greatly  by  the  admonitions  of  his  tutors.  In  a  bio- 
graphical note  one  of  his  uncles  declared  that  the  boy  read  a 
little  and  wrote  badly.  In  truth,  a  letter  written  when  Simon 
was  almost  sixteen  years  of  age  shows  that,  in  spite  of  his 
exceptional  educational  advantages,  he  did  not  spell  some 
common  Spanish  words  correctly. 

At  that  time  the  youth  displayed  a  passionate  fondness  for 
athletic  exercise  and  outdoor  life.  It  is  likely  that  Simon  spent 
many  happy  days  on  the  haciendas  which  belonged  to  his  fam- 
ily. At  an  early  age  he  followed  in  his  father's  footsteps; 
for  on  January  14,  1797,  he  entered  the  Spanish  military 
service  as  a  volunteer  in  the  battalion  of  white  militia  of  the 
valleys  of  Aragua.  The  son  of  the  deceased  colonel  of  that 
battalion  was  soon  promoted :  on  July  4,  1798,  a  royal  order 
was  issued  which  made  him  ensign  of  the  sixth  company  of  the 
Aragua  militia.  In  the  official  reports  of  this  company  which 
have  been  printed,  the  officers  of  his  battalion  spoke  hopefully 
in  regard  to  Simon's  ability  and  declared  that  his  conduct  was 
good.  The  youth  evidently  enjoyed  militia  service,  but,  as  the 
occasion  was  lacking,  he  did  not  participate  in  any  campaign. 

According  to  a  custom  which  prevailed  among  some  aris- 
tocratic families  of  South  America,  Simon  de  Bolivar  was  sent 
abroad  to  complete  his  education.  At  the  instance  of  his 
guardian,  early  in  1799  he  sailed  from  La  Guaira  for  Europe 
in  the  ship  San  Illdefonso.  As  the  voyage  was  made  by  way 
of  Vera  Cruz,  in  March,  1799,  Bolivar  visited  Mexico  City. 
From  Vera  Cruz  the  San  Illdefonso  proceeded  to  the  Iberian 
peninsula.  For  some  time  after  arriving  in  Madrid,  Simon 
de  Bolivar  lived  again  with  Esteban  Palacios,  who  was  in  favor 
at  the  Spanish  court  because  he  was  an  intimate  friend  of 
Manuel  Mallo,  a  favorite  of  Queen  Maria  Luisa.  Apparently 
the  young  South  American  also  became  one  of  Mallo's  confi- 
dants. Years  afterwards  Bolivar  declared  that  after  winning 
a  game  of  tennis  from  the  J'rince  of  Asturias,  he  audaciously 
declared  that  he  would  later  deprive  Ferdinand  of  the  most 
precious  jewel  in  his  crown.    It  is  possible  that  this  story  was 


220  RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

an  afterthought  on  Bolivar's  part,  for  in  later  years  his  early 
life  became  enveloped  in  a  romantic  glamor. 

While  in  Spain  Bolivar  met  a  relative  of  the  Marquis  of 
Tore  named  Bernardo  Rodriguez  del  Toro.  The  young  man 
soon  became  enamored  of  Toro's  daughter,  Maria  Teresa. 
The  youth  of  the  lovers,  however,  made  Maria's  father  wish 
that  their  marriage  might  be  delayed.  In  September,  1800, 
Bolivar  wrote  to  his  guardian,  Pedro  Palacios,  avowing  a  de- 
sire to  marry  Maria  Teresa  and  asking  his  consent  to  the 
marriage.  Meanwhile,  for  some  reason  or  other,  Bolivar  in- 
curred the  displeasure  of  the  Spanish  government:  in  1801  he 
left  the  peninsula  in  disgust.  On  that  trip  he  made  a  visit  to 
Paris,  where  he  was  much  impressed  with  the  achievements  of 
the  First  Consul,  Bonaparte,  "the  hero  of  the  republic."  His 
love  affair  soon  drew  him  back  to  Spain,  where  on  May  15, 
1802,  Charles  IV.  granted  him  a  permit  to  marry  Maria  Teresa, 
a  permit  indispensable  to  officers  of  Bolivar's  rank.  A  short 
time  afterwards  the  marriage  of  Simon  de  Bolivar  and  Maria 
Rodriguez  del  Toro  was  solemnized  at  Madrid. 

Soon  after  the  nuptials  were  celebrated  Bolivar  and  his 
girl-bride  sailed  from  Spain  for  South  America.  The  bride- 
groom returned  to  his  native  land  partly  because  of  financial 
reasons.  Before  Simon  was  two  years  of  age  a  relative  named 
Juan  Felix  Jerez  y  Aristeguieta  had  conveyed  to  him  an  estate, 
which,  at  a  conservative  estimate,  yielded  an  annual  income  of 
two  thousand  pesos.  The  fruits  of  that  estate  Bolivar  could 
enjoy  only  by  residing  in  Venezuela.  Furthermore,  he  was  in- 
terested in  other  properties,  for  he  had  been  bequeathed  a  por- 
tion of  the  estate  of  Feliciano  Palacios  y  So  jo,  his  maternal 
grandfather.  Although  kept  in  ignorance  of  the  total  amount 
of  his  fortune,  yet  Bolivar  must  have  been  aware  that  he  was 
one  of  the  wealthiest  young  aristocrats  of  Caracas. 

If  Simon  de  Bolivar  had  hoped  to  live  quietly  on  a  family 
hacienda  at  San  Mateo  in  the  beautiful  valleys  of  Aragua — far 
from  worldly  strife — his  idyllic  dreams  were  rudely  shattered. 
Soon  after  arriving  in  Venezuela,  his  young  wife  was  stricken 


SIMON  DE  BOLIVAR  221 

ill.  On  January  22,  1803,  she  died.  Many  years  afterwards, 
when  time  had  not  effaced  the  impression  made  by  his  wife's 
death,  Bolivar  was  quoted  as  saying  that  this  bereavement 
greatly  changed  the  current  of  his  life: 

I  loved  my  wife  much,  and,  at  her  death,  I  took  an  oath 
nevermore  to  marry.  ...  If  my  wife  had  not  died,  I  would 
not  have  made  my  second  trip  to  Europe.  It  is  probable 
that  there  would  not  have  been  born  either  at  Caracas  or  at 
San  Mateo  the  ideas  which  I  acquired  in  my  travels:  in 
America  I  should  not  have  gained  the  experience  nor  should 
I  have  made  that  study  of  the  world,  of  men,  and  of  affairs 
which  has  served  me  so  well  during  the  entire  course  of  my 
political  career.  The  death  of  my  wife  placed  me  at  an  early 
age  in  the  road  of  politics :  it  caused  me  to  follow  the  chariot 
of  Mars  instead  of  the  plow  of  Ceres.  ;* 


Soon  after  his  wife's  death,  Bolivar  made  another  trip  to 
Europe.  His  second  tour  abroad  lasted  from  1804  to  1807. 
The  young  widower  visited  Spain,  France,  Austria,  Italy,  and 
England.  On  the  voyage  to  Spain  he  spent  some  time  reading 
Montesquieu,  Voltaire,  and  Rousseau.  Some  of  Bolivar's  bi- 
ographers declare — without  presenting  evidence  to  support  the 
assertion — that,  soon  after  disembarking  at  Cadiz,  the  South 
American  was  admitted  into  a  secret  society,  which  aimed  to 
establish  the  independence  of  the  Spanish  colonies.  From 
Cadiz  Bolivar  proceeded  to  Madrid,  where  he  mourned  the 
death  of  Maria  Teresa  with  her  father.  Thence  he  went  to 
Paris,  where  he  apparently  regretted  the  transformation  of  the 
first  consul  into  the  Emperor  Napoleon.  At  Vienna  he  found 
his  beloved  preceptor  Rodriguez  engrossed  in  the  study  of  sci- 
ence. Rodriguez  seems  to  have  feared  that  the  melancholy 
young  widower  was  falling  into  consumption.  He  told  Bolivar 
that  the  total  amount  of  the  fortune  which  he  had  inherited 
was  four  million  pesos.  In  a  letter  which  he  wrote  in  1804 
Bolivar  extravagantly  declared  that,  when  the  immense  size  of 
his  fortune  was  thus  revealed  to  him,  the  Spanish  language 
could  not  express  his  emotion: 


222  RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

I  went  to  London,  where  I  spent  one  hundred  and  fifty 
thousand  francs  in  three  months.  Then  I  went  to  Madrid, 
where  I  maintained  the  train  of  a  prince.  I  did  the  same  in 
Lisbon.  In  brief,  I  everywhere  displayed  the  greatest  luxury, 
and  squandered  wealth  for  the  semblance  of  pleasure. 

During  this  visit  to  the  Old  World,  Bolivar  indulged  in 
speculations  regarding  the  destiny  of  his  native  land.  At  Paris 
he  discussed  with  Alexander  von  Humboldt  the  future  of  Span- 
ish America.  In  the  company  of  Rodriguez,  who  tried  to 
arouse  the  ambition  of  his  pupil  and  to  interest  him  in  the 
cause  of  science  or  of  liberty,  Bolivar  visited  many  historic 
spots  in  Italy.  According  to  the  recollections  of  both  master 
and  pupil,  in  1805  Bolivar  took  a  solemn  oath  upon  the  Aven- 
tine  Mount  to  dedicate  himself  to  the  task  of  liberating  America 
from  the  yoke  of  Spain.  Many  years  afterwards  in  a  letter  to 
Rodriguez,  Bolivar  mentioned  the  circumstance  in  these  words, 
"You  remember  when  we  went  to  Monte  Sacro  at  Rome  to 
vow  upon  that  holy  spot  the  liberty  of  our  fatherland."  This 
romantic  trip  through  Europe  obviously  had  a  great  influence 
upon  Bolivar.  He  strove  to  forget  his  bereavement  in  dissi- 
pation ;  he  fell  under  the  spell  of  Jean  Jacques  Rousseau ;  and 
his  soul  burned  because  of  the  enslavement  of  his  native  land. 
The  role  of  the  great  Napoleon  appears  to  have  made  a  vivid 
impression  upon  him.  Jose  Gil  Fortoul,  the  noted  scholar  and 
publicist  of  Venezuela,  has  appropriately  said  that  Bolivar's 
second  trip  to  Europe  was  in  the  nature  of  a  parenthesis  be- 
tween two  great  passions. 

After  making  a  brief  visit  to  the  United  States,  Bolivar 
returned  to  South  America  in  1807.  It  seems  likely  that  he 
sympathized  with  those  fellow-countrymen  who  were  secretly 
plotting  to  subvert  Spanish  rule  in  Venezuela.  There  is  a  tra- 
dition miat,  in  1809,  he  was  compromised  by  participation  in  a 
conspiracy.  Unmistakable  evidence  of  Bolivar's  revolutionary 
spirit  was  furnished  after  the  creation  of  a  provisional  junta 
in  April,  1810,  for — as  mentioned  in  the  chapter  concerning 
Miranda — that  junta  sent  him  on  a  mission  to  London.    After 


SIMON  DE  BOLIVAR  223 

returning  to  his  native  land  Bolivar  became  a  leader  oi  the 
Venezuelan  revolution.  He  made  a  stirring  speech  in  favor 
of  independence  before  the  patriotic  society,  and  served  with 
distinction  under  Miranda  in  the  campaign  against  the  roy- 
alists of  Valencia.  In  the  second  chapter  Bolivar's  part  in  the 
downfall  of  Miranda  was  discussed.  After  Miranda's  be- 
trayal General  Monteverde  allowed  Bolivar  to  sail  for  Curagao. 
If,  after  the  capitulation  of  San  Mateo,  Colonel  Bolivar  had 
actually  harbored  wild  thoughts  of  enlisting  under  Sir  Arthur 
Wellesley  in  the  Spanish  peninsula,  those  thoughts  were  dis- 
missed when  he  became  aware  not  only  that  the  gold  and  silver 
which  he  had  sent  to  Curasao  had  been  sequestrated,  but  that 
Monteverde  had  confiscated  his  estates.  Henceforth  Simon 
de  Bolivar  was  dedicated  to  the  task  of  liberating  his  native 
land  from  Spanish  domination.  From  the  West  Indies  he  soon 
proceeded  to  the  city  of  Carthagena  where  some  revolutionists 
were  entrenched. 

At  this  point  we  must  glance  at  the  revolutionary  move- 
ment in  the  viceroyalty  of  New  Granada,  which  was,  at  times, 
the  theater  of  Bolivar's  activity.  That  viceroyalty  extended 
from  Venezuela  to  Peru.  Its  mountainous  character  made  it 
well  adapted  to  guerrilla  warfare.  Its  capital,  Bogota,  was 
styled  by  Humboldt  "the  Athens  of  South  America."  In  1810 
reports  of  the  governmental  conditions  in  Spain  made  certain 
inhabitants  of  that  capital,  notably  Camilo  Torres,  dream  of  a 
new  regime  which  would  ensure  to  the  inhabitants  of  the  vice- 
royalty  the  same  rights  as  peninsular  Spaniards. 

Not  until  after  the  uprising  of  April,  1810,  at  Caracas,  how- 
ever, did  a  secessionist  movement  take  place  at  Bogota.  At 
that  capital,  on  July  20,  1810,  an  extraordinary  cahildo,  which 
avowed  allegiance  to  the  Spanish  regency,  deposed  Viceroy 
Antonio  Amar  and  vested  the  government  in  a  provisional 
junta.  Shortly  afterwards  the  deposed  viceroy  was  deported 
to  Europe.  On  No vembeik  27,  181 1,  delegates  from  several 
provinces  who  gathered  at  Bogota  adopted  a  confederate  con- 
stitution for  the  "United  Provinces  of  New  Granada," — a  con- 


224  RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

stitution  which  met  with  some  opposition  from  a  faction  led 
by  Antonio  Narifio.  On  July  i6,  1813,  a  congress  of  dele- 
gates from  Cundinamarca — the  central  province  of  New  Gra- 
nada— which  had  assembled  at  Bogota,  adopted  a  declaration 
of  independence  from  Spain.  However,  that  declaration 
framed  at  the  ancient  capital  of  the  viceroyalty  was  not  the 
first  which  was  made  by  the  provinces  of  New  Granada.  On 
November  11,  181 1,  the  members  of  a  junta  in  the  city  of 
Carthagena — influenced  by  popular  sentiment — framed  a  dec- 
laration of  independence  which  contained  an  explanation  of 
the  motives  that  impelled  them  to  decide  upon  a  separation 
from  the  Spanish  monarchy.  The  principal  motives  adduced 
were:  the  cession  of  the  crown  of  Spain  to  Napoleon  which 
had  severed  the  bonds  between  the  Spanish  monarch  and  his 
people;  the  imprudent  and  provocative  measures  which  the 
patriot  government  of  Spain  had  taken  in  regard  to  the  vice- 
royalty  of  New  Granada;  the  inequality  of  representation 
which  the  American  colonies  had.  been  granted  in  the  Spanish 
cortes;  and  the  lack  of  good  government  for  the  Spanish- 
Americans.  The  members  of  the  junta  declared  that  they 
were  accordingly  obliged  to  use  those  imprescriptible  rights 
which  they  had  acquired  because  of  Napoleon's  usurpations: 

We,  the  representatives  of  the  good  people  of  the  province 
of  Carthagena  de  Indias,  with  their  express  and  public  con- 
sent, invoking  the  Supreme  Being  to  witness  the  rectitude  of 
our  proceedings,  and  asking  the  impartial  world  to  judge  of 
the  justice  of  our  cause,  declare  solemnly  in  the  face  of  the 
entire  world,  that  the  province  of  Carthagena  de  Indias  is 
henceforth  by  fact  and  right  a  free,  sovereign,  and  inde- 
pendent state;  that  it  is  absolved  from  the  submission,  vassal- 
age, obedience,  and  relationship  which  previously  bound  it  to 
the  crown  and  government  of  Spain;  and  that  as  a  free  and 
absolutely  independent  state,  it  can  do  everything  which 
free  and  independent  nations  can  do.  And,  for  the  greater 
firmness  and  validity  of  this  declaration,  we  solemnly  pledge 
our  lives  and  properties,  vowing  that  we  shall  shed  the  last 
drop  of  our  blood  rather  than  fail  to  fulfill  this  sacred  pact. 


SIMON  DE  BOLIVAR  225 

"I  am,  Granadians,  a  son  of  unhappy  Caracas  who,  escap- 
ing miraculously  from  the  midst  of  her  physical  and  political 
ruins,  is  still  faithful  to  the  just  and  liberal  system  which  my 
country  proclaimed,  and  who  comes  here  to  follow  the  banners 
of  independence  which  wave  so  gloriously  in  these  states."  Thus 
spoke  Simon  de  Bolivar  in  a  manifesto  which  he  addressed  at 
Carthagena  to  the  inhabitants  of  New  Granada  on  December 
15,  1812.  That  manifesto  contained  a  criticism  of  the  policy 
which  had  been  pursued  by  the  revolutionary  government  of 
Venezuela  and  also  a  program  of  action  for  the  revolutionists. 
In  the  first  place  Bolivar  criticized  the  Venezuelans  because  of 
their  humane  treatment  of  the  royalists :  "The  codes  consulted 
by  our  magistrates  were  not  those  in  which  they  might  learn  the 
practical  science  of  government ;  but  those  which  have  been  in- 
vented by  certain  benevolent  visionaries,  who,  imagining  chi- 
merical republics,  have  thought  it  possible  to  attain  political 
perfection,  assuming  the  perfectibility  of  the  human  race.  Thus 
it  is  that  we  have  had  philosophers  in  place  of  chiefs,  philan- 
thropy in  place  of  legislation,  dialectics  in  place  of  tactics,  and 
sophists  in  place  of  soldiers."  Bolivar  denounced  the  spirit  of 
faction  as  well  as  the  opposition  to  the  maintenance  of  a  regu- 
lar military  force.  He  declared  that  a  federal  government  was 
not  adapted  to  the  conditions  existing  in  Venezuela.  "Although 
the  federal  system  of  government  is  the  most  perfect  system 
and  the  most  apt  to  promote  the  happiness  of  man  in  society, 
yet  that  system  is  the  most  antagonistic  to  the  interests  of  our 
infant  states.  Generally  speaking,  not  all  of  our  citizens  are  in 
a  position  to  exercise  their  political  rights  in  the  fullest  meas- 
ure, for  they  lack  the  political  virtues  which  mark  the  true  re- 
publican,— virtues  which  are  not  acquired  under  absolute  gov- 
ernments that  do  not  recognize  the  rights  and  duties  of  the 
citizen." 

In  the  second  place,  Bolivar  proposed,  "as  an  indispensable 
measure  for  the  security  ot  New  Granada,  the  re-conquest  of 
Caracas."  He  said  that  a  defensive  war  would  be  disastrous 
to  the  patriot  cause ;  for  Spain  could  use  Venezuela  as  a  base 


^2(,  RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

of  operations  against  the  entire  continent  of  South  America. 
He  maintained  that  the  people  of  New  Granada  should  wage 
an  offensive  war  against  the  royalists  in  western  Venezuela ;  he 
exhorted  them  '*to  march  swiftly  to  revenge  the  dead,  to  give 
life  to  the  dying,  to  free  the  oppressed,  and  to  give  liberty  to 
all."  He  declared  that  a  government  should  adapt  itself  to 
circumstances,  arguing  that,  in  a  turbulent  age,  the  government 
should  show  itself  terrible ;  that,  without  regard  to  constitutions 
or  laws,  it  should  arm  itself  with  a  firmness  equal  to  the  threat- 
ening perils.  The  glowing  words  of  this  manifesto  were  read 
with  interest  by  patriotic  leaders  of  New  Granada. 

A  junta  at  Carthagena  accepted  the  proffer  of  Bolivar's 
services,  and  directed  him  to  serve  under  Colonel  Labatut 
against  the  Spaniards.  Early  in  1813  by  a  daring  campaign 
in  which  he  disregarded  the  wishes  of  Labatut,  Colonel  Boli- 
var drove  the  royalists  from  the  lower  Magdalena  and  sub- 
sequently  from  the  valleys  of  Ciicuta.  Soon  afterwards  the 
congress  of  New  Granada  commissioned  General  Bolivar  to 
attack  the  Venezuelan  royalists.  On  March  i,  1813,  he  issued 
a  proclamation  to  his  soldiers  which  fervently  expressed  his 
faith  in  their  ability  to  expel  the  Spaniards,  "From  you,  in- 
trepid soldiers  of  Carthagena  and  the  Union,  the  whole  of 
America  expects  her  liberty  and  salvation.''  In  Bolivar's  fer- 
tile mind  the  design  to  free  Venezuela  was  apparently  devel- 
oping into  a  plan  to  liberate  all  of  Spanish  South  America. 

At  Trujillo  in  the  Venezuelan  mountains,  on  June  15,  1813, 
Simon  de  Bolivar  issued  a  proclamation  of  war  to  the  death 
against  the  Spaniards, — a  proclamation  which  he  did  not  re- 
scind until  the  middle  of  1816.  In  that  manifesto  he  de- 
nounced the  Spaniards  for  the  violation  of  the  treaty  of  San 
Mateo  and  declared  that  their  victims  would  be  avenged.  He 
invited  the  royalists  to  join  the  patriot  cause,  warning  them 
that  every  Spaniard  who  did  not  support  the  patriots  would  be 
considered  a  traitor  and  put  to  death.  ''Spaniards  and  Canari- 
ans,  count  on  death,  even  though  you  are  neutral,  if  you  do  not 
work  actively  for  the  liberty  of  Venezuela !    Americans,  count 


SIMON  DE  BOLIVAR  227 

on  life,  even  though  you  are  culpable !"  Bolivar's  bloody  de- 
cree announcing  a  war  of  retaliation  upon  the  Spaniards  has 
been  much  discussed  by  students  of  the  revolt  against  Spanish 
rule: — it  divided  the  Venezuelans  into  two  great  camps,  roy- 
alists and  patriots,  and  presaged  one  of  the  darkest  chapters 
of  South-American  history. 

Early  in  August,  1813,  after  liberating  several  provinces 
of  Venezuela,  the  implacable  leader  triumphantly  entered  the 
city  of  Caracas.  Soon  afterwards  Monteverde  sought  refuge 
in  La  Guaira.  The  political  ideas  which  Bolivar  entertained 
at  this  time  were  suggested  by  a  proclamation  in  which  he  de- 
clared that  the  liberating  army  intended  not  only  to  avenge 
the  outraged  dignity  of  the  Americans  but  also  to  reestablish 
"republican  institutions.''  He  suggested  that  "an  assembly  of 
wise  and  virtuous  men"  be  convoked  to  decide  upon  the  form 
of  government  which  should  be  established.  He  disclaimed 
any  desire  for  authority  beyond  that  which  was  necessary  to 
safeguard  the  country's  welfare.  On  October  14,  18 13,  an  ex- 
traordinary cahildo  of  the  city  of  Caracas  proclaimed  that- 
Bolivar  was  the  captain  general  of  the  patriot  soldiers:  it 
gratefully  bestowed  upon  him  the  title  of  "Liberator  of  Vene- 
zuela." At  once  the  liberator  acted  as  Venezuela's  chief  execu- 
tive. He  issued  a  decree  declaring  that  natives  of  Venezuela 
and  foreigners  were  to  enjoy  the  same  civil  rights.  On  Oc- 
tober 22,  1813,  he  issued  another  decree  which  created  the 
order  of  Liberators  of  Venezuela.  The  professed  object  of 
that  decree  was  to  make  known  to  the  Venezuelans  the  valiant 
officers  who  had  liberated  them  from  Spanish  domination. 
The  badge  oi  this  military  order  was  a  star  with  seven  radii — 
symbolizing  the  seven  provinces  of  Venezuela — which  was  to 
bear  on  one  side  the  name  of  the  person  who  had  been  granted 
the  honor,  and  on  the  other  side  the  inscription  "Liberator 
of  Venezuela." 

At  that  time  Bolivar  \\^s  virtually  a  dictator.  Soon  after 
driving  the  Spaniards  from  his  native  city,  Bolivar  chose  three 
secretaries  to  aid  him  in  the  government :  a  secretary  of  state. 


22S  RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

a  secretary  of  justice,  and  a  secretary  of  war  and  the  navy. 
He  said  that  a  congress  should  be  assembled  for  the  purpose 
of  establishing  a  suitable  government,  but  declared  that  the 
war  which  was  being  waged  in  Venezuela  made  the  convoca- 
tion of  such  a  congress  impracticable.  On  January  2,  1814, 
however,  a  cabildo  ahierto  of  the  city  of  Caracas  met  to  con- 
sider Bolivar's  acts.  The  liberator  informed  this  assembly 
that  he  had  not  bestowed  freedom  upon  Venezuela:  "You 
owe  it  to  my  fellow-soldiers.  ...  I  am  not  the  sovereign. 
Your  representatives  should  form  your  laws."  After  paying 
a  compliment  to  Bolivar,  Cristobal  de  Mendoza  suggested  that 
the  liberator  should  be  entrusted  with  the  task  of  joining  New 
Granada  and  Venezuela  in  an  indissoluble  union.  In  a  diplo- 
matic reply  Bolivar  praised  his  brave  lieutenants ;  he  declared 
that  a  military  despotism  would  not  ensure  the  happiness  of  a 
people,  and  that  a  victorious  soldier  did  not  acquire  the  right 
to  govern  his  own  country.  He  told  the  assembly  to  select 
magistrates  and  to  establish  a  just  government;  he  said  that  the 
arms  which  had  saved  the  republic  would  ever  protect  the  lib- 
erty and  glory  of  Venezuela.  Juan  Doming^ez  then  spoke 
of  the  need  of  a  dictatorship.  Domingo  Alzuru  proposed  that 
Bolivar  should  be  acclaimed  supreme  magistrate  of  the  re- 
public and  thus  relieved  of  his  dependent  position  as  delegate 
of  the  congress  of  New  Granada.  Thereupon  Bolivar  spoke 
again.  He  suggested  that,  after  the  war  for  independence  had 
terminated.  General  Mariiio,  the  liberator  of  eastern  Vene- 
zuela, ought  to  become  the  chief  executive,  and  declared  that 
he  would  merely  accept  the  position  of  supreme  magistrate  of 
Venezuela  until  elections  might  be  held.  In  this  manner  Boli- 
var bound  Marino  to  the  revolutionary  cause,  strengthened  his 
own  prestige,  and  secured  recognition  as  the  supreme  magis- 
trate. The  apparent  reluctance  of  Bolivar  to  accept  the  su- 
preme command  was  characteristic.  It  was  displayed  in  a 
similar  fashion  on  many  subsequent  occasions. 

In  181 3  a  ferocious  Spaniard,  Jose  Tomas  Boves,  at  the 
head  of  reactionary  royalists,  committe3"lnahy  acts  of  cruelty 


i?  e 


SIMON  DE  BOLIVAR  229 

against  Venezuelans.  The  savage  in  Bolivar  was  aroused. 
On  February  8,  1814,  he  ordered  the  patriot  commanders  at 
La  Guaira  and  Caracas  to  shoot  all  the  Spanish  prisoners  in 
their  dungeons  and  hospitals.  Accordingly  over  eight  hundred 
royalists  were  killed  in  cold  blood.  The  contagion  of  murder 
spread.  Patriots  and  royalists  vied  with  each  other  in  san- 
guinary acts  of  vengeance.  This  is  the  period  of  Venezuelan 
history  which  most  closely  resembles  the  lurid  age  in  Mexican 
history  that  was  initiated  by  the  revolt  of  Miguel  Hidalgo. 

On  June  15,  1814,  the  fierce  charges  of  Boves'  cavalry 
routed  the  patriot  soldiers  at  la  Puerta.  Bolivar  and  Marino 
fled  to  Caracas,  while  Boves  devastated  the  valleys  of  Arag^a, 
captured  Valencia  and  massacred  its  inhabitants  in  cold  blood, 
despite  his  promises  that  their  lives  should  be  spared.  Of  the 
acts  of  Boves  a  royalist  contemporary,  Jose  F.  Hereida,  said, 
"It  seems  impossible  that  these  acts  should  have  been  com- 
mitted by  civilized  and  Christian  people  under  the  banners  of 
Spain."  On  July  6  Bolivar  evacuated  the  city  of  Caracas  and 
marched  toward  Barcelona,  while  men,  women,  and  children 
fled  precipitately  from  Caracas  to  escape  the  wrath  of  Boves. 
In  September  Bolivar  turned  up  in  Tunja  and  made  a  report 
to  the  independent  government  of  New  Granada  concerning 
the  vicissitudes  of  his  Venezuelan  campaign.  That  government 
soon  empowered  him  to  lead  a  military  expedition  against  Cun- 
dinamarca,  which  was  maintaining  a  distinct  government  that 
did  not  act  in  harmony  with  other  provinces  in  the  confedera- 
tion. After  a  brief  and  brilliant  campaign,  Bolivar  forced  the 
dictator  of  Bogota  to  capitulate  on  December  12,  18 14.  Early 
in  the  following  year  the  patriot  government  of  New  Gra- 
nada was  installed  at  Bogota.  In  May,  1815,  when  he  heard 
reports  of  the  arrival  of  a  strong  royalist  army  in  Venezuela, 
the  liberator  embarked  at  Carthagena  for  the  English  West 
Indies. 

While  sojourning  in  jJmaica,  Bolivar  addressed,  on  Sep- 
tember 6,  181 5,  a  remarkable  letter  to  a  gentleman  who  had 
displayed  great  interest  in  the  independence  of  South  America. 


230  RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

In  that  letter,  after  surveying  the  Spanish  conquest  of  Amer- 
ica and  the  revolt  against  Spain,  Bolivar  expressed  his  thoughts 
respecting  the  Spanish-American  peoples.  He  compared  the 
empire  of  Spain  in  America  v^ith  the  Roman  empire,  which 
crumbled  into  states  that  formed  governments  suitable  to  their 
respective  positions.  He  thought  that  the  people  of  Spanish 
America  needed  the  fostering  care  of  paternal  governments, 
which  w^ould  heal  *'the  sores  and  v^ounds  of  despotism  and  of 
war."  Still,  he  declared  that  the  project  to  establish  one  grand 
monarchical  government  in  Spanish  America  was  a  dream,  for 
a  single  monarchy  would  be  "a  clumsy  colossus  which  would 
fall  by  its  own  weight  at  the  least  convulsion."  He  also 
expressed  an  opinion  adverse  to  the  establishment  of  a  number 
of  monarchical  states,  declaring  that  he  did  **not  believe  in 
monarchies  in  America."  His  prophecy  was  that  Spanish 
America  would  ultimately  split  into  fifteen  or  seventeen  inde- 
pendent states.  With  regard  to  the  governments  to  be  adopted 
by  those  states,  Bolivar  declared  in  favor  of  republics.  He 
expressed  the  reasons  why  he  preferred  republics  above  mon- 
archies as  follows: 

The  well-understood  interest  of  a  republic  is  concerned 
with  its  preservation,  prosperity,  and  glory.  .  .  .  There  is  no 
stimulus  which  excites  republicans  to  extend  the  boundaries 
of  their  territory  to  their  own  detriment  in  order  that  their 
neighbors  may  enjoy  a  liberal  constitution.  They  obtain  no 
right,  they  derive  no  advantage  by  conquering  the  neighbor- 
ing states  unless  they  make  them  colonies,  conquests,  or  al- 
lies after  the  example  of  Rome.  But  such  examples  are  in 
direct  opposition  to  the  just  principles  of  republican  systems; 
and,  I  may  say  further,  in  manifest  opposition  to  the  interests 
of  their  citizens.  A  state  too  extensive  in  itself,  or  by  virtue 
of  its  dependencies,  ultimately  falls  into  decay;  its  free  gov- 
ernment is  transformed  into  a  tyranny;  it  disregards  the 
principles  which  it  should  preserve,  and  finally  degenerates 
into  despotism.  The  distinguishing  characteristic  of  small 
republics  is  stability:  the  characteristic  of  large  republics  is 
mutability.  Such  republics  always  drift  toward  empire.  Al- 
most all  of  the  small  republics  have  lived  long.    Among  the 


SIMON  DE  BOLIVAR  231 

large  republics  only  Rome  sustained  herself  for  several  cen- 
turies. This  happened  because  the  capital  city  was  a  republic, 
while  the  rest  of  Rome's  dominions  were  governed  by  differ- 
ent laws  and  institutions.  ...  I  think  that  the  Spanish-Ameri- 
cans who  are  anxious  for  peace,  arts,  sciences,  commerce, 
and  agriculture  would  prefer  republics  to  kingdoms.  .  .  . 
Among  the  popular  and  representative  systems  of  government 
I  do  not  approve  of  the  federal  system:  it  is  too  perfect;  and 
it  requires  virtues  and  political  talents  much  superior  to  our 
own.  For  a  similar  reason  I  dislike  the  mixed  monarchy 
formed  of  aristocracy  and  democracy,  which  has  procured  so 
much  fortune  and  splendor  to  England.  As  it  is  not  possible 
for  us  to  select  from  republics  and  monarchies  the  most  per- 
fect form,  let  us  not  become  demagogical  anarchies  or  mono- 
cratic  tyrannies.  These  opposite  extremes  would  carry  us  to 
the  same  reefs, — unhappiness  and  dishonor;  let  us  seek  a 
mean  between  them ! 

Bolivar  then  made  some  remarkable  predictions  concern- 
ing the  political  destinies  of  the  different  sections  of  Spanish 
America.  Mexico,  he  averred,  would  first  establish  a  repre- 
sentative republic  in  which  the  chief  executive  would  exercise 
great  authority  and  perhaps  hold  office  for  life.  He  predicted 
that,  if  the  dominant  party  in  Mexico  should  be  aristocratic  or 
military,  a  constitutional  monarchy  would  probably  be  estab- 
lished which  would  inevitably  become  absolute.  He  prophe- 
sied that  the  provinces  of  Central  America  would  form  a  con- 
federation. "Its  canals  will  shorten  the  distances  of  the  world ; 
they  will  draw  closer  the  commercial  relations  of  Europe, 
America,  and  Asia,  and  will  bring  to  that  happy  region  the 
tribute  of  the  four  quarters  of  the  globe.  Some  day  the  capital 
of  the  world  may  perhaps  be  located  there — a  capital  which 
may  occupy  the  place  that  Constantine  wished  to  give  Byzan- 
tium as  the  capital  of  the  ancient  hemisphere.  At  Buenos  Aires 
there  will  appear  a  centralized  government  where  the  military 
class  will  predominate,  as  a  result  of  internal  divisions  and  ex- 
ternal wars."  He  predicted  that  the  government  at  Buenos 
Aires  would  necessarily  "degenerate  into  an  oligarchy  or  a 
monocracy."    He  declared  that  Chile  was  destined  to  be  a  re- 


232   RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

public,  for  her  position,  the  customs  of  her  inhabitants,  and  the 
example  of  the  Araucanian  Indians  alike  encouraged  the  for- 
mation of  a  democratic  government. 

I  am  inclined  to  believe  that,  if  auy  republic  endures  long 
in  America,  it  will  be  the  Chilean.  ...  On  the  contrary,  Peru 
contains  two  elements  which  are  inimical  to  any  just  and 
liberal  rule :  gold  and  slaves ;  gold  corrupts  everything ;  slaves 
are  themselves  corrupt.  The  soul  of  a  slave  rarely  appreciates 
true  liberty.  A  slave  rushes  furiously  into  tumult,  or  lives 
humiliated  in  chains.  I  suppose  that  in  Lima  the  rich  people 
will  not  tolerate  the  democracy,  while  the  slaves  and  the  free 
negroes  will  not  tolerate  the  aristocracy.  .  .  .  Peru  will  ac- 
complish a  great  deal,  if  she  secures  her  liberty.  .  .  .  New 
Granada  will  unite  with  Venezuela,  if  they  agree  to  form  a 
central  republic,  whose  capital  will  be  Maracaibo,  or  a  new 
city,  which,  under  the  name  of  Las  Casas — in  honor  of  that 
hero  of  philanthropy — will  be  founded  on  the  borders  of  the 
two  countries  in  the  magnificent  harbor  of  Bahia  Honda.  .  .  . 
That  nation  should  be  called  Colombia,  as  a  sign  of  gratitude 
to  the  discoverer  of  the  New  World.  Its  government  may 
imitate  the  English  government,  with  the  difference  that,  in 
place  of  a  kiilg,  there  will  be  an  elective  executive  who  should 
hold  office  at  most  for  life,  and  should  never  be  hereditary,  if 
a  republic  is  desired,  There  will  be  an  upper  house  of  the 
legislature  composed  of  members  elected  under  no  other  re- 
strictions than  those  existing  in  regard  to  the  lower  house  in 
England.  I  desire  that  this  constitution  should  partake  of  the 
characteristics  of  all  forms  of  government,  but  should  not 
partake  of  all  their  vices.  Colombia  being  my  country,  I  have 
an  incontestable  right  to  wish  for  her  that  form  of  govern- 
ment which,  in  my  opinion,  is  best. 

Near  the  end  of  his  prophetic  letter,  Bolivar  mentioned 
the  project  to  establish  a  confederate  government  in  Spanish 
America.  But  he  declared  that  differences  of  climate,  geog- 
raphy, and  interests  would  make  it  impossible  to  form  there 
one  great  republic  embracing  all  the  revolted  provinces.  He 
suggested,  however,  that  a  Spanish-American  congress  should 
be  assembled: 


SIMON  DE  BOLIVAR  233 

How  grand  it  would  be  if  the  Isthmus  of  Panama  should 
be  to  us  what  the  Isthmus  of  Corinth  was  to  the  Greeks! 
God  grant  that  some  day  we  may  have  the  fortune  to  install 
there  an  august  congress  of  representatives  of  republics,  king- 
doms, and  empires  to  treat  and  discuss  important  subjects  of 
peace  and  war  with  the  nations  of  the  other  three-quarters 
of  the  world. 

This  letter  suggests  the  liberator's  design  to  assemble  on  the 
Isthmus  of  Panama  an  international  American  congress. 
Therein  are  expressed  the  views  which  he  entertained  in  181 5 
concerning  the  best  type  of  government  for  the  states  which 
were  destined  to  appear  in  Spanish  America.  His  thoughts  in 
regard  to  the  political  fortunes  of  those  states — considered 
in  the  light  of  their  subsequent  history — ^give  him  a  high  place 
among  political  prophets. 

While  the  exiled  liberator  was  dreaming  of  an  American 
state  system,  Spain's  soldiers  under  the  command  of  General 
Pablo  Morillo,  were  completing  the  subjugation  of  northern 
South  America.  Morillo  had  fought  bravely  against  the 
French  invaders  of  Spain  during  the  peninsular  war.  After 
the  restoration  of  Ferdinand  VII.,  he  was  made  captain  gen- 
eral of  Venezuela,  and  was  given  charge  of  an  expedition  des- 
tined for  South  America.  In  elastic  terms  Morillo  was  in- 
structed to  pacify  the  captaincy  general  of  Venezuela,  to  oc- 
cupy the  city  of  Carthagena,  and  to  aid  the  royalists  in  New 
Granada.  The  soldiers  in  Morillo's  expedition  numbered  about 
ten  thousand:  they  were  mostly  infantry,  who  were  veterans 
of  the  peninsular  war.  This  was  the  most  formidable  expe- 
dition which  Spain  ever  sent  to  subjugate  her  revolted  colonists" 
in  America. 

After  gaining  possession  of  the  island  of  Margarita,  Mo- 
rillo disembarked  on  the  mainland,  and,  on  May  11,  1815,  he 
entered  the  city  of  Caracas.  There  he  issued  a  proclamation 
summoning  the  inhabitaitts  to  join  his  victorious  banner  and 
thus  to  ensure  peace  to  their  native  land.  He  exacted  a  forced 
loan  from  the  citizens  of  Caracas,  replaced  the  audiencia  of 


234  RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

that  city  by  other  courts,  and  created  a  special  junta  to  se- 
questrate the  property  of  his  enemies.  In  June,  1815,  Morillo 
left  Salvador  de  Moxo  temporarily  in  charge  of  the  captaincy 
general  of  Venezuela,  and  proceeded  with  the  royalist  army 
to  the  seacoast.  On  December  6,  after  a  siege  of  three  months, 
Morillo  entered  the  desolate  city  of  Carthagena.  Early  in 
1816,  he  marched  into  the  interior  of  New  Granada:  in  the 
end  of  May,  he  quietly  entered  Bogota.  Parties  of  royalist 
soldiers  sent  from  that  city  soon  subjugated  the  outlying  prov- 
inces. Thus,  in  the  course  of  181 6,  the  authority  of  Ferdi- 
nand VII.  was  reestablished  throughout  Venezuela  and  New 
Granada.  At  first,  the  god  of  war  was  no  more  favorable  to 
Bolivar  than  he  had  been  to  Miranda. 

Bolivar's  career  from  181 5  to  181 8  was  extremely  adven- 
turous. From  Jamaica  he  proceeded  to  Haiti,  whence,  in 
March,  1816,  he  led  a  small  expedition  to  Margarita.  There 
he  issued  a  proclamation  announcing  that  a  new  congress 
would  be  convoked  for  Venezuela.  His  expedition  was  futile, 
and  he  again  took  refuge  in  the  West  Indies.  In  December, 
1816,  he  led  an  expedition  to  the  continent  of  South  America. 
There  he  again  announced  his  intention  to  convoke  a  congress. 
He  struggled  against  the  sectional,  or  anarchical,  designs  of 
Manuel  Piar,  who  was  eventually  condemned  by  a  military 
court  to  be  shot  for  insubordination  and  desertion.  Bolivar 
led  his  soldiers  with  varying  success  against  the  royalists. 
In  the  words  of  the  Spanish  commander,  Venezuela  was  "a 
vast  field  of  battle."  Ultimately  Bolivar  secured  control  of  a 
region  in  the  Orinoco  Valley:  there,  at  Angostura,  the  pro- 
visional capital  of  Venezuela  was  established.  Early  in  Octo- 
ber, 1818,  Bolivar  decided  that  a  congress  of  delegates  should 
be  assembled  to  make  laws  for  Venezuela.  A  revolutionary 
council  of  state  which  he  had  established  accordingly  made 
rules  for  the  election  of  delegates  to  a  congress  that  was  to 
assemble  at  Angostura.  As  only  a  small  section  of  northern 
South  America  was  free  from  Spanish  rule,  the  delegates  were 
chosen  in  an  irregular  fashion.     In  certain  towns  they  were 


£ 


SIMON  DE  BOLIVAR  235 

chosen  by  the  inhabitants;  in  some  other  places  they  were 
apparently  selected  by  the  revolutionary  soldiers. 

In  an  interesting  passage  of  his  memoirs,  Daniel  F. 
O'Leary,  who  joined  Bolivar's  followers  as  a  private  in  a  band 
of  hussars  which  was  organized  in  England,  described  how 
Bolivar  was  employed  in  the  art  of  composition  on  a  journey 
to  Angostura.  O'Leary  said  that  while  'reclining  in  a  canoe 
on  the  bosom  of  the  Orinoco  River,  or  lolling  in  a  hammock 
under  the  shade  of  the  gigantic  trees  that  fringed  its  banks,  in 
the  heat  of  the  day,  or  in  the  cool  hours  of  the  night,  as  the 
mood  seized  him,  with  one  hand  on  the  lapel  of  his  coat  and 
a  forefinger  upon  his  upper  lip,  Bolivar  dictated  the  constitu- 
tion which  he  was  preparing  for  Venezuela  and  the  famous 
address  which  has  justly  deserved  the  admiration  of  orators 
and  statesmen.'  On  February  15,  1819,  Bolivar  delivered  an 
address  to  the  congress  of  Angostura  in  which  he  again  de- 
clared that  he  resigned  the  supreme  command.  With  regard 
to  one-man  power  in  a  republic,  he  made  this  interesting  ex- 
pression of  sentiment: 

The  exercise  of  power  by  the  same  individual  has  often 
been  the  end  of  democratic  government.  Frequent  elections 
are  essential  in  popular  governments;  for  nothing  is  more 
perilous  than  to  allow  power  to  remain  in  the  hands  of  the 
same  man.  The  people  become  accustomed  to  obey  him,  and 
he  becomes  accustomed  to  command  them :  from  this  originate 
usurpation  and  tyranny.  A  just  jealousy  is  the  guarantee  of 
republican  liberty.  Our  citizens  ought  rightly  to  fear  that 
the  magistrate  who  has  governed  them  for  a  long  time  may 
govern  them  perpetually. 

Bolivar  again  criticized  the  federal  system  of  government : 

As  much  as  I  admire  the  excellence  of  the  federal  Consti- 
tution of  the  United  States,  so  much  am  I  convinced  that  it 
is  impossible  to  adopt  ^hat  constitution  in  our  state.  To  me 
it  is  a  marvel  that  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  has 
operated  so  successfully  and  has  not  been  overthrown  when 
the  first  embarrassments  or  perils  appeared.     But  the  United 


236  RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

States  is  a  singular  example  of  political  virtue  and  moral 
rectitude.  That  nation  has  been  cradled  in  liberty,  has  been 
nurtured  in  liberty,  and  has  been  maintained  by  pure  liberty. 
I  will  add  that  the  people  of  the  United  States  are  unique  in 
the  history  of  the  human  race.  And  I  repeat:  it  is  a  marvel 
that  a  government  so  weak  and  complicated  as  the  federal 
system  should  have  endured  under  such  difficult  and  delicate 
circumstances  as  those  which  have  existed  in  the  United 
States.  But  whatever  may  be  true  in  regard  to  the  govern- 
ment, I  must  say  with  regard  to  the  American  people,  that 
the  idea  never  entered  my  head  to  consider  as  identical  the 
characteristics  of  two  peoples  so  different  as  the  Anglo-Ameri- 
can and  the  Spanish-American.  Would  it  not  be  very  difficult 
to  apply  to  Spain  the  English  system  of  political,  civil,  and 
religious  liberty?  It  is  even  more  difficult  to  adopt  the  laws  of 
the  United  States  in  Venezuela.  Does  not  VEsprit  des  lots 
say  that  the  laws  should  suit  the  people  who  make  them? 
That  it  is  a  mere  chance  if  the  laws  of  one  nation  suit  an- 
other nation?  That  laws  should  be  adapted  to  the  physiogra- 
phy of  the  country,  to  the  climate,  to^  the  soil,  to  the  situation 
of  the  country,  to  its  extent,  and  to  the  manner  of  life  of  the 
inhabitants?  That  laws  should  be  adapted  to  the  degree  of 
liberty  which  the  constitution  can  sanction,  to  the  religion  of 
the  inhabitants,  to  their  inclinations,  riches,  numbers,  com- 
merce, and  manners?  This  is  the  code  which  we  ought  to 
consult  and  not  the  code  of  Washington. 

Bolivar  maintained  that  the  Venezuelans  who  framed  the 
federal  constitution  of  1811  had  failed  to  incorporate  in  their 
fundamental  law  that  provision  in  the  constitution  of  the 
United  States  which  was  most  worthy  of  imitation,  namely,  a 
single  executive.  Instead  they  had  adopted  a  plural  executive, 
which  necessarily  lacked  continuity  and  responsibility.  He 
affirmed  that,  when  Venezuela  declared  her  independence,  she 
was  not  ready  for  a  federal  republic :  the  operation  of  a  demo- 
cratic government  could  be  "sublime  only  when  adopted  by  a 
republic  of  saints."  He  pointed  out  that  the  Venezuelans 
were  neither  Europeans  nor  Indians :  white,  black,  and  Indian 
blood  mingled  in  their  veins.  Among  the  prominent  leaders 
of  the  revolutionary  era,  Bolivar  realized  most  acutely  that 


SIMON  DE  BOLIVAR  237 

the  Spanish-American  peoples  had  not  only  battles  to  fight  and 
constitutions  to  form,  but  sociological  problems  to  solve. 

Despite  the  mixed  character  of  the  Venezuelan  people,  Boli- 
var thought  that  a  republic  would  best  suit  them.  "The  gov- 
ernment of  Venezuela  has  been,  is,  and  should  be  republican. 
The  bases  of  the  Venezuelan  government  should  be  the  sov- 
ereignty of  the  people,  the  division  of  powers,  civil  liberty,  the 
prohibition  of  slavery,  the  abolition  of  monarchy  and  of  privi- 
leges." He  advocated,  however,  a  political  system  modeled 
rather  upon  the  government  of  England  than  upon  the  gov- 
ernment of  the  United  States.  He  proposed  that  the  legisla- 
ture of  Venezuela  should  be  composed  of  a  house  of  repre- 
sentatives, the  members  of  which  were  to  be  chosen  by  popular 
election,  and  of  a  senate,  the  members  of  which  were  at  first  to 
be  chosen  by  congress  from  among  the  liberators.  After  the 
first  election,  however,  the  senators  were  to  hold  their  positions 
by  hereditary  right:  thus  the  race  of  liberators — "virtuous, 
prudent,  and  valiant  men" — might  be  preserved  to  the  republic : 

It  has  been  justly  remarked  that  the  house  of  lords  is 
invaluable  to  the  British  nation  because  it  forms  a  bulwark 
of  liberty;  and  I  dare  to  add  that  the  senate  of  Venezuela 
will  not  only  form  a  bulwark  of  liberty,  but  will  be  a  means 
of  rendering  the  republic  perpetual.  .  .  .  The  more  thorough- 
ly you  examine  the  nature  of  the  executive  power  in  England, 
the  more  firmly  will  you  be  inclined  to  consider  it  as  the  most 
perfect  model  for  a  monarchy,  an  aristocracy,  or  a  democ- 
racy. Let  such  an  executive  power  be  established  in  Vene- 
zuela in  the  person  of  a  president  chosen  either  by  the  people 
or  by  their  representatives,  and  we  shall  then  have  taken  a 
long  step  towards  national  felicity ! 

He  urged  that  the  powers  of  this  executive  should  be  analo- 
gous to  the  powers  of  the  king  of  England : 

Nothing  is  so  perilous  to  a  people  as  a  weak  executive; 
and,  if  it  has  been  detfhied  necessary  to  endow  the  executive 
with  so  many  powers  in  a  monarchy,  how  infinitely  more  in- 
dispensable is  a  strong  executive  in  a  republic !  .  .  .  The  chief 


238  RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

executive  of  a  republic  is  an  individual  isolated  in  the  midst 
of  society,  charged  at  the  same  time  to  repress  the  tendency 
of  the  people  toward  license  and  the  inclination  of  judges  and 
administrators  to  abuse  the  laws.  He  is  subject  to  the  lower 
house  of  the  legislature,  to  the  senate,  and  to  the  people;  he 
is  a  single  individual  resisting  the  combined  attack  of  the 
opinions,  interests,  and  passions  which  agitate  society.  As 
Carnot  has  said,  he  is  a  man  who  struggles  unceasingly  be- 
tween the  desire  to  dominate,  and  the  desire  to  elude  domina- 
tion :  in  fine,  he  is  an  athlete  struggling  with  a  crowd.  To  cor- 
rect this  weakness  the  executive  must  be  endowed  with  great 
energy, — energy  corresponding  to  the  resistance  which  he  will 
encounter  in  the  legislative  and  judicial  departments  as  well 
as  in  the  people.  If  the  proper  authority  is  not  placed  at  his 
disposal,  the  executive  department  will  inevitably  become  use- 
less or  be  abused,  which  will  be  the  death  of  government.  It 
will  have  as  heirs,  anarchy,  usurpation,  and  tyranny. 

Bolivar  suggested  that  the  judicial  department  of  govern- 
ment should  be  reformed  by  providing  for  the  independence 
of  the  judges,  by  establishing  the  jury  system,  and  by  for- 
mulating wise  civil  and  criminal  codes.  He  also  made  some 
suggestive  remarks  about  a  government  of  laws : 

Venezuelans  love  their  country  but  they  do  not  love  its 
laws,  because  these  laws  are  bad  and  the  source  of  evil.  .  .  . 
If  a  sacred  respect  does  not  exist  for  the  country,  for  the  laws, 
and  for  the  constituted  authorities,  society  is  in  a  state  of 
confusion;  there  is  a  singular  conflict  of  man  against  man, 
hand-to-hand.  .  .  .  Our  laws  are  the  melancholy  relics  of 
ancient  and  modern  despotisms.  .  .  .  Let  us  dictate  a  code  of 
Venezuelan  laws. 

In  the  liberator's  governmental  scheme  the  judiciary  was  to  be 
reenforced  by  a  fourth  department,  or  power,  of  government : 

Let  us  give  to  our  republic  a  fourth  power  with  authority 
over  the  youth,  the  hearts  of  men,  public  spirit,  habits,  and 
republican  morality.  Let  us  establish  this  areopagus  to  watch 
over  the  education  of  the  children,  to  supervise  national  edu- 
cation, to  purify  whatever  may  be  corrupt  in  the  republic,  to 
denounce  ingratitude,  coldness  in  the  country's  service,  ego- 


SIMON  DE  BOLIVAR  239 

tism,  sloth,  idleness,  and  to  pass  judgment  upon  the  first  signs 
of  corruption  and  pernicious  example. 

This  moral  power  seems  to  be  an  elaboration  of  the  pro- 
vision for  censors  which  was  contained  in  the  constitutional 
projects  of  Francisco  de  Miranda.  The  upshot  of  Bolivar's 
address  to  the  congress  of  Angostura  was  the  proposal  that 
the  Venezuelans  should  esteblish  a  centralized  republic. 

The  liberator  concluded  his  speech  with  an  extravagant 
burst  of  oratory  in  which  he  pictured  the  future  of  the  state 
which  he  thought  should  include  New  Granada  as  well  as 
Venezuela : 

When  I  contemplate  this  immense  reunited  country,  my 
soul  mounts  to  that  height  demanded  by  the  colossal  perspec- 
tive of  a  picture  so  wonderful.  My  imagination  takes  flight 
toward  future  ages  and  admiringly  observes  from  them  the 
prosperity,  the  splendor,  and  the  life  which  will  exist  within 
this  vast  territory.  I  am  carried  away;  and  I  seem  to  behold 
it  in  the  heart  of  the  universe,  stretching  along  its  extensive 
coasts  between  two  oceans  which  nature  has  separated;  but 
which  our  fatherland  has  united  by  long  and  wide  canals. 
I  see  it  serve  as  the  bond,  as  the  center,  as  the  emporium  of 
the  human  race.  I  see  it  sending  to  the  ends  of  the  earth  the 
treasures  of  gold  and  silver  which  its  mountains  contain.  I 
see  it,  through  the  healing  virtue  of  its  plants,  dispensing 
health  and  life  to  afflicted  men  of  the  Old  World.  I  see  it 
disclosing  its  precious  secrets  to  the  sages  who  know  that 
the  store  of  knowledge  is  more  valuable  than  the  store  of 
riches  which  nature  has  so  prodigally  bestowed  upon  us.  I 
see  it  seated  upon  the  throne  of  liberty,  the  scepter  of  justice 
in  its  hand,  crowned  by  glory,  showing  to  the  Old  World  the 
majesty  of  the  New  World. 

When  asked  by  Bolivar  to  revise  this  discourse,  the  Vene- 
zuelan scholar,  Manuel  Palacio  Fajardo,  spoke  of  Bolivar's 
style  in  these  words :  "The  discourse  much  resembles  the  gar- 
dens of  painters  where  they  love  to  place  the  pinks,  the  roses, 
the  lilies,  the  hyacinths,  and  other  beautiful  flowers  by  the  side 
of  the  borage  and  the  scabious,  that  are  also  beautiful,  but 


240  RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

which  are  not  worthy  companions  of  the  rose  and  the  lily.  .  .  . 
Your  Spanish  is  not  always  pure ;  but  it  is  always  select,  rhyth- 
mical, and  elegant.  There  are  audacious  thoughts  in  your 
discourse;  but  their  value  depends  upon  the  originality  with 
which  you  judge  of  our  political  situation.''  The  speech  to 
the  congress  of  Angostura  contains  the  fullest  statement  of  the 
political  beliefs  which  Bolivar  entertained  early  in  1819.  As 
an  exposition  of  his  political  gospel,  this  speech  occupies  an 
intermediate  place  between  the  prophetic  letter  which  he  wrote 
while  sojourning  in  Jamaica  and  the  constitution  which,  in 
1826,  he  framed  for  the  republic  of  Bolivia. 

To  the  congress  of  Angostura  Bolivar  submitted  an  elab- 
orate scheme  for  the  fourth  power, — the  moral  power.  He 
proposed  that  the  moral  power  should  be  vested  in  an  areop- 
agus  composed  of  a  president  and  forty  members,  who  were 
to  exercise  a  full  and  independent  authority  over  the  manners 
and  the  education  of  the  Venezuelans.  The  jurisdiction  of  the 
areopagus  was  to  extend  to  individuals,  families,  departments, 
provinces,  tribunals,  and  even  to  the  national  government  it- 
self. Bolivar's  proposal  for  the  establishment  of  a  moral 
power  was  viewed  with  interest  by  the  congress  of  Angostura. 
That  body  finally  decided  not  to  adopt  the  proposal,  but  to 
publish  it  as  an  appendix  to  the  constitution,  in  order  that  the 
wise  men  of  all  nations  might  pass  judgment  upon  it.  Event- 
ually the  liberator  was  induced  to  accept  the  presidency,  while 
Francisco  Antonio  Zea,  a  citizen  of  New  Granada,  was  made 
vice  president.  Bolivar  selected  three  ministers  to  aid  him 
in  managing  the  government.  The  legislators  of  Angostura 
cast  aside  the  federal  constitution  which  had  been  adopted 
at  Caracas,  and,  after  several  months  of  debate,  they  signed 
on  August  15,  1819,  a  provisional  constitution  which  embodied 
Bolivar's  governmental  scheme  with  some  modifications.  By 
that  constitution  the  executive  power  was  vested  in  a  presi- 
dent who  was  to  hold  office  for  four  years,  while  legislative 
authority  was  entrusted  to  a  congress  composed  of  a  senate 


SIMON  DE  BOLIVAR  241 

and  a  house  of  representatives.    The  constitution  declared  that 
the  republic  of  Venezuela  was  "one  and  indivisible." 

While  the  congress  of  Angostura  was  framing  a  constitu- 
tion for  a  centralized  republic,  Bolivar  was  conceiving  a  plan 
for  a  campaign  against  the  royalists  in  the  central  provinces 
of  New  Granada.  In  his  memoirs  General  O'Leary  declared 
that  at  a  council  of  war  held  on  May  23,  1819,  during  which 
Bolivar,  and  his  chief  lieutenants — Soublette,  Anzoategui, 
Briceno,  Mendez,  Carillo,  Ibarren,  Rangel,  Rook,  Plaza,  and 
Manrique — sat  on  the  bleached  skulls  of  the  cattle  that  had 
been  slaughtered  to  supply  their  soldiers  with  meat,  the  mo- 
mentous decision  was  reached  to  carry  out  the  hazardous  plan 
of  a  march  against  Bogota.  Early  in  June,  1819,  Bolivar  had 
decided  to  leave  the  patriot  cavalry  in  the  llanos  of  Venezuela 
to  check  Morillo's  soldiers  while  he  led  the  infantry  to  Casa- 
nare,  where  he  would  join  the  patriot  soldiers  of  New  Granada 
under  their  resolute  general,  Francisco  de  Paula  Santander, 
who  for  some  time  had  been  cooperating  with  the  Venezuelans. 
Thence  by  a  daring  march  he  planned  suddenly  to  carry  the 
war  into  the  heart  of  New  Granada  by  an  unexpected  route. 
He  carried  out  this  campaign  by  an  achievement  in  mountain 
warfare  which  deserves  to  be  chronicled  with  San  Martin's 
heroic  march  across  the  Andean  range.  At  the  head  of  an 
army  of  about  two  thousand  men,  including  those  Englishmen 
who  constituted  the  British  legion,  the  liberator  scaled  the 
Granadian  Andes  and  marched  across  the  desolate  plateau 
of  Pisba,  which  is  about  thirteen  thousand  feet  above  the  level 
of  the  sea.  After  terrible  sufferings,  on  July  6,  the  weary 
soldiers  of  Bolivar  reached  Socha.  To  the  royaHsts  the  sudden 
advent  of  Bolivar  seemed  like  a  terrible  apparition.  Inspirit- 
ing his  soldiers,  gathering  supplies,  and  enrolling  recruits, 
Bolivar  prepared  for  a  battle  with  the  Spanish  forces  under 
General  Barreiro.  It  seems  ultimately  to  have  been  Bar- 
reiro's  intention  to  effect  a  junction  with  the  veteran  soldiers 
under  Samano,  the  viceroy  of  New  Granada,  at  Bogota,  before 
meeting  Bolivar  in  a  decisive  conflict    But,  on  August  7,  the 


242  RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

patriot  soldiers  intercepted  Barreiro's  march  toward  the  capi- 
tal at  a  bridge  across  the  River  Boyaca.  There  the  royalists 
were  defeated.  Sixteen  hundred  soldiers  were  captured,  with 
Barreiro  and  most  of  his  officers,  as  well  as  a  quantity  of  mili- 
tary supplies.  Two  days  later  the  discomfited  viceroy  fled 
from  Bogota  precipitately.  In  dispatches  to  the  Spanish  gov- 
ernment General  Morillo  lamented  the  battle:  in  October, 
1820,  he  confessed  his  inability  to  restore  the  king's  authority 
in  northern  South  America. 

In  the  history  of  Colombia  the  battle  of  Boyaca  was  per- 
haps more  important  than  the  battle  of  Chacabuco  in  Chilean 
history.  Boyaca  freed  the  viceroyalty  of  New  Granada  from 
Spanish  rule,  with  the  exception  of  the  presidency  of  Quito. 
This  battle  cleared  the  way  for  the  conclusive  combat  in 
Venezuela.  Further,  the  victory  of  Boyaca  was  of  consti- 
tutional significance;  for  at  the  instance  of  Bolivar,  on  De- 
cember 17,  1 81 9,  the  congress  of  Angostura — which  now  in- 
cluded delegates  from  several  provinces  of  New  Granada — 
passed  "a  fundamental  law"  that  proclaimed  the  union  of  the 
former  viceroyalty  of  New  Granada  and  the  captaincy  general 
of  Venezuela  into  one  state,  the  Republic  of  Colombia.  The 
executive  authority  was  to  be  entrusted  to  a  president  and 
a  vice  president  elected  by  congress.  The  provisional  capital  of 
the  extensive  republic  was  located  at  Ciicuta.  The  republic 
was  divided  into  three  departments  which  were  designated  as 
Venezuela,  Cundinamarca,  and  Quito.  Each  department  was 
to  have  a  vice  president  who  should  also  be  chosen  by  congress. 
Santander  was  made  vice  president  of  Cundinamarca;  J.  G. 
Roscio  was  made  vice  president  of  Venezuela ;  while  Zea  was 
made  vice  president  and  Bolivar  the  president  of  Colombia. 
In  this  manner  there  was  faintly  traced  upon  the  map  of 
northern  South  America  the  outlines  of  a  new  state  that  was 
destined  to  be  known  as  Great  Colombia. 

Just  as  the  revolution  of  1820  in  Spain  affected  her  policy 
toward  San  Martin,  so  did  it  affect  her  poHcy  toward  Bolivar. 
Like  the  viceroy  of  Peru,  Morillo  was  instructed  to  negotiate 


SIMON  DE  BOLIVAR  243 

with  the  insurgents  for  peace  on  the  condition  that  the  con- 
stitution of  1812  should  be  accepted.  Hence,  in  June,  1820, 
Morillo  appointed  commissioners,  who,  on  November  25,  signed 
at  Trujillo  with  Bolivar's  commissioners — one  of  whom  was 
Antonio  Jose  de  Sucre — a  treaty  providing  for  an  armistice 
that  was  to  last  six  months.  That  treaty  delimited  the  zones 
which  should  be  occupied  by  the  opposing  armies  during  the 
truce.  It  provided  that  the  envoys  whom  Colombia  might  se- 
lect to  negotiate  peace  with  Spain  should  be  allowed  freely 
to  sail  from  South  America.  Bolivar  and  Morillo  agreed  to 
adopt  a  convention  to  regulate  the  war  according  to  the  law 
of  nations.  On  November  26  the  commissioners  signed  an- 
other treaty,  which  was  apparently  designed  to  check  the 
horrible  barbarities  of  war, — a  treaty  which  Bolivar  described 
as  being  "worthy  of  the  soul  of  General  Sucre."  On  Novem- 
ber 26  and  2y,  Morillo  approved  the  treaty  for  the  regulariza- 
tion  of  the  war  and  the  treaty  of  armistice.  By  the  treaty 
providing  for  an  armistice  the  revolutionists  clearly  gained  an 
advantage;  because  they  were  given  time  to  prepare  for  the 
final  struggle  with  the  royalists, — a  struggle,  which,  as  Spain 
refused  to  recognize  their  independence,  was  inevitable.  Years 
later  Bolivar  was  reported  to  have  said  that  he  negotiated  the 
armistice  with  Morillo  merely  in  order  that  the  world  might 
see  Spain  negotiating  with  Colombia  as  with  an  independent 
nation.  When  speaking  of  an  amicable  meeting  which  he  and 
Morillo  held  at  Santa  Ana  on  November  2^^  the  liberator 
characterized  that  interview  as  *'a  diplomatic  comedy."  When 
Morillo  informed  his  government  of  the  treaty  of  Trujillo,  he 
advised  it  either  to  send  reenforcements  to  the  royalists  or  to 
listen  to  the  proposals  of  the  revolutionists. 

In  accordance  with  the  terms  of  the  truce  of  Trujillo,  in 
January,  1821,  Bolivar  appointed  Jose  R.  Revenga  and  Jose 
Echeverria  envoys  to  Madrid.  The  envoys  were  instructed  to 
negotiate  a  treaty  of  peace* with  Spain  acknowledging  the  in- 
dependence of  Colombia.  Within  that  republic  Venezuela, 
New  Granada,  and  Quito  should  be  included ;  but  the  envoys 


244  RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

were  authorized  to  arrange  a  treaty  which  might  exclude  from 
Colombia  the  Isthmus  of  Panama,  or  Quito,  or  both  of  those 
regions.  Further,  the  envoys  were  authorized  to  offer  Spain 
reciprocal  commercial  advantages.  But  they  were  to  oppose 
any  proposal  for  a  confederation  including  Spain  and  America. 
At  most,  they  might  agree  to  a  purely  defensive  alliance  be- 
tween Spain  and  Colombia.  As  it  had  at  times  "entered  into 
the  views  of  Spain  to  propose  a  prince  of  the  house  of  Bour- 
bon for  king  of  Colombia" — so  ran  the  instructions — the  en- 
voys were  instructed  to  object  to  such  a  proposition.  This  pro- 
test was  to  be  applied  "not  only  to  the  Bourbons,  but  to  every 
reigning  house  of  Europe, — either  princes,  or  sovereigns,  or 
potentates.  .  .  .  Colombia  will  be  independent,  sovereign,  and 
free  from  all  foreign  domination,  or  will  cease  to  exist."  After 
the  envoys  had  departed  Bolivar  was  haunted  by  the  fear  that 
false  rumors  of  reverses  suffered  by  Colombian  soldiers  might 
induce  them  to  arrange  a  compromise  with  Spain :  he  said  that 
Colombia  and  not  Spain  "should  dictate  the  terms  of  peace 
and  reconciliation."  Nothing  came  of  the  negotiations  of 
Revenga  and  Echeverria,  however;  for,  in  August,  1821,  the 
government  of  Spain,  alleging  that  Bolivar  had  broken  the 
armistice  of  Trujillo,  ordered  these  emissaries  to  leave  the 
Spanish  court. 

Before  this  armistice  had  expired,  with  the  aid  of  money, 
supplies,  and  soldiers  that  were  furnished  by  the  former  vice- 
royalty  of  New  Granada,  Bolivar  prepared  for  a  fresh  at- 
tack upon  the  royalists  in  Venezuela.  In  April,  1821,  the  revo- 
lutionary soldiers  in  northern  South  America  were  widely 
scattered.  General  Urdaneta  with  several  thousand  men  was 
encamped  at  San  Cristobal  in  New  Granada.  General  Paez 
\vith  the  soldiers  of  the  llanos  was  near  the  Apure  River. 
General  Bermudez  was  at  Barcelona,  while  Bolivar's  head- 
quarters were  at  Barinas.  The  royalists,  commanded  by  Gen- 
eral La  Torre — Morillo  having  sailed  for  Spain — were  sta- 
tioned at  Barlovento,  San  Carlos,  Calabozo,  Caracas,  Guanare, 
and  Coro.    La  Torre's  total  available  fighting  force  was  about 


SIMON  DE  BOLIVAR  245 

seven  thousand  five  hundred  men.  In  March  and  April,  1821, 
Bolivar  decided  to  bring  the  scattered  divisions  of  the  patriot 
forces  together  at  a  central  point,  and  there,  with  an  equal,  or 
a  superior  force,  to  give  battle  to  the  enemy.  Accordingly 
General  Bermudez  was  ordered  to  attack  the  city  of  Caracas 
as  soon  as  the  armistice  of  Trujillo  had  expired.  The  object  of 
that  movement  was  to  divert  the  enemy  and  thus  to  safeguard 
the  march  of  the  other  divisions  of  the  patriot  army,  which 
were  to  move  towards  the  point  of  concentration.  Colonel 
Carillo  was  sent  with  a  column  of  soldiers  to  attack  the  royal- 
ists at  Valencia  and  San  Felipe.  While  the  royalists  were 
being  thus  misled,  beginning  on  April  28,  the  soldiers  of  Paez, 
Urdaneta,  and  Bolivar  made  slow  marches  toward  the  ren- 
dezvous. At  Tinaquillo,  on  June  23,  the  liberator  reviewed 
the  united  army  of  Colombia,  which  was  about  six  thousand 
five  hundred  strong.  On  the  morning  of  June  24  Bolivar  led 
his  army  toward  the  royalist  forces  under  La  Torre.  On 
reaching  the  heights  of  Buena  Vista  he  could  detect  with  a 
field  glass  the  royalist  soldiers  drawn  up  in  battle  array  upon 
the  fields  of  Carabobo.  According  to  his  estimate — probably 
rather  high — there  were  about  six  thousand  soldiers  in  La 
Torre's  army.  It  was  while  surveying  the  situation,  said  one 
of  Bolivar's  aides,  that  the  liberator  was  told  of  a  devious 
path  leading  to  the  rear  of  the  enemy's  right  flank.  He  de- 
cided to  send  General  Paez  with  a  part  of  the  army,  including 
the  British  soldiers,  along  that  path  to  attack  the  enemy.  Those 
forces  attacked  the  Spaniards  in  the  rear,  and  the  rest  of 
Bolivar's  army  soon  attacked  the  enemy  in  front.  After  a 
short  but  fierce  conflict,  in  which  the  steadfastness  of  the 
British  legion  appears  to  have  played  no  small  part,  the  sol- 
diers of  La  Torre  fled  from  the  field  of  battle  pursued  by  the 
exultant  soldiers  of  the  revolution.  La  Torre  took  refuge  in 
Puerto  Cabello. 

The  battle  of  Carabobcf  was  important,  for  it  ensured  the 
independence  of  the  northern  part  of  South  America  from 
Spain.     This  victory  was  more  significant  to  New  Granada 


246  RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

and  Venezuela  than  the  battle  of  Maipii  to  Chile  and  the 
United  Provinces.  On  June  25  Bolivar  wrote  to  Santander: 
"Yesterday  a  splendid  victory  signalized  the  political  birth  of 
the  republic  of  Colombia."  The  first  congress  of  Colombia, 
which  in  accordance  with  the  action  of  the  congress  at  An- 
gostura had  assembled  at  Cucuta,  soon  took  measures  to  per- 
fect the  union  between  New  Granada  and  Venezuela.  On 
July  12  that  congress  passed  a  "fundamental  law  of  union," 
which  announced  that  the  peoples  of  Venezuela  and  New 
Granada  were  united  in  the  republic  of  Colombia  with  the 
understanding  that  its  government  should  be  democratic  and 
representative.  The  Colombian  nation  should  be  free  and  in- 
dependent of  the  Spanish  monarchy  and  of  any  other  foreign 
power ;  it  should  never  become  the  patrimony  of  any  family  or 
of  any  person.  This  law  declared  that  the  supreme  national 
authority  should  always  be  exercised  through  three  distinct 
departments,  executive,  legislative,  and  judicial.  The  terri- 
tory of  the  republic  of  Colombia  was  to  comprise  the  regions 
included  within  the  limits  of  the  captaincy  general  of  Vene- 
zuela and  the  viceroyalty  of  New  Granada,  reserving  for  a 
more  convenient  occasion  an  exact  delimitation  of  its  boundar- 
ies. The  republic  was  to  be  divided  into  six  or  more  de- 
partments. The  law  declared  that  this  congress  would  act 
as  a  constituent  assembly  for  the  republic,  a  state  which 
would  assume  all  the  debts  that  the  two  nations  had  con- 
tracted separately.  Until  the  constituent  congress  should  se- 
lect the  flag  and  the  coat  of  arms  for  the  new  republic,  it 
should  continue  to  use  the  arms  of  New  Granada  and  the 
standard  of  Venezuela. 

A  committee  soon  presented  to  congress  a  project  of  a 
constitution,  which  was  adopted  on  August  30,  182 1.  This 
constitution  vested  the  legislative  authority  in  a  senate  and  a 
house  of  representatives.  It  vested  the  chief  executive  au- 
thority in  a  president,  who,  in  a  critical  period,  was  to  have 
absolute  power.  The  president  was  to  hold  his  office  for  four 
years;  he  might  be  reelected  only  once,  without  an  intermis- 


SIMON  DE  BOLIVAR  247 

sion.  In  case  of  the  death  or  disabiHty  of  the  president,  or 
when  he  was  commanding  the  army  of  the  republic  in  person, 
his  civil  functions  were  to  be  exercised  by  the  vice  president. 
Provision  was  also  made  for  five  secretaries  of  state :  foreign 
affairs,  interior,  treasury,  war,  and  the  navy.  The  supreme 
judicial  power  was  vested  in  a  high  court  of  justice.  Pro- 
vision was  made  for  an  advisory  council  to  the  president 
which  should  be  composed  of  the  vice  president,  the  secretaries 
of  state,  and  a  member  of  the  supreme  court.  On  September  7 
the  constituent  congress  selected  the  liberator  as  president. 
After  a  show  of  reluctance,  Bolivar  accepted  the  presidency 
on  the  express  condition  that  he  should  be  allowed  to  remain 
at  the  head  of  the  army,  while  the  chief  civil  authority  should 
be  exercised  by  Vice  President  Santander. 

The  congress  of  Cucuta  passed  many  decrees  and  laws  of 
importance.  Among  these  was  a  law  providing  that  the  city 
of  Bogota — "located  in  the  heart  of  the  republic,  nea!*  rivers 
that  afforded  prompt  communication  with  its  coasts  and  with 
the  departments  of  Venezuela" — should  be  the  provisional 
capital.  A  decree  was  sanctioned  which  authorized  the  execu- 
tive to  negotiate  a  loan  of  three  million  pesos.  On  July  21 
a  law  was  enacted  which  prohibited  the  slave  trade  and  which 
provided  that  the  children  of  slaves  born  after  the  publication 
of  that  law  should  be  free.  Another  law  was  enacted  which 
provided  that  property  belonging  to  the  Spanish  government 
in  the  provinces  conquered  by  Colombian  arms  should  be 
confiscated.  The  tribute  which  had  been  levied  upon  the 
aborigines  was  abolished — ^and  it  was  declared  that  these  peo- 
ple had  the  same  status  as  other  citizens  of  the  republic.  Stip- 
ulations were  made  concerning  the  process  by  which  foreign- 
ers might  become  naturalized  citizens  of  Colombia.  In  Oc- 
tober a  law  was  passed  which  divided  the  republic  into  de- 
partments, provinces,  and  cantons  that  should  be  governed  by 
an  administrative  hieraichy  composed  mainly  of  intendants, 
governors,  and  ''political  judges."  The  former  state  of  Vene- 
zuela was  divided  into  three  departments ;  New  Granada  was 


248  RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

divided  into  four  departments.  These  departments  were  sub- 
divided into  provinces.  On  October  4  congress  enktted  a  law 
which  provided  that  the  arms  of  the  Colombian  republic  should 
thenceforth  be  two  cornucopias  filled  with  flowers  of  the  cold, 
temperate,  and  torrid  regions — the  symbol  of  abundance — 
and  a  sheaf  of  lances  with  a  battle-axe  and  a  bow  and  arrows 
— the  symbol  of  force  and  union.  The  national  standard  was 
the  tricolor  first  used  by  Miranda  in  1806. 

The  constitution  and  the  legislative  enactments  of  the  con- 
gress of  Cucuta  are  the  most  notable  political  achievements  of 
the  South-American  repubhcs  in  the  first  quarter  of  the  nine- 
teenth century.  They  embody  the  ideals  cherished  by  many 
of  Colombia's  leaders  during  her  age  of  gold.  On  October 
14  the  president  of  the  first  constituent  congress  of  Colombia, 
Jose  Ignacio  Marquez,  addressed  to  his  countrymen  an  expo- 
sition describing  the  labors  of  that  congress  and  conveying 
some  wholesome  advice:  "Live  in  intimate  and  fraternal 
union,  with  reciprocal  tolerance,  and  permit  neither  jealousies 
nor  rivalries  to  enter  your  hearts.  These  are  the  arms  which 
your  enemies  have  always  used  to  sow  discord.  Union  will 
make  you  strong  and  will  put  an  end  to  the  revolutionary  war. 
Dissension  will  deprive  you  of  repose  and  of  the  true  bless- 
ings of  society.  LTnited,  you  are  invincible :  disunion  is  the 
only  enemy  which  you  should  fear.  Obey  the  laws  which  are 
your  work;  for  they  have  been  adopted  by  your  representa- 
tives, and  respect  the  magistrates  elected  by  your  votes.  Think 
only  of  Colombia!"  The  student  of  South- American  history 
cannot  but  pause  to  conjecture  what  might  have  been  the  des- 
tiny of  Great  Colombia  if  her  people  had  followed  this  sage 
advice ! 

The  complete  expulsion  of  the  Spanish  soldiers  from  the 
former  viceroyalty  of  New  Granada  took  place  shortly  after 
the  adoption  of  the  constitution  of  Cucuta.  In  November, 
1823,  Puerto  Cabello,  the  last  stronghold  of  the  Span- 
iards in  northern  South  America,  fell  into  the  hands 
of    the    Colombians.    As    early    as    November     28,  1821,    a 


SIMON  DE  BOLIVAR  249 

junta  on  the  Isthmus  of  Panama  had  declared  that  the 
isthmus  belonged  to  Colombia.  Accordingly,  early  in  the  fol- 
lowing year,  Vice  President  Santander  issued  a  decree  pro- 
viding for  the  administration  of  the  isthmus  as  a  department 
of  the  Colombian  state.  In  the  meantime,  Colombians  were 
subverting  the  rule  of  Spain  in  the  presidency  of  Quito.  For 
although  Quito  was  not  specifically  mentioned  in  the  consti- 
tution of  Cucuta  as  belonging  to  the  republic  of  Colombia,  yet 
some  Colombians  considered  it  as  an  integral  part  of  that 
republic  as  provided  by  the  fundamental  law  of  1819. 

In  the  presidency  of  Quito  the  revolutionary  cause  had 
suffered  many  vicissitudes  of  fortune.  As  early  as  August  10, 
1809,  the  people  of  the  city  of  Quito  had  established  a  junta  to 
govern  on  behalf  of  Ferdinand  VII.  But  soldiers  of  the  vice- 
roy of  New  Granada  soon  overthrew  that  provisional  gov- 
ernment. In  September,  1810,  another  junta  was  established 
at  Quito,  which  was  swept  away  by  Toribio  Montes,  who 
had  been  made  president  of  Quito  by  the  Spanish  regency. 
In  October,  1820,  the  inhabitants  of  Guayaquil  revolted  against 
the  Spanish  government,  and  established  a  governmental  junta 
composed  of  three  persons  of  whom  a  poet,  Jose  de  Olmedo, 
was  the  chief. 

When,  shortly  afterwards,  Bolivar  felt  that  it  was  inexpe- 
dient for  him  to  lead  his  soldiers  into  the  presidency  of  Quito 
at  once,  he  decided  to  send  General  Sucre  as  his  substitute.  In 
January,  1821,  the  liberator  ordered  General  Sucre  to  take 
command  of  an  expedition  of  one  thousand  soldiers  which 
was  to  proceed  to  Guayaquil.  Antonio  Sucre  was  thus  made 
the  lieutenant  of  the  liberator  in  the  execution  of  his  long- 
meditated  and  ambitious  plan  to  extend  the  revolution  down 
the  Pacific  shores.  On  April  4,  1821,  the  Colombian  expedi- 
tion destined  for  the  presidency  of  Quito  left  Buenaventura  in 
the  corvette  Alejandro,  two  brigantines,  and  several  transports. 
According  to  statements' made  by  General  Sucre,  he  did  not 
have  one  thousand  soldiers  on  board  those  vessels.  After  a 
voyage  of  twenty-eight  days  the  vessels   reached   Point   St. 


^50  RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

Helena,  which  was  about  thirty-five  leagues  from  Guayaquil ; 
at  that  point  Sucre's  soldiers  disembarked,  while  the  Ale- 
jandro proceeded  to  Guayaquil  with  the  munitions.  Sucre 
reached  that  port  with  his  forces  on  May  6.  As  his  soldiers 
were  in  poor  condition,  he  wisely  decided  to  postpone  a  cam- 
paign against  the  royalists :  instead  he  sent  a  request  to  Bogota 
for  reenf orcements.  In  the  meanwhile  he  was  not  idle ;  for  on 
May  25,  1 82 1,  he  signed  a  convention  with  the  revolutionary 
junta  of  Guayaquil.  According  to  this  convention,  the  prov- 
ince of  Guayaquil  placed  itself  under  the  protection  of  Colom- 
bia; that  province  conferred  upon  Bolivar  the  powers  which 
were  necessary  for  the  preservation  of  its  independence;  it 
promised  to  cooperate  in  Colombia's  plans;  and  it  conferred 
upon  Sucre  the  power  to  negotiate  with  the  Spanish  officials 
in  the  city  of  Quito.  The  agreement  between  General  Sucre 
and  the  provisional  junta  of  Guayaquil  helped  to  thwart  the 
designs  of  Jose  de  San  Martin. 

In  August  and  September,  1821,  Sucre  had  engagements 
with  the  royalists.  The  most  important  of  those  conflicts  took 
place  in  the  valley  of  Ambato  where  the  royalists  disputed 
the  march  of  Sucre's  soldiers  toward  the  city  of  Quito.  Al- 
though Sucre  did  not  feel  ready  to  fight  the  enemy,  he  yielded 
to  the  importunities  of  his  companions  and  suffered  a  bloody 
repulse.  In  a  letter  to  Bolivar  on  September  18,  1821,  Sucre 
lamented  his  defeat  as  an  "imprudent  act,"  which  had  mis- 
used "the  best  opportunity  to  liberate  Quito,"  and  had  de- 
stroyed a  division  of  his  army.  As  the  news  of  that  defeat 
reached  Bolivar  soon  after  the  victory  at  Carabobo,  it  probably 
made  him  hasten  his  preparations  to  march  to  Quito.  On 
October  9,  1821,  President  Bolivar  left  Cucuta  to  carry  the 
conquering  banner  of  Colombia  southward.  Vice  President 
Santander,  who  possessed  much  ability  as  a  civil  executive,  was 
entrusted  with  the  political  functions  of  the  president.  Be- 
fore the  liberator  departed,  the  Colombian  congress  passed  a 
law  authorizing  him  to  organize  as  he  deemed  best  the  prov- 
inces which  he  liberated  from  Spanish  rule.     On  December 


SIMON  DE  BOLIVAR  251 

15  Bolivar  left  Bogota  on  the  long  march  overland  to  Quito. 
He  led  his  soldiers  up  the  beautiful  Cauca  valley,  and  tried 
in  vain  to  avoid  marching  through  the  province  of  Pasto, 
which  was  controlled  by  devoted  royalists.  On  April  7,  1822, 
his  march  was  disputed  by  two  thousand  soldiers,  who,  under 
Colonel  Garcia,  occupied  a  strong  position  near  the  plateau  of 
Bombona.  After  a  desperate  conflict  the  royalists  retired. 
But  the  battle  of  Bombona  was  "a  costly  and  barren  victory" : 
Bolivar  was  compelled  to  send  to  Bogota  for  reenforcements. 
It  was  while  the  liberator  was  still  maneuvering  against  Garcia 
that  he  received  reports  of  a  battle  which  Sucre  had  won  in 
the  presidency  of  Quito. 

While  the  liberator  was  making  the  hazardous  march  south 
from  Bogota,  Sucre,  who  had  received  reenforcements  from 
San  Martin  which  were  commanded  by  a  Peruvian,  Colonel 
Andres  Santa  Cruz,  led  his  soldiers  across  the  Andes  to 
Cuenca.  He  evaded  the  royalists  by  a  flank  march,  and  on 
May  17,  1822,  he  reached  the  valley  of  Chillo,  a  few  leagues 
south  of  Quito.  Meanwhile  the  royalist  army  under  General 
Aymerich,  who  was  now  acting  as  the  Spanish  commander  in 
the  ancient  viceroyalty  of  New  Granada,  took  possession  of  the 
capital  city.  After  some  maneuvering,  Sucre  marched  by  a 
difficult  route  to  the  volcano  of  Pichincha,  west  of  that  city. 
Early  on  the  morning  of  May  24,  the  soldiers  of  Sucre  gazed 
down  upon  the  capital  of  the  presidency. 

General  Aymerich  soon  accepted  the  challenge.  On  May 
24  a  battle,  lasting  about  three  hours,  in  which,  said  O'Leary, 
Colombian  dragoons  and  Plateau  grenadiers  vied  with  each 
other  in  bravery,  was  fought  between  Aymerich  and  Sucre  on 
the  slopes  of  Mount  Pichincha.  The  royalists  were  decisively 
defeated.  As  a  result  of  this  battle,  eleven  hundred  soldiers, 
one  hundred  and  sixty  officers,  fourteen  pieces  of  artillery,  and 
seventeen  hundred  muskets,  besides  standards  and  munitions 
of  war,  were  surrendered  to  General  Sucre.  The  capitulation 
which  followed  the  battle  of  Pichincha  provided  that  the  city 
of  Quito  and  also  the  territory  under  Spanish  domination  north 


252  RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

and  south  of  that  city  were  to  be  given  up  by  the  royalists; 
the  soldiers  of  Spain  were  to  march  out  of  the  capital  with  the 
honors  of  war;  they  were  to  be  allowed  freely  to  leave  the 
country ;  and  the  officers  were  generally  to  be  allowed  to  keep 
their  arms  and  their  horses.  When,  on  the  afternoon  of  May 
25,  Sucre  entered  the  capital  city  at  the  head  of  his  victorious 
columns,  he  was  given  a  cordial  reception  by  the  Quitenos. 
The  news  of  the  victory  of  Pichincha  caused  Bolivar  to  re- 
joice ;  on  June  8,  he  issued  the  following  proclamation  to  his 
soldiers : 

Colombians !  All  your  beauteous  fatherland  is  now  free. 
The  victories  of  Bombona  and  Pichincha  have  completed 
the  work  of  your  heroism.  From  the  banks  of  the  Orinoco 
River  to  the  Peruvian  Andes  the  army  of  liberation,  marching 
triumphantly,  has  covered  all  the  territory  of  Colombia  with 
its  protecting  arms.  .  .  .  Colombians  of  the  South  !  The  blood 
of  your  brothers  has  redeemed  you  from  the  horrors  of  war. 
.  .  .  The  constitution  of  Colombia  is  the  model  of  a  repre- 
sentative, republican,  and  strong  government.  You  need  not 
expect  to  find  a  better  government  among  the  political  in- 
stitutions of  the  earth,  unless  it  should  be  this  constitution 
made  more  perfect.  .  .  .  Colombians !  share  with  me  the  ocean 
of  joy  which  floods  my  heart;  and  in  your  own  hearts  erect 
altars  to  the  liberating  army  which  has  given  you  glory, 
peace,  and  liberty! 

On  May  29,  the  cahildo  of  Quito  proclaimed  that  the  prov- 
inces of  the  presidency  were  incorporated  into  Colombia.  It 
provided  that  a  medal  celebrating  the  victory  of  Pichincha 
should  be  presented  to  the  soldiers  of  the  liberating  army,  and 
that  a  pyramid  should  be  built  upon  the  field  of  battle  bearing 
an  inscription  to  tlie  eflPect  that  it  was  erected  "by  the  sons 
of  the  equator  to  Simon  Bolivar,  the  angel  of  peace  and  Co- 
lombian liberty."  On  this  monument  there  was  also  to  be 
inscribed  the  name  of  Sucre  with  these  words :  "Quito  free 
on  May  24,  1822."  The  busts  of  Bolivar  and  Sucre  were  to 
be  placed  in  the  hall  of  the  cahildo  as  well  as  in  the  palace  of 
government.    The  victory  of  Pichincha  was  indeed  a  milestone 


SIMON  DE  BOLIVAR  253 

on  the  road  to  South-American  independence.  It  had  a  bene- 
ficial influence  upon  Bolivar's  fortunes,  for  the  royalists  of 
Pasto  soon  capitulated:  on  June  16  Bolivar  entered  the  city 
of  Quito  amid  the  plaudits  of  the  inhabitants.  He  soon  pro- 
claimed that  the  liberated  territory  was  incorporated  with 
Colombia. 

Even  before  the  battle  of  Pichincha  took  place,  Bolivar 
had  kept  a  watchful  eye  upon  the  protector  of  Peru.  A 
friend  of  the  liberator  in  San  Martin's  camp  had  kept  him  in- 
formed of  the  jealousy  which  the  protector's  officers  enter- 
tained of  their  leader  and  of  their  dislike  for  his  monarchical 
schemes.  After  he  received  reports  of  the  negotiations  of 
Punchauca,  Bolivar  directed  his  secretary.  Colonel  O'Leary,  to 
instruct  Colonel  Ibarra,  a  Colombian  in  San  Martin's  army, 
to  induce  that  leader  to  desist  from  his  project  of  establishing 
a  throne  in  Peru.  Bolivar  argued  that  such  a  scandalous  proj- 
ect would  produce  new  dissensions  among  the  patriots  and 
would  stimulate  the  Spaniards  to  continue  the  war.  He  de- 
clared that  Colombia  would  not  agree  to  such  a  scheme,  for 
it  harmonized  neither  with  her  institutions  nor  with  her  de- 
sires for  liberty.  The  liberator's  apprehensions  regarding  San 
Martin's  plan  for  the  establishment  of  a  European  prince  in 
South  America  became  miore  acute  when  he  heard  of  the 
progress  of  the  Mexican  revolution  under  Agustin  de  Iturbide. 
On  November  15,  1821,  after  he  heard  of  the  treaty  of  Cor- 
doba, Bolivar  wrote  to  San  Martin  announcing  that  he  would 
soon  march  to  complete  the  liberation  of  southern  Colombia. 

At  present  the  liberty  of  the  southern  provinces  of  Co- 
lombia and  the  complete  expulsion  of  the  enemies  who  re- 
main in  South  America  is  of  increasing  importance,  because 
events  in  Mexico  will  give  a  new  aspect  to  the  American 
revolution.  This  new  order  of  things  gives  me  reason  to  be- 
lieve that,  if  the  Spanish  cabinet  accepts  the  treaty  which 
Generals  Iturbide  and  O'Donoju  have  agreed  to  in  Mexico, 
and,  if  Ferdinand  VIL,  or  some  other  European  prince  goes 
to  that  country,  Spain  will  entertain  similar  designs  in  re- 
gard to  all  the  other  independent  governments  of  Spanish 


254  RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

America:  she  will  desire  to  terminate  her  differences  with 
them  upon  the  same  piinciples  accepted  in  regard  to  Mexico. 
The  transfer  of  European  princes  to  the  New  World  and  their 
support  by  the  monarch;*  of  the  Old  World  may  produce  im- 
portant alterations  in  the  policy  adopted  by  the  government 
of  America.  Accordingly  I  am  more  than  ever  of  opinion 
that  it  is  indispensable  to  complete  the  expulsion  of  the 
Spaniards  from  the  entire  continent.  We  should  draw  closer 
together  and  agree  to  engage  with  the  new  enemies  and  with 
the  new  means  which  they  can  employ. 

Evidently  San  Martin  was  also  of  opinion  that  Peru  and 
Colombia  should  cooperate  in  the  war  for  independence.  In 
January,  1822,  he  made  public  in  Lima  his  intention  of  meeting 
the  liberator  of  Colombia  at  Guayaquil.  The  protector  of 
Peru  declared  that  an  interview  with  Bolivar  was  necessary  in 
order  to  promote  the  interests  of  both  Peru  and  Colombia,  to 
prosecute  the  war  with  energy,  and  to  ensure  a  stable  destiny 
for  Spanish  America.  "The  course  of  events,"  said  he,  had 
made  them  "in  a  high  degree  responsible  for  the  outcome"  of 
their  "sublime  enterprise."  On  June  17,  1822,  Bolivar  wrote  a 
letter  to  San  Martin  from  Quito  expressing  a  desire  to  furnish 
effectual  aid  to  Peru  in  the  campaign  against  the  royalists.  On 
July  13,  1822,  the  protector  replied: 

Peru  is  the  only  field  of  battle  which  remains  in  America: 
there  those  men  should  unite  who  wish  to  share  the  honor 
of  the  last  triumph  over  the  forces  which  have  been  van- 
quished in  the  rest  of  the  continent.  To  promote  the  success 
of  this  campaign  and  to  leave  nothing  to  the  fluctuations  of 
fortune,  I  accept  the  generous  offer  which  you  made  to  me  in 
your  letter  of  June  17.  Peru  will  receive  with  enthusiasm 
and  gratitude  all  the  troops  that  your  Excellency  can  spare. 

Temporarily  delegating  his  power  to  the  Marquis  of  Torre 
Tagle,  San  Martin  embarked  on  board  the  Macedonia,  and 
sailed  towards  the  former  presidency  of  Quito.  When  the 
protector  of  Peru  reached  Guayaquil,  he  found  that  the  lib- 
erator of  Colombia  had  already  taken  possession  of  that  port. 


SIMON  DE  BOLIVAR  255 

Bolivar  feigned  surprise  at  the  arrival  of  San  Martin,  but 
effusively  welcomed  him  to  "Colombian  soil." 

San  Martin  spent  July  26  and  2"]  at  Guayaquil.  The  meet- 
ing of  San  Martin  and  Bolivar  at  that  port  was  enveloped  in 
a  cloud  of  mystery,  which  has  not  been  completely  lifted.  For 
no  unprejudiced  third  party  witnessed  their  conferences : — the 
only  descriptions  of  their  conversations  are  those  which  ema- 
nated directly  or  indirectly  from  Bolivar  or  San  Martin. 
Shortly  after  the  mysterious  interview,  both  participants  ad- 
mitted that  they  had  there  discussed  the  fortunes  of  Spanish 
America;  and  each  leader  left  on  record  his  impressions  of  his 
great  antagonist.  Among  the  correspondence  of  Bolivar  there 
are  found  some  brief  characterizations  of  his  rival.  On  Sep- 
tember 2G,  1S22,  he  wrote  to  Fernando  Penalver,  "General 
San  Martin  came  to  see  me  at  Guayaquil:  he  appeared  to  me 
the  same  that  he  seemed  to  those  persons  who  have  judged 
him  in  the  most  favorable  manner."  On  July  29,  he  wrote  to 
Santander  concerning  San  Martin :  "His  character  appeared 
to  me  to  be  decidedly  military;  he  appeared  to  be  active, 
prompt,  and  not  obtuse."    A  little  later  Bolivar  wrote  to  Sucre : 

General  San  Martin  had  the  respect  of  the  army  which 
was  accustomed  to  obey  him,  while  the  people  of  Peru  con- 
sidered him  as  their  liberator.  Besides,  he  had  been  for- 
tunate, and  you  know  that  illusions  lent  by  fortune  are  at 
times  worth  more  than  merit.  In  fine,  my  friend,  Peru  has 
lost  a  good  captain  and  a  benefactor. 

From  expressions  which  escaped  from  San  Martin  upon 
various  occasions,  it  is  clear  that  he  was  disappointed  with  the 
personality  and  the  designs  of  his  Colombian  antagonist. 
Many  years  later,  the  French  traveler.  La  Fond,  recorded  San 
Martin's  opinion  of  General  Bolivar  in  these  words: 

He  appeared  to  possess  much  pride,  which  hardly  har- 
monized with  his  habit  of  never  looking  into  the  face  of  the 
person  whom  he  addressed, — at  least  unless  that  person  was 
greatly  his  inferior.    I  was  able  to  convince  myself  of  his  lack 


256  RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

of  frankness  in  the  conferences  which  I  had  with  him  at 
Guayaquil,  for  he  never  responded  in  a  positive  manner  to 
my  propositions  but  always  in  evasive  terms.  I  perceived — 
and  Bolivar  himself  told  me — that  those  officers  in  whom  he 
had  most  confidence  were  the  Englishmen  who  served  in  his 
army.  To  touch  upon  another  trait,  his  manners  were  dis- 
tingue and  showed  the  good  education  which  he  had  received. 
His  language  was  at  times  somewhat  trivial,  but  it  seemed 
to  me  that  this  was  not  a  natural  defect,  and  that  he  only 
sought  in  this  manner  to  assume  a  most  martial  air.  Public 
opinion  accused  him  of  excessive  ambition  and  an  ardent 
thirst  for  command — a  reproach  which  he  himself  has  com- 
pletely justified.  People  credited  him  with  great  disinterest- 
edness, and  that  justly,  for  he  died  in  poverty.  Bolivar  was 
very  popular  with  his  soldiers,  for  he  permitted  them  a  li- 
cense which  military  laws  did  not  authorize ;  but  he  was  much 
less  popular  with  his  officers,  whom  he  often  treated  in  a  fash- 
ion that  was  most  humiliating. 

Not  until  after  the  death  of  Bolivar,  however,  did  San 
Martin  give  to  the  world  a  letter  which  he  had  written  to  that 
commander  from  Lima  one  month  after  the  conferences  at 
Guayaquil.     This  letter  is  worth  quoting  at  length. 

The  results  of  our  interview  have  not  been  those  which, 
as  I  promised  myself,  would  promote  the  speedy  termination 
of  the  war.  Unfortunately,  I  am  fully  convinced  either  that 
you  did  not  believe  that  the  offer  which  I  made  to  serve  under 
your  orders  was  sincere,  or  that  else  you  felt  that  my  pres- 
ence in  your  army  would  be  an  impediment  to  your  success. 
Permit  me  to  say  that  the  two  reasons  which  you  expressed 
to  me:  first,  that  your  delicacy  would  not  permit  you  to  com- 
mand me;  and,  second,  that  even  if  this  difficulty  were 
overcome,  you  were  certain  that  the  congress  of  Colombia 
would  not  consent  to  your  departure  from  that  republic,  do 
not  appear  plausible  to  me.  The  first  reason  refutes  itself. 
In  respect  to  the  second  reason,  I  am  strongly  of  the  opinion 
that  the  slightest  suggestion  from  you  to  the  congress  of 
Colombia  would  be  received  with  unanimous  approval,  pro- 
vided that  it  was  concerned  with  the  cooperation  of  yourself 
and  your  army  in  the  struggle  in  which  we  are  engaged.  The 
high   honor    of   terminating   the    struggle    for    independence 


SIMON  DE  BOLIVAR  257 

would  reflect  as  much  credit  upon  you  as  upon  the  republic 
over  which  you  preside. 

General,  do  not  delude  yourself.  The  reports  which  you 
have  received  of  the  royalist  forces  are  misleading:  in  Upper 
and  Lower  Peru  they  amount  to  over  nineteen  thousand  vet- 
eran soldiers  who  can  be  united  within  two  months.  The  pa- 
triot army  is  decimated  by  sickness:  there  cannot  be  placed 
in  battle  array  more  than  eight  thousand  five  hundred  men  of 
whom  the  greater  number  are  recruits.  .  .  .  The  division  of 
fourteen  hundred  Colombian  soldiers  that  you  might  send 
would  be  necessary  to  maintain  the  garrison  of  Callao  and 
to  preserve  order  in  Lima.  .  .  .  Thus  the  struggle  will  be 
prolonged  for  an  indefinite  period.  I  say  an  indefinite  period; 
for  I  am  profoundly  convinced  that,  whatever  the  vicissitudes 
of  the  present  war,  the  independence  of  America  is  inevitable. 
I  am  convinced,  however,  that  the  prolongation  of  the  war 
will  cause  the  ruin  of  her  people ;  hence  it  is  a  sacred  duty  of 
those  men  to  whom  America's  destinies  are  confided  to  pre- 
vent the  continuation  of  great  evils. 

Lastly,  general,  my  decision  has  been  irrevocably  made. 
I  have  convened  the  first  congress  of  Peru  for  the  twentieth 
of  next  month:  on  the  day  following  that  on  which  congress 
convenes,  I  shall  embark  for  Chile,  for  I  am  convinced  that 
my  presence  is  the  only  obstacle  which  prevents  you  from 
marching  to  Peru  with  your  army.  It  would  have  been  the 
acme  of  happiness  for  me  to  have  terminated  the  war  of 
independence  under  the  orders  of  a  general  to  whom  America 
owes  her  liberty.    Fate  decreed  otherwise.  .  .  . 

I  will  say  nothing  to  you  regarding  the  reunion  of  Guaya- 
quil to  the  republic  of  Colombia.  Permit  me,  however,  to 
suggest  that,  in  my  opinion,  we  were  not  called  upon  to  decide 
that  important  affair.  After  the  war  had  terminated,  the 
respective  governments  could  have  adjusted  this  question 
without  causing  results  which  may  now  prejudice  the  inter- 
ests of  the  new  South-American  states. 

I  have  spoken  to  you,  general,  with  frankness,  but  the 
sentiments  which  this  letter  contains  will  remain  buried  in  the 
most  profound  silence:  if  they  were  to  become  public,  our 
enemies  might  profit  by  them  and  injure  the  cause  of  liberty, 
while  ambitious  and  intriguing  persons  might  use  them  to 
foment  discord. 

With  Commander  Delgado,  the  bearer  of  this  letter,  I  send 


258  RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

to  you  a  gun  and  a  pair  of  pistols,  as  well  as  a  pacer  which  I 
offered  to  you  in  Guayaquil.  Accept  this  remembrance  from 
the  first  of  your  admirers. 

In  conclusion  San  Martin  expressed  the  wish  that  the  glory 
of  terminating  the  South-American  war  for  independence 
might  belong  to  Bolivar  alone.  Inferences  drawn  from  this 
important  document — which  does  not  appear  to  have  been 
found  among  Bolivar's  papers — indicates  what  took  place  at 
secret  conferences  between  Bolivar  and  San  Martin.  The  de- 
cision was  evidently  reached  that  Guayaquil,  the  key  to  the 
former  presidency  of  Quito,  should  remain  in  Bolivar's  pos- 
session. San  Martin  deemed  that  the  liberator  did  not  offer 
to  furnish  a  sufficient  number  of  Colombian  soldiers  to  co- 
operate in  the  war  for  Peruvian  independence,  because  the 
projected  campaign  against  the  royalists  was  confronted  with 
immense  difficulties;  while  Bolivar  diplomatically  but  firmly 
declined  to  accept  the  generous  offer  of  San  Martin  to  serve 
imder  him  against  the  Spaniards.  As  a  consequence,  the  pro- 
tector of  Peru  decided  to  withdraw  from  public  life.  Obvi- 
ously, he  hoped  that  the  ambitious  liberator  of  Colombia 
would  then  bring  his  army  to  Peru  and  lead  in  person  the  last 
struggle  against  Spain.  While  the  writer  admires  the  spirit 
of  self-abnegation  that  animated  San  Martin,  he  must  com- 
mend the  decision  which  entrusted  the  struggle  in  the  debatable 
land  to  his  resourceful  rival.  For  his  veteran  soldiers,  his 
able  lieutenants,  and  his  genuine  powers  of  leadership,  seemed 
to  make  Bolivar  the  man  of  destiny,  who,  if  unhampered  by 
rivalries  and  jealousies,  might  bring  the  war  for  independence 
to  a  successful  termination. 

It  should  be  noticed,  however,  that,  according  to  sources 
emanating  from  Bolivar,  there  was  another  side  to  the  famous 
interview.  In  Bolivar's  letter  to  Santander  of  July  29,  1822, 
the  liberator  stated  that  San  Martin  had  declared  that  he 
neither  desired  to  become  king  of  Peru  nor  did  he  desire  a 
democracy  there,  for  he  wished  that  a  prince  should  come 
from  Europe  to  rule  that  state.     In  this  letter  Bolivar  men- 


SIMON  DE  BOLIVAR  259 

tioned  a  memorandum  of  his  conversations  with  San  Martin 
which  he  was  transmitting  to  Bogota.  That  memorandum 
was  evidently  a  letter  written  to  the  secretary  of  state  of  Co- 
lombia from  Guayaquil  on  July  29,  1822,  by  J.  G.  Perez, 
Bolivar's  general  secretary, — a  letter  the  original  of  which  the 
writer  has  seen  in  the  Colombian  archives  with  his  own  eyes. 
Perez  reported  San  Martin  as  saying  that  before  he  retired 
from  public  life,  he  wished  to  see  the  foundations  of  govern- 
ment well  established:  'that  the  government  should  not  be 
democratic  in  Peru,  for  such  a  system  did  not  suit  that  coun- 
try; and  that  there  should  come  from  Europe  a  prince  who 
would  take  complete  charge  of  the  state.  His  excellency, 
Bolivar,  replied  that  the  introduction  of  European  princes 
would  not  suit  America  or  Colombia,  for  they  were  so  differ- 
ent from  our  peoples:  that,  for  his  part,  he  would  oppose 
this,  so  far  as  he  was  able;  but  that  he  would  not  object  to 
the  particular  form  of  government  which  each  state  wished  to 
adopt  for  itself.  On  this  point,  Bolivar  added  his  thoughts 
in  regard  to  the  character  of  governments,  making  a  refer- 
ence to  his  discourse  to  the  congress  of  Angostura.  The  pro- 
tector of  Peru  replied  that  the  European  prince  would  arrive 
later.  Whereupon,  Bolivar  responded  that  he  would  never 
agree  to  allow  such  princes  to  be  enthroned  in  America;  that 
he  would  prefer  to  invite  General  Iturbide  to  accept  the 
throne;  in  order  that  no  Bourbons,  or  Austrians,  or  other 
European  dynasty  should  come  to  America/ 

If  we  accept  this  version  of  the  interview  as  supplementary 
to  the  account  of  San  Martin,  it  is  clear  that  at  Guayaquil  his 
design  to  enthrone  European  princes  in  South  America  was 
buried  beyond  resurrection.  It  is  certain  that  the  triumph 
of  Bolivar  over  his  rival  in  the  mysterious  conferences  near 
the  equator  made  him  the  dominant  personality  of  the  South- 
American  revolution.  An  anecdote  has  come  down  to  us  that, 
at  a  banquet  which  followed  the  last  conference,  Bolivar  gave 
a  toast.  "To  the  two  greatest  men  of  South  America:  Gen- 
eral San  Martin  and  myself,"  and  that  San  Martin  made  the 


26o  RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

response,  'Tor  the  speedy  termination  of  the  war,  the  organi- 
zation of  the  different  republics  of  the  continent,  and  the 
health  of  the  liberator  of  Colombia."  In  the  record  of  this 
incident,  which  may  be  partly  apocryphal,  we  may  read  the 
judgment  which  posterity  has  passed  upon  the  character  and 
the  aspirations  of  these  two  men.  That  story  rightly  sug- 
gests how  they  drew  a  veil  over  their  negotiations  and  tacitly 
presented  to  the  world  an  appearance  of  harmony  and  friend- 
ship. 

The  mood  of  the  protector  of  Peru  at  this  juncture  is  re- 
vealed in  a  letter  which  he  wrote  to  O'Higgins  on  August  25, 
1822. 

Believe  me,  my  friend,  I  am  tired  of  being  called  tyrant, 
and  of  having  it  said  in  all  quarters  that  I  wish  to  become  a 
king,  an  emperor,  or  even  the  devil.  Further,  my  health  has 
become  much  poorer:  the  climate  of  this  country  is  bringing 
me  to  my  grave.  Lastly,  as  my  youth  was  sacrificed  in  the 
service  of  Spain  and  my  middle  age  in  the  service  of  my 
native  land,  I  believe  that  I  have  the  right  to  dispose  of  my 
old  age. 

Step  by  step  San  Martin  retired  from  the  scene.  From 
Guayaquil  he  returned  to  Lima.  There  the  delegates  who  had 
been  chosen  to  the  first  Peruvian  congress  met  on  September 
29,  1822.  San  Martin  at  once  resigned  his  position  as  pro- 
tector of  Peru.  The  constituent  congress  thanked  **the  first 
soldier  of  liberty"  for  his  services ;  it  appointed  him  generalis- 
Bimo  of  the  army  and  navy,  and  granted  him  a  pension  of 
twelve  thousand  pesos  per  annum  during  his  lifetime.  San. 
Martin  firmly  declined  to  exercise  the  functions  of  commander- 
in-chief,  declaring  that  his  presence  in  Peru  would  be  incon- 
sistent with  the  continued  existence  of  congress.  He  declared 
that,  if  the  liberty  of  Peru  were  ever  attacked,  he  would 
spring  to  her  defense.  On  September  20,  1822,  he  issued  a 
farewell  address  to  the  Peruvians  which  breathes  his  admirable 
spirit  and  furnishes  his  answer  to  the  charge  that  he  desired 
to  become  king  of  Peru. 


SIMON  DE  BOLIVAR  261 

I  have  witnessed  the  declarations  of  the  independence  of 
the  states  of  Chile  and  Peru;  I  hold  in  my  hand  the  standard 
which  Pizarro  brought  to  enslave  the  empire  of  the  Incas; 
and  I  have  ceased  to  be  a  public  man.  Thus  am  I  recom- 
pensed with  usury  for  ten  years  employed  in  revolution  and 
in  war.  My  promises  to  the  countries  for  which  I  have  fought 
are  fulfilled:  to  secure  their  independence,  and  to  leave  them 
to  select  their  own  governments.  The  presence  of  a  fortunate 
soldier,  however  disinterested  he  may  be,  is  dangerous  to 
newly-established  states.  Then,  too,  I  am  weary  of  hearing 
people  say  that  I  wish  to  make  myself  a  monarch.  Neverthe- 
less, I  shall  always  be  ready  to  make  the  last  sacrifice  for  the 
liberty  of  this  country,  but  only  in  the  capacity  of  a  private 
citizen.  With  regard  to  my  public  conduct,  my  compatriots, 
as  in  most  affairs,  will  be  divided  in  opinion: — their  children 
will  give  a  just  verdict. 

The  remaining  years  of  San  Martin's  life  were  spent  as  an 
exile  from  Peru.  From  Lima  he  proceeded  to  Santiago. 
Thence  he  soon  departed  to  seek  repose  on  an  estate  near  his 
ever-beloved  Mendoza.  Here  he  received  the  mournful  news 
of  the  death  of  his  wife  in  the  city  of  Buenos  Aires.  In  1824 
he  departed  from  that  city  for  Europe,  with  his  little  daugh- 
ter Maria  Mercedes.  After  paying  a  brief  visit  to  England, 
which  he  reached  at  the  same  time  as  Agustin  de  Iturbide, 
San  Martin  took  up  his  residence  in  Brussels,  where  he  su- 
pervised his  daughter's  education.  Although  the  hero  of  San 
Lorenzo  had  been  treated  with  indifference  and  neglect  on 
his  return  to  Buenos  Aires,  yet  he  displayed  a  lively  interest 
in  South-American  affairs,  corresponding  with  Guido,  O'Hig- 
gins,  and  General  Miller — an  Englishman  who  had  served 
in  the  wars  for  independence.  When,  in  April,  1826,  General 
Miller  wrote  to  San  Martin  and  intimated  that  Bolivar  had 
declared  that  the  mysterious  interview  at  Guayaquil  was  chiefly 
concerned  with  San  Martin's  design  to  crown  himself  emperor 
of  Peru,  San  Martin  replied  that,  if  he  had  entertained  such  a 
design,  he  would  have  merited  the  appellation  of  impostor. 
•I  can  assure  you  that,  if  this  had  been  my  design,  Bolivar 


2(i2  RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

could  not  have  made  me  change  my  plan/  In  1829  San  Martin 
sailed  from  Europe  for  South  America:  his  intention  was  to 
live  a  secluded  life  at  Mendoza.  Before  disembarking  at 
Buenos  Aires,  however,  he  became  convinced  that  political 
conditions  were  so  unsettled  that  he  could  not  live  in  his  native 
land  without  becoming  involved  in  factional  strife.  In  con- 
sequence he  sadly  returned  to  Europe.  Sometimes  the  volun- 
tary exile  was  ill ;  and  he  was  often  in  financial  straits :  these 
circumstances  at  times  made  him  speak  with  bitterness  of  the 
ingratitude  of  the  republics  of  South  America  toward  himself. 
Ultimately,  however,  through  the  generosity  of  a  former  com- 
rade-in-arms in  Spain,  the  financial  condition  of  San  Martin 
was  improved.  After  living  for  a  short  time  in  Paris,  he  se- 
cured a  comfortable  home  near  that  capital.  In  1848  the 
precarious  state  of  his  health  caused  him  to  transfer  his  resi- 
dence to  Boulogne,  where  he  died  on  August  17,  1850.  Three 
days  later  he  was  buried  in  the  cathedral  of  that  city.  In 
1880,  in  accordance  with  his  last  wishes,  the  remams  of  San 
Martin  were  disinterred,  and  transported  to  Argentina.  There, 
on  May  29,  they  were  reinterred  with  much  ceremony  in  the 
cathedral  of  Buenos  Aires.  The  sword  which  General  San 
Martin  had  carried  in  the  revolutionary  wars,  he  bequeathed  to 
General  Rosas  of  the  Argentine  republic,  because  the  latter 
had  upheld  the  honor  of  that  state  against  the  pretensions  of 
foreign  powers. 

While  the  personality  of  San  Martin  ordinarily  made  a 
favorable  impression  upon  foreigners  who  met  him,  yet  it 
appears  that  his  associates  sometimes  saw  only  the  less  agree- 
able traits  of  his  disposition.  For  the  most  part,  San  Martin 
disdained  to  leave  behind  him  documents  which  might  explain 
or  interpret  his  changing  moods.  We  may  safely  judge  that 
certain  idiosyncrasies  were  probably  due  to  constitutional  in- 
firmities. Intimations  may  indeed  be  found  in  his  private  pa- 
pers, as  well  as  among  the  dispatches  from  English  naval 
officers  on  the  Pacific  coast  to  their  government,  that  San 
Martin  occasionally  resorted  to  the  use  of  morphine  to  alle- 


SIMON  DE  BOLIVAR  263 

viate  his  sufferings.  At  rare  moments,  San  Martin's  pen  re- 
vealed his  attitude  toward  contemporaries ;  witness  the  inscrip- 
tion, which,  at  his  direction,  was  carved  on  his  wife's  mauso- 
leum in  the  city  of  Buenos  Aires,  "Here  lies  Remedies  Esca- 
lada,  the  wife  and  friend  of  General  San  Martin."  His  con- 
ception of  a  woman's  role  in  the  world  is  suggested  in  the 
statement  which  he  made  concerning  the  object  of  his  daugh- 
ter's education:  namely,  that  it  was  not  to  fashion  her  into  a 
dame  after  the  grand  mode,  but  "to  make  her  a  tender  mother 
and  a  good  spouse."  The  conduct  of  San  Martin,  who  re- 
mained an  exile  from  his  native  land  in  order  that  he  might 
not  encourage  a  factional  spirit  there,  furnishes  a  contrast 
with  Iturbide's  conduct.  Among  the  remarks  made  by  San 
Martin  while  living  in  exile,  one,  in  particular,  deserves  to  be 
mentioned:  he  sagely  said  that,  in  regard  to  contemporary 
affairs,  men  were  accustomed  to  judge  according  to  their 
prejudices,  but  that  history  would  record  the  truth. 

San  Martin  was  not  endowed  in  a  high  degree  with  the  art 
of  a  politician,  the  finesse  of  a  diplomat,  or  the  administrative 
ability  of  a  statesman.  Never  did  he  take  the  people,  seldom 
did  he  take  his  associates,  completely  into  his  confidence.  Nor 
did  he  make  a  consistent  and  well-sustained  effort  to  appear  to 
do  so.  But  San  Martin  had  an  organizing  brain;  he  had  a 
prophetic  vision,  for  he  saw  in  the  liberation  of  Chile  and  Peru 
the  best  guarantee  of  South- American  independence;  and  he 
possessed  an  indomitable  will  that  triumphed  over  great  and 
numberless  obstacles.  So  little  confidence  did  he  entertain  in 
the  capacity  of  South  America  for  self-government,  that  he 
preferred  a  monarchical  form  of  government  to  a  democracy. 
Conscious  that  a  strong  spirit  of  sectionalism  existed  in  some 
provinces  of  the  former  viceroy alty  of  la  Plata,  he  decried 
proposals  for  the  establishment  of  a  federal  republic  at  Buenos 
Aires.  After  reaching  Peru,  this  high-minded  patriot  unfor- 
tunately lost  the  confidence  of  his  jealous  comrades.  What 
was  said  of  Miranda  may  almost  be  said  of  San  Martin: 
namely,  that  the  separation  of  South  America  from  Spain 


264  RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

eventually  became  the  ruling  purpose  of  his  life.  But  San 
Martin  would  deliberately  have  made  the  Spanish-American 
states  appanages  of  Europe. 

Fame  has  been  gracious  to  San  Martin.  The  name  of 
Simon  de  Bolivar  is  not  more  deeply  graven  upon  the  hearts 
of  his  fellow-countrymen  than  the  name  of  San  Martin  upon 
the  hearts  of  the  citizens  of  southern  South  America.  Mis- 
judged by  his  associates,  with  no  true  apologist  among  his  con- 
temporaries, Jose  de  San  Martin,  silent  and  reserved,  is  re- 
vealed in  history  as  one  of  the  founders  of  Argentina,  a  liber- 
ator of  Chile  and  Peru, — the  warrior  whose  valiant  leadership 
helped  to  ensure  the  ultimate  triumph  of  Bolivar.  The  writer 
indeed  hardly  knows  which  to  admire  the  more,  the  heroic 
march  of  San  Martin  across  the  Andes,  or  the  remarkable 
spirit  of  self-abnegation  with  which  he  relinquished  the  posi- 
tion of  protector  of  Peru,  in  order  to  promote  the  liberty  and 
welfare  of  South  America. 

Upon  Jose  de  San  Martin  widely  different  judgments  have 
been  passed,  depending  upon  the  prejudice  or  the  viewpoint  of 
the  writer.  Here  only  a  few  estimates  of  South-American 
writers  may  be  noticed.  The  Venezuelan,  C.  A.  Villanueva, 
grudgingly  declared  that,  although  San  Martin  was  a  great 
general,  yet  he  lacked  the  qualities  of  a  great  leader.  The 
Argentine  writer,  Manuel  F.  Montilla,  extravagantly  eulogized 
San  Martin  as  a  master  of  the  art  of  war,  a  pure  liberator,  a 
most  magnanimous  and  noble  statesman,  a  humble  and  disin- 
terested patriot, — the  greatest  man  whom  the  New  World  has 
produced.  Many  and  diverse  are  the  parallels  which  have 
been  made  between  San  Martin  and  Bolivar.  A  unique  com- 
parison was  made  by  the  Chilean  publicist,  Domingo  Santa 
Maria,  who  declared  that  San  Martin  was  a  fox,  while  Bolivar 
was  an  eagle. 

Let  us  turn  again  to  Simon  de  Bolivar, — the  greatest  per- 
sonality of  the  heroic  age  of  South  America.  Simon  de 
Bolivar  was  about  five  feet  six  inches  in  height,  lean  of  limb 
and  body.    His  cheek  bones  stood  out  prominently  in  an  oval- 


SIMON  DE  BOLIVAR  265 

shaped  face,  which  tapered  sharply  towards  the  chin.  His 
countenance  was  vivacious;  but  his  skin  was  furrowed  with 
wrinkles,  and  tanned  by  exposure  to  a  tropical  sun.  The 
curly  black  hair  that  once  covered  Bolivar's  head  in  luxuriant 
profusion,  began  to  turn  white  about  1821 :  thenceforth,  he 
was  accustomed  to  wear  his  hair  short.  His  nose  was  long 
and  aquiline.  Flexible,  sensual  lips  were  often  shaded  by  a 
thick  mustache,  while  whiskers  covered  a  part  of  his  face.  In 
1822  Bolivar's  large,  black,  penetrating  eyes,  "with  the  glance 
of  an  eagle,"  were  losing  their  remarkable  brilliancy.  At  that 
time  Bolivar  had  also  lost  some  of  the  animation,  energy, 
and  extraordinary  agility  which  had  distinguished  him  in  youth 
and  early  manhood:  even  the  casual  observer  judged  him  to 
be  many  years  older  than  he  really  was,  so  sick  and  weary  did 
he  appear.  Ordinarily,  Bolivar's  address  was  pleasant  and 
his  manners  were  graceful.  Gifted  with  conversational  ability 
of  no  mean  order,  at  leisure  moments  he  was  accustomed  to  tell 
anecdotes  concerning  his  romantic  career.  He  could  harangue 
his  soldiers  or  address  a  congress  in  eloquent  words.  When 
in  good  humor,  his  manner  was  pleasing  and  attractive;  but 
when  impatient,  irritated,  or  contradicted,  unless  he  was  anx- 
ious to  appear  otherwise,  he  became  disagreeable,  and  at  times 
appeared  to  act  like  a  madman.  A  man  of  many  moods,  jovial, 
talkative,  taciturn,  gloomy,  he  changed  swiftly  from  sunshine 
to  storm.  When  in  a  meditative  mood,  the  liberator  sometimes 
assumed  a  pose  that  was  statuesque. 

The  personality  of  the  liberator  was  indeed  so  complex 
that  it  is  not  easily  described.  Prodigal  in  his  youth,  when  he 
became  dictator  of  Colombia  he  scattered  his  own  silver  with 
open  hand.  He  was  extremely  sensitive  to  criticism,  particu- 
larly did  he  detest  the  criticism  of  the  press.  So  nervous  was 
his  disposition,  that,  even  when  resting  from  the  strife  of  bat- 
tle, or  the  labors  of  the  cabinet,  he  was  seldom  in  complete  re- 
pose. His  slumbers  wer^  short  and  light : — a  habit  to  which, 
on  at  least  one  occasion,  he  owed  his  life.  He  was  very  fond 
of  physical  exercise,  especially  did  he  like  horseback  riding  and 


266  RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

dancing.  Bolivar  was  passionately  fond  of  the  female  sex. 
Certain  South-American  historical  writers  speak  of  his  differ- 
ent mistresses  and  of  his  many  amorous  escapades  with  a 
frankness  that  is  amazing — at  least  to  an  Anglo-Saxon.  At 
the  table  the  liberator's  habits  varied  according  to  circum- 
stances ;  when  necessary,  he  lived  upon  a  soldier's  scanty  fare ; 
at  other  time,  he  had  upon  his  table  rich  viands  and  spark- 
ling wines.  Bolivar  was  a  skillful  horseman.  There  is  a 
tradition  that,  in  the  use  of  the  sword,  he  was  ambidextrous. 
Speaking  of  Bolivar  as  a  warrior,  Paez  said:  "In  the  camp 
Bolivar  showed  his  good  humor  by  jests  and  jokes;  but  when 
on  the  march,  he  always  became  somewhat  fidgety  and  to 
relieve  his  impatience  he  hummed  a  patriotic  song.  A  lover 
of  combat — ^perchance  he  was  too  fond  of  it — while  a  battle 
was  being  fought,  he  showed  the  utmost  serenity.  To  rally 
soldiers  who  had  been  routed,  he  did  not  spare  example,  voice, 
or  sword."  Defeat  left  Bolivar  undismayed.  Said  O'Leary, 
who  served  for  a  time  as  an  aide-de-camp  of  the  liberator: 
"Always  great,  he  was  greatest  in  adversity.  His  enemies  had 
a  saying  that  'when  vanquished  Bolivar  is  more  terrible  than 
when  he  conquers/  " 


CHAPTER  VIII 

ANTONIO  JOSE  DE   SUCRE 

"If  God  should  give  to  men  the  right  to  select  the  members 
of  their  own  family,  I  should  select  .  .  .  for  a  son  General 
Sucre."  Thus,  according  to  his  secretary,  spoke  Simon  de 
Bolivar  of  that  comrade  whose  career  was  closely  interwoven 
with  his  own.  Although  not  so  well  known  as  the  house  of 
Bolivar,  yet  the  members  of  Sucre's  family  had  gained  distinc- 
tion in  the  Spanish  service  in  the  Indies,  where  they  had  lived 
for  several  generations^  The  founder  of  the  Sucre  family  in 
northern  South  America  was  Carlos  de  Sucre,  apparently  a 
native  of  Flanders,  who  faithfully  served  the  Spanish  king  in 
important  offices  at  Carthagena  and  Havana.  On  December 
22,  1729,  Carlos  de  Sucre  was  made  governor  of  the  province 
of  New  Andalusia  in  eastern  Venezuela.  For  many  years 
after  leaving  Cuba,  Governor  Sucre  made  his  home  at  Cumana, 
the  capital  of  New  Andalusia.  His  children  intermarried  with 
prominent  families  of  Venezuela :  his  son  Antonio,  who  seems 
to  have  been  born  in  Cuba,  married  Josefa  Margarita  de 
Urbaneja,  whose  ancestors  apparently  fought  under  the  con- 
quistadores.  In  1792  by  a  royal  decree  Antonio  de  Sucre  was 
appointed  colonel  of  infantry.  One  of  Antonio's  sons  was 
Vicente  Sucre,  who  married  twice.  The  first  wife  of  Vicente 
Sucre  was  Maria  Manuela  de  Alcala,  who  bore  him  a  numerous 
progeny.  On  February  20,  1795,  in  a  church  at  Cumana,  the 
seventh  son  of  this  marriage  was  baptized  Antonio  Jose  Fran- 
cisco: the  brief  entry  in  the  register  of  the  church  indicates 
that  the  child  was  born  aj  Cumana  on  February  3,  1795. 

There  are   very   few   contemporary   documents   available 
which  throw  light  upon  the  early  career  of  Antonio  Jose  de 

767 


268  RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

Sucre.  However,  it  is  clear  that  he  did  not  enjoy  such  edu- 
cational advantages  as  Simon  de  Bolivar.  A  part  of  Sucre's 
education  was  evidently  obtained  in  Caracas.  In  later  life 
Sucre  often  expressed  regret  that  he  had  not  received  the 
proper  training  for  a  political  career.  "It  is  no  disgrace  to 
confess,"  said  he,  "that  I  grew  up  in  the  midst  of  revolution 
and  of  war;  that  my  education  was  in  the  school  of  the  sol- 
dier; and  that  I  know  little  concerning  political  affairs." 
Moreover,  Sucre's  family  encouraged  his  predilection  for  the 
military  profession.  According  to  a  statement  of  Sucre,  a 
paternal  uncle  encouraged  him  to  take  up  arms  for  the  pro- 
visional junta  of  Caracas.  An  official  list  of  the  engineers 
employed  by  that  junta  bearing  date  of  April,  1811,  contains 
the  following  item,  "In  Margarita,  Lieutenant  Don  Antonio 
Sucre  Alcala,  commandant  of  his  department  in  that  island." 
Evidently  Antonio,  who  was  only  sixteen  years  of  age,  had 
been  placed  in  charge  of  the  engineers  in  Margarita.  Another 
fragment  of  evidence  shows  that  in  July,  1812,  this  lad  was 
acting  as  lieutenant  of  the  engineers  and  artillerymen  of  the 
revolutionary  soldiers  who  were  stationed  at  Barcelona.  After 
General  Miranda  capitulated  at  San  Mateo,  Lieutenant  Sucre 
sought  an  asylum  in  the  West  Indies.  From  1813  to  1817  he 
bravely  participated  in  campaigns  which  were  waged  against 
the  royalists  in  northern  South  America.  O'Leary  declares 
that  in  1819  Francisco  A.  Zea,  Vice  President  of  Venezuela, 
appointed  Colonel  Sucre  general.  Sucre  had  accordingly  risen 
to  the  rank  of  revolutionary  general  at  the  early  age  of  twenty- 
three. 

Fragments  of  evidence  which  convey  suggestions  of  Sucre's 
personality  indicate  that  in  stature  he  was  somewhat  below 
the  medium  height.  Sucre  was  an  alert  and  vigorous  man  with 
a  vivacious  countenance  and  pleasing  manners.  Friend  and 
foe  alike  testify  to  his  gentlemanly  demeanor.  The  best  por- 
trait of  General  Sucre  is  probably  that  painted  by  the  Vene- 
zuelan artist  Tovar,  which  depicts  this  general  as  a  man  of 
dignified  mien   with   a  thoughtful   aspect.     In   his   memoirs 


Antonio  Jose  de  Sucre 
(From  a  Portrait  by  Tovar  in  the  Federal  Palace,  Caracas) 


ANTONIO  JOSE  DE  SUCRE  269 

O'Leary  describes  the  first  meeting  of  General  Sucre  and  Gen- 
eral Bolivar  in  an  entertaining  fashion.  He  declares  that, 
while  proceeding  down  the  Orinoco  River  after  the  battle  of 
Boyaca,  the  liberator's  boat  met  a  canoe  going  up  the  river. 
In  a  peremptory  manner,  Bolivar  hailed  the  boat  and  asked, 
"Who  goes  in  this  canoe?"  The  reply  was  "General  Sucre." 
With  anger,  Bolivar  exclaimed,  "There  is  no  such  general"; 
and  he  thereupon  commanded  that  both  crafts  should  make 
for  the  river  bank.  Then  the  youthful  Sucre  explained  that 
although  he  had  been  named  general  because  his  military  serv- 
ices merited  such  promotion,  yet  he  had  not  thought  of  ac- 
cepting the  title  without  the  acquiescence  of  the  liberator. 
Even  though  this  explanation  conveyed  a  rebuke,  the  liberator 
deigned  to  accept  it.  Thenceforth  Bolivar  and  Sucre  were 
loyal  friends,  who  with  some  truth  have  been  characterized 
as  the  Achilles  and  Patroclus  of  the  American  Iliad. 

O'Leary  declared  that  upon  a  certain  occasion,  when  Boli- 
var made  his  entrance  into  Cucuta,  General  Sucre  rode  out  to 
meet  him.  "When  I  beheld  Sucre,"  said  O'Leary,  "I  asked 
the  liberator  who  was  the  horseman  who  approached  us. 
'That,'  he  responded,  'is  one  of  the  best  officials  of  the  army ; 
he  combines  the  professional  knowledge  of  Soublette,  the 
generous  character  of  Bricefio,  the  talent  of  Santander,  and 
the  activity  of  Salom.  ...  I  am  resolved  to  bring  him  into 
the  foreground,  for  I  am  convinced  that  some  day  he  will 
rival  me.' "  As  was  shown  in  the  last  chapter,  early  in  182 1, 
the  liberator  sent  General  Sucre  as  his  substitute  into  the 
presidency  of  Quito, — a  mission  that  was  justified  by  the  vic- 
tory at  Pichincha,  an  operation  which  evoked  words  of  praise 
from  Jose  de  San  Martin.  After  the  fateful  interview  of 
Bolivar  and  San  Martin  at  Guayaquil,  which  determined  that 
the  equatorial  coast  of  South  America  should  be  under  the 
suzerainty  of  Colombia,  a  subject  of  much  anxiety  to  Bolivar 
and  Sucre  was  the  condition  of  Peru. 

In  September,  1822,  the  constituent  congress  of  Peru,  which 
San   Martin   had  mistakenly  convoked,  placed  the  executive 


270  RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

power  of  the  state  in  the  hands  of  a  governmental  junta,  a 
triumvirate  composed  of  its  own  members.    On  December  6, 

1822,  that  congress  promulgated  a  provisional  constitution. 
In  Utopian  terms  the  constitution  declared  that  all  the  prov- 
inces of  Peru  united  into  one  organization  composed  the  Peru- 
vian nation;  that  sovereignty  resided  in  the  nation  which  was 
independent  of  all  foreign  powers, — a  nation  which  could  not 
become  the  patrimony  of  any  person  or  family.  This  new 
nation  was  designated  the  Repuhlica  Peruana;  its  government 
should  be  democratic  and  representative;  and  its  religion 
should  be  exclusively  Roman  Catholicism.  The  separation  of 
the  executive,  the  legislative,  and  the  judicial  departments  was 
declared  to  be  a  fundamental  principle  of  government.  There 
was  a  stipulation  that  the  executive  power  should  never  be 
held  for  life.  Besides  a  congress  of  one  house,  provision  was 
made  for  a  senate  which  should  watch  over  the  execution  of 
the  laws  as  well  as  the  conduct  of  the  republic's  magistrates 
and  citizens.  Judges  were  to  hold  office  for  life.  It  was  pro- 
vided that  the  future  constitution  of  the  Peruvian  republic 
should  acknowledge  Peru's  debts,  should  provide  for  public 
education,  and  should  contain  some  guarantees  of  individual 
rights. 

In  February,  1823,  the  Peruvian  congress  abolished  the 
inefficient  governmental  junta  and  entrusted  the  executive  au- 
thority to  Colonel  Jose  de  la  Riva  Agiiero  with  the  title  of 
president.  The  first  president  of  the  republic  of  Peru  was 
granted  by  congress  the  rank  of  grand  marshal.     In  March, 

1823,  President  Riva  Agiiero  instructed  General  Mariano  Por- 
tocarrero  to  proceed  as  an  envoy  to  Bolivar  in  order  to  solicit 
four  thousand  soldiers,  money,  and  munitions.  Bolivar 
promptly  decided  to  send  three  thousand  Colombian  soldiers 
to  Peru.  On  March  18,  1823,  representatives  of  Colombia  and 
Peru  signed  at  Guayaquil  a  convention  by  which  Bolivar  agreed 
to  aid  the  Peruvian  patriots  with  six  thousand  soldiers,  and 
Peru  agreed  to  pay  the  cost  of  transporting  and  maintaining 
those  troops.    About  a  month  later  General  Sucre  was  sent  to 


ANTONIO  JOSE  DE  SUCRE  271 

Lima  as  Colombia's  commissioner.  On  May  22,  1823,  Sucre 
informed  the  Peruvian  congress  at  Lima  that  the  auxiliary 
Colombian  division  under  his  command  offered  its  services 
to  Peru  for  the  preservation  of  her  liberty.  Bolivar's  instruc- 
tions directed  Sucre  to  take  such  steps  as  were  necessary  to 
promote  the  independence  of  Peru  and  the  safety  of  his  sol- 
diers. He  was  urged  to  beware  of  a  pitched  battle  with  the 
royalists,  for  anything  was  better  than  the  loss  of  a  battle. 
The  army  of  liberation  was  not  to  risk  a  conflict  with  the 
royalists  unless  the  chances  of  victory  were  in  its  favor.  In 
supplementary  instructions  which  Bolivar  sent  to  Sucre  on 
May  25,  1823,  the  latter  was  directed  not  to  engage  in  any 
military  operations  without  carefully  studying  the  plan  of 
campaign.  In  elastic  clauses  General  Sucre  was  authorized  to 
take  whatever  steps  might  seem  necessary  or  prudent  for  the 
liberation  of  Peru  and  the  preservation  of  Colombia's  army. 
In  reality  the  mission  of  Sucre  to  Lima  was  a  reconnaissance. 
Shortly  after  his  arrival  in  the  Peruvian  capital,  Sucre  wrote 
to  the  secretary  of  Bolivar  to  inform  the  latter  of  the  plots 
against  Riva  Agiiero,  and  declared,  "According  to  my  instruc- 
tions, and  guided  by  the  dictates  of  prudence,  I  am  observing 
and  shall  continue  to  observe  a  perfect  neutrality  so  long  as  no 
attempt  is  made  to  disturb  the  public  order  and  so  long  as 
the  government  is  not  attacked  by  factions." 

Sucre's  arrival  in  the  city  of  the  kings  was  followed  by  a 
steady  decline  in  the  power  and  prestige  of  President  Riva 
Agiiero.  Certain  historical  writers  have  attributed  that  decline 
to  the  intrigues  of  Sucre  who  was  secretly  preparing  the  way 
for  his  master.  It  should  be  borne  in  mind,  however,  that, 
after  San  Martin  vanished  from  the  scene,  the  advent  of  Boli- 
var was  almost  inevitable ;  indeed  a  Peruvian  faction  soon 
advocated  that  the  liberator  should  be  brought  to  Lima.  On 
June  20,  1823,  the  Peruvian  congress  sent  two  emissaries  to 
Guayaquil  to  invite  Bolivar  to  Peru.  When  the  royalist  army 
threatened  the  Peruvian  capital,  congress  transferred  its  meet- 
ings to  Callao,  where,  on  June  23,  1823,  it  decreed  that  Riva 


2^2  RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

Agiiero  was  no  longer  to  exercise  his  functions  within  the 
theater  of  hostiHties,  while  on  the  contrary,  it  informed  Sucre 
that  the  fate  of  Peru  was  in  his  hands.  This  step  was  taken 
in  the  presence  of  the  enemy,  for  when  General  Canterac 
marched  upon  Lima  with  an  army  of  about  seven  thousand 
men,  Sucre  had  reluctantly  evacuated  the  capital  and  occu- 
pied Callao.  Thus,  for  the  time  being,  he  lost  Lima,  but  saved 
the  army.  In  July  Riva  Agiiero,  who  did  not  renounce  his 
post  in  spite  of  the  growing  opposition  in  congress,  arbitrarily 
dissolved  that  assembly,  which  had  transferred  its  residence 
to  Trujillo ;  but  a  number  of  its  members  reassembled  at  Lima 
— again  evacuated  by  the  Spaniards — where  in  August  they 
declared  Riva  Agiiero  to  be  a  traitor,  and  appointed  the  Mar- 
quis of  Torre  Tagle  president  of  Peru.  The  writer  has  not 
found  evidence  to  substantiate  the  view  that  these  grave 
civil  dissensions  in  the  Peruvian  republic  were  due  mainly 
to  Sucre's  influence.  In  truth,  it  was  in  accordance  with  a 
secret  agreement  between  Riva  Agiiero  and  Sucre  dated  June 
22,  1823,  that  the  latter  prepared  for  an  expedition  against  the 
royalists  in  southern  Peru.  There  Sucre  found  it  impossible 
to  cooperate  with  General  Andres  Santa  Cruz,  who  was  sub- 
sequently defeated  by  the  Spaniards.  Enough  has  been  said 
of  the  tumultuous  events  in  Peru  to  indicate  that  the  talented, 
unfortunate,  and  misunderstood  Riva  Agiiero, — who  is  viewed 
by  his  great-grandson  as  the  champion  of  Peruvian  nationality 
against  the  imperialistic  hero  of  Colombia — was  impotent  to 
control  the  situation.  Conditions  were  indeed  ripe  for  the  ad- 
vent of  Bolivar. 

In  response  to  the  liberator's  request,  early  in  June,  1823, 
the  congress  of  Colombia  granted  Bolivar  permission  to  leave 
Colombian  soil,  in  order  that  he  might  personally  direct  the 
war  for  Peruvian  independence.  On  September  i  Bolivar 
landed  at  Callao ;  he  proceeded  immediately  to  Lima,  where 
he  was  given  a  flattering  reception.  Amid  the  acclamations  of 
the  populace  he  was  escorted  to  the  mansion  designated  fo' 
his  residence.     The  Gaceta  de  Lima  compared  the  liberator 


ANTONIO  JOSE  DE  SUCRE  273 

with  General  Washington;  it  characterized  him  as  "the  first 
soldier  of  America."  At  a  banquet  which  was  given  in  Boli- 
var's honor  in  the  former  viceregal  palace  certain  Peruvian 
leaders  toasted  the  Colombian  hero.  In  response  Bolivar  ex- 
pressed the  hope  that  the  Spanish-Americans  might  never  con- 
sent 'to  the  erection  of  a  throne  in  their  territory,  that  just  as 
Napoleon  was  swallowed  up  in  the  ocean,  and  as  the  new 
Emperor,  Iturbide,  was  driven  from  the  throne  of  Mexico, 
thus  might  the  usurpers  of  the  rights  of  the  American  people 
be  humbled  until  not  one  remained  triumphant  in  the  New 
World.'  The  Peruvian  congress  received  the  liberator  of 
Colombia  with  enthusiasm,  while  he  apparently  promised  to 
liberate  Peru,  or  to  die  in  the  attempt.  On  September  10, 
1823,  congress  decreed  that  there  should  be  deposited  in  the 
hands  of  Simon  de  Bolivar,  who  was  given  the  title  of  liberator, 
the  supreme  military  authority  of  Peru  and  the  political  au- 
thority, so  far  as  was  necessary  for  the  prosecution  of  the 
war.  The  news  of  Bolivar's  arrival  on  Peruvian  soil  made 
Sucre  rejoice.  At  Arequipa,  on  October  7,  he  issued  a  procla- 
mation to  his  soldiers  announcing  that  he  transferred  the 
command  of  the  united  army  to  Bolivar,  "the  son  of  liberty." 
Soon  after  Bolivar  was  declared  liberator  of  Peru,  he  at- 
tempted to  initiate  negotiations  to  terminate  the  dissen- 
sions between  congress  and  Riva  Agiiero,  but  in  vain :  a  short 
time  afterwards  that  leader  was  exiled  from  his  native  land, 
nursing  in  his  heart  a  bitter  hatred  of  the  Colombian  com- 
manders. 

Months  before  he  reached  Lima,  Bolivar  had  sketched 
plans  for  a  campaign  against  General  Canterac.  In  a  plan 
which  he  presented  to  General  Sucre  in  May,  1823,  the  lib- 
erator argued  that  the  Colombian  soldiers  should  keep  pos- 
session of  Peru,  but  that  they  should  rather  remain  inactive 
than  be  defeated  by  the  royalists.  Bolivar  took  the  view  that 
the  patriot  forces  were  not  "ready  to  take  the  offensive  against 
the  disciplined  and  experienced  soldiers  of  Spain.  "Canterac 
and  Valdez  are  not  terrible;  still  their  resources,  their  posi- 


274  RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

tions,  and  their  victories  give  them  a  decided  superiority  which 
cannot  be  overcome  suddenly  but  only  slowly  and  progres- 
sively." To  this  view  Bolivar  wisely  adhered  despite  the  pug- 
nacious advice  of  Sucre,  who  wished  to  take  the  offensive  at 
once.  Near  the  end  of  1823  Sucre  took  charge  of  the  Colom- 
bian soldiers  who  were  stationed  north  of  Lima;  in  Decem- 
ber of  that  year  Bolivar  advised  Sucre  to  take  preparatory 
steps  for  a  campaign  against  the  royalists.  The  impetuous 
liberator  of  Colombia  had  become  the  cautious  dictator  of 
Peru. 

Early  in  1824,  even  Bolivar  saw  clearly  that  his  extraordi- 
nary activity  had  sapped  his  constitution.  He  felt  deeply  hurt 
at  the  intrigues  which  were  being  carried  on  against  him  in 
Colombia.  A  letter  which  he  wrote  to  Sucre  on  January  16, 
1824,  will  suggest  the  despondent  mood  into  which  the  libera- 
tor sometimes  fell  when  contemplating  the  affairs  of  South 
America. 

I  have  asked  for  my  dismissal  by  the  Colombian  congress 
and  have  displayed  much  disgust  at  the  ingratitude  of  the 
people.  This  action  will  certainly  produce  a  favorable  result 
at  Bogota,  as  well  as  at  Lima.  If  it  does  not,  I  shall  take  the 
occasion  to  leave  public  life  completely;  for  I  am  resolved 
that  Colombia  shall  not  be  lost  in  my  hands.  Neither  will  I 
liberate  her  a  second  time.  Such  a  task  should  not  be  per- 
formed twice.  I  felt  ready  to  give  battle  to  the  Spaniards,  in 
order  to  terminate  the  war  in  America;  but  I  feel  ready  no 
longer.  I  feel  tired;  I  am  old;  and  I  have  nothing  more  to 
expect  from  fortune.  On  the  contrary,  I  feel  like  an  avari- 
cious rich  man  who  is  always  afraid  that  someone  will  steal 
his  money.  Everything  causes  me  fear  and  alarm.  It  appears 
to  me  that,  from  moment  to  moment,  I  am  losing  my  reputa- 
tion, which  is  the  reward  and  the  fortune  that  I  have  obtained 
for  my  immense  sacrifices.  A  similar  fate  will  befall  you. 
Nevertheless,  I  ought  to  say  that  you  are  still  very  young, 
and  that  a  brilliant  prospect  is  before  you.  Would  that  I 
might  be  in  your  position;  so  that  I  need  not  tremble  for  my 
own  fortune:  at  least  I  would  have  desires;  I  would  have 
hopes  to  caress  me ! 


ANTONIO  JOSE  DE  SUCRE  275 

Thus  wrote  Bolivar  the  liberator, — who  was  old  at  forty- 
year  s — partly  because  of  excesses  that  this  history  had  rather 
not  name.  Fortunate  was  it  for  the  cause  of  South-Ameri- 
can independence  that,  in  the  hour  of  need,  his  comrade  Sucre 
could  grasp  the  baton  of  command. 

On  January  26,  1824,  Bolivar  wrote  to  Sucre  recommend- 
ing that  cattle  should  be  gathered  for  the  use  of  the  army, 
that  arrangements  be  made  to  store  provisions  for  the  pro- 
jected campaign,  and  that  the  soldiers  be  compelled  to  march 
regularly  in  the  mountains,  in  order  that  they  might  become 
hardened  and  accustomed  to  the  altitude.  On  February  4 
Bolivar  again  wrote  to  Sucre ;  he  again  declared  that  the  secret 
of  their  success  in  the  war  lay  in  the  preservation  of  the  Co- 
lombian army: 

This  army  is  the  safeguard  of  Peru,  the  vanguard  of 
Colombia,  and  the  military  agent  of  South  America.  If  we 
expose  it  to  defeat  without  having  previously  arranged  for 
new  forces  and  new  reserves,  we  shall  be  inconsiderate  and 
imprudent.  Time  will  procure  for  us  new  truces  and  new 
political  successes.  .  .  .  Your  spirit  is  fertile  in  cooperative 
expedients ;  there  is  no  limit  to  your  efficiency,  zeal,  and  activ- 
ity.   I  expect  much  of  time. 

The  cause  of  Peruvian  independence  was  seriously  injured, 
when,  early  in  February,  1824,  the  garrison  of  Callao,  which 
was  composed  partly  of  soldiers  from  the  Plateau  provinces, 
mutinied  and  gave  up  that  stronghold  to  the  royalists.  The 
loss  of  that  port  was  followed  by  the  re-occupation  of  Lima 
by  royalist  soldiers.  Thus  the  Spaniards  held  the  center  and 
the  south  of  Peru,  as  well  as  the  highlands.  General  Canterac 
being  encamped  at  Jauja  on  the  elevated  Andean  plateau. 
On  February  10,  1824,  the  Peruvian  congress  conferred  upon 
Bolivar  the  supreme  political  power  of  the  state.  A  few  days 
later  the  dictator  of  Peru — who  was  still  the  titular  president 
of  Colombia — informed  Getieral  Sucre  that  the  latter  was  to 
act  as  the  commander-in-chief  of  the  united  army  of  liberation. 

Bolivar  and  Sucre  spent  months  quietly  preparing  for  the 


2^6  RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

arduous  campaign  against  General  Canterac.  For  a  time  the 
center  of  Bolivar's  activity  was  the  town  of  Trujillo,  while 
Sucre  was  located  at  Huaraz,  and  General  Jose  de  La  Mar,  a 
native  of  Cuenca,  was  in  charge  of  the  Peruvian  soldiers  at 
Cajamarca.  At  that  juncture  Bolivar  demonstrated  that  his 
residence  in  Peru  had  not  destroyed  his  talent  for  organiza- 
tion. He  tried  to  secure  thousands  of  additional  soldiers  from 
Colombia;  he  sent  instructions  and  queries  to  Sucre  in  re- 
gard to  roads,  horses,  and  cattle.  For  example,  he  advised 
Sucre  that  the  soldiers'  horses  were  to  be  shod  only  with  shoes 
of  Vizcayan  iron.  To  paraphrase  O'Leary,  Trujillo  was  'an 
immense  arsenal,  where  no  one  was  idle.'  General  Sucre  was 
'the  right  arm  of  the  liberator' :  he  studied  the  topography  of 
the  Andean  range;  tirelessly  did  he  explore  the  mountains, 
surveying  the  roads,  spying  upon  the  royalists,  and  secreting 
barley  and  wood  in  the  caverns.  Thousands  of  ounces  of  silver 
were  collected  from  the  churches  of  Peru  for  the  support  of 
the  expedition.  Forced  contributions  were  levied  upon  the 
inhabitants,  and  many  Peruvians  were  induced  to  enlist  in  the 
army  of  liberation.  After  describing  the  liberator's  prepara- 
tions for  this  campaign,  O'Leary  said  that  it  would  seem  "as 
though  from  the  head  of  a  new  Jupiter  there  had  sprung  not 
a  new  Pallas  armed  from  head  to  foot,  but  eight  thousand 
soldiers  equipped  for  battle." 

About  the  middle  of  June  the  divisions  of  the  army  broke 
camp,  and  detachments  of  soldiers  proceeded  towards  the  ap- 
pointed rendezvous  by  different  routes  along  dangerous  An- 
dean paths.  After  marching  about  two  hundred  leagues,  in 
the  end  of  July,  soldiers  from  Colombia,  la  Plata,  and  Peru 
bivouacked  at  the  rendezvous  on  the  plateau  north  of  Lake 
Reyes,  twelve  thousand  feet  above  the  level  of  the  sea.  There 
Bolivar  assembled  his  united  army,  which  numbered  about 
nine  thousand  men.  To  the  soldiers  of  his  army  the  titular 
president  of  Colombia  and  dictator  of  Peru  addressed  an 
inspiring  proclamation.  "You  are  about  to  complete  the 
greatest  task  which  Heaven  has  entrusted  to  men, — the  eman- 


ANTONIO  JOSE  DE  SUCRE  2^y 

cipation  of  an  entire  world  from  slavery.  .  .  .  Peru  and 
America  expect  from  you  peace, — the  daughter  of  victory. 
Even  liberal  Europe  contemplates  you  in  enchantment;  for 
the  liberty  of  the  New  World  is  the  hc^e  of  the  universe." 

In  command  of  this  army,  under  Bolivar,  was  placed  Gen- 
eral Sucre.  General  Jose  Maria  Cordoba,  a  Colombian,  was 
placed  in  charge  of  the  vanguard;  the  division  of  the  center 
was  commanded  by  General  La  Mar;  and  the  rearguard  was 
commanded  by  General  Jacinto  Lara.  General  Nechochea  was 
made  commander  of  the  cavalry;  Colonel  Carvajal  was  placed 
in  immediate  charge  of  the  Colombian  cavalry;  and  General 
Miller  was  given  charge  of  the  Peruvian  cavalry.  Among  the 
cavalry,  as  well  as  the  infantry,  there  were  some  soldiers  who 
had  followed  Jose  de  San  Martin  from  Chile  and  even  from 
the  United  Provinces.  The  picturesque  scene  which  took  place 
upon  the  Andean  plateau  is  thus  described  in  the  memoirs  of 
General  Miller : 

Nothing  could  exceed  the  excitement  felt  upon  that  occa- 
sion. Every  circumstance  tended  to  impart  a  most  romantic 
interest  to  the  scene.  Near  the  same  spot,  four  years  before, 
the  royalists  had  been  defeated  by  General  Arenales.  The 
view  from  the  table  land,  upon  which  the  troops  were  re- 
viewed, and  which  is  at  an  elevation  of  more  than  twelve 
thousand  feet  above  the  level  of  the  sea,  is  perhaps  the  most 
magnificent  in  the  world.  On  the  west  arose  the  Andes,  which 
had  just  been  surmounted  with  so  much  toil.  On  the  east 
were  enormous  ramifications  of  the  Cordillera  stretching 
towards  the  Brazils.  North  and  south,  the  view  was  bounded 
by  mountains  whose  tops  were  hidden  in  the  clouds.  On  that 
plain,  surrounded  by  such  sublime  scenery,  and  on  the  margin 
of  the  magnificent  lake  of  Reyes,  the  principal  source  of  the 
Amazon,  the  mightiest  of  rivers,  were  now  assembled  men 
from  Caracas,  Panama,  Quito,  Lima,  and  Buenos  Aires;  men 
who  had  fought  at  Maypo  in  Chile;  at  San  Lorenzo,  on  the 
banks  of  the  Parana;  at  Carabobo  in  Venezuela;  and  at 
Pichincha  at  the  foot  of  the  Chimborazo.  Amidst  these  de- 
voted Americans  were  a  few  foreigners,  still  firm  and  faithful 
to  the  cause,  in  support  of  which  so  many  of  their  country- 
men had   fallen.     Amongst  those   few   survivors  were  men 


378  RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

who  had  fought  on  the  banks  of  the  Guadiana  and  of  the 
Rhine;  who  had  witnessed  the  conflagration  of  Moscow,  and 
the  capitulation  of  Paris.  .  .  .  American  or  European,  they 
were  all  animated  by  one  sole  spirit,  that  of  assuring  the 
political  existence  of  a  vast  continent. 

In  the  end  of  July  reports  of  the  unexpected  march  of 
Bolivar's  soldiers  rudely  awoke  Canterac  from  his  fancied  se- 
curity. At  the  head  of  an  army  of  about  eight  thousand  men, 
he  marched  north  from  Jauja,  and  proceeded  along  the  eastern 
shores  of  Lake  Reyes.  But  meanwhile  the  soldiers  of  Bolivar 
were  marching  south  along  the  western  shores  of  that  lake. 
When  the  royalist  commander  learned  where  Bolivar's  army 
was,  he  suddenly  faced  his  army  about,  and  marched  back  to- 
ward his  encampment.  In  the  afternoon  of  August  6,  on  the 
plains  of  Junin,  a  part  of  the  eager  patriot  cavalry  under  Gen- 
eral Nechochea  encountered  the  royalist  forces.  At  once  Gen- 
eral Canterac  led  his  cavalry  in  a  spirited  charge  against  Ne- 
chochea's  troops,  which,  being  attacked  at  a  disadvantage,  were 
thrown  into  disorder.  But  a  squadron  of  Peruvian  huzzars 
under  the  brave  Colonel  Suarez  led  a  counter-attack.  "The 
terrible  silence  was  interrupted  only  by  the  strident  voice  of 
the  clarinets,  the  clash  of  sabers  and  lances,  the  galloping 
and  stamping  of  horses,  the  maledictions  of  the  vanquished, 
and  the  lamentations  of  the  wounded."  After  a  fierce  hand-to- 
hand  conflict  which  lasted  scarcely  an  hour,  the  Spanish  cavalry 
fled  hastily  from  the  plains  of  Junin.  In  a  dejected  mood  Gen- 
eral Canterac  led  his  soldiers  toward  Cuzco. 

In  a  poem  composed  in  honor  of  the  victory  of  Junin, 
Olmedo  compared  Bolivar's  sword  to  the  sun  which  obscured 
the  stars.  But  it  does  not  appear  that  Lolivar  took  part  in  the 
cavalry  engagement  at  Junin  except  to  direct  the  patriots  in 
the  opening  struggle.  Yet  he  undoubtedly  deserved  a  large 
share  of  the  credit  for  the  management  of  the  campaign  which 
culminated  in  a  victory  that  lowered  the  prestige  of  the  sol- 
diers of  Spain  and  gave  the  patriots  possession  of  several 
provinces  in  the  Peruvian  highlands.     Sucre's  was  the  honor 


ANTONIO  JOSE  DE  SUCRE  279 

of  acting  as  Bolivar's  chief  commander.  When  the  royalists 
at  Lima  heard  of  the  battle  of  Junin,  they  evacuated  that  city 
for  the  last  time. 

After  the  victory  at  Junin,  Bolivar  slowly  led  his  soldiers 
southward  across  the  elevated  plateau  of  the  Andes  toward 
Huamanga.  General  Sucre  was  placed  in  command  of  the 
rearguard, — a  position  which  much  disgusted  him.  On  August 
28,  1824,  he  wrote  to  Bolivar  in  these  words : 

I  have  been  deprived  of  the  command  of  the  army  to  exe- 
cute a  commission  which  would  ordinarily  be  entrusted  to  an 
officer  of  no  higher  rank  than  an  aide-de-camp,  and  have  been 
sent  to  the  rearguard  when  the  army  is  advancing  upon  the 
enemy.  Thus  the  impression  has  been  publicly  given  that  I 
am  considered  incapable  of  active  operations:  my  companions 
in  arms  have  been  given  reason  to  consider  me  as  either  a 
useless  person  or  a  fool. 

On  September  4  Bolivar  made  a  reply  to  his  sensitive  friend. 

I  respond  to  the  letter  which  Escalona  brought  me  with 
an  expression  that  Rousseau  used  when  the  lover  of  Julia 
complained  of  the  offense  which  she  had  committed  by  send- 
ing him  money:  "This  is  the  only  tactless  action  which  you 
have  performed  in  the  course  of  your  life."  I  believe  that 
you  committed  an  error  of  judgment  when  you  thought  that 
I  wished  to  offend  you.  I  am  full  of  regret,  because  of  your 
sorrow;  but  I  do  not  feel  in  the  least  guilty  of  an  intentional 
offense.  I  gave  you  a  commission  which  I  did  not  wish  to 
undertake  myself;  for  I  believed  that  you  were  better  able  to 
.  perform  it  because  of  your  extraordinary  agility.  I  gave  you 
that  commission  rather  as  an  indication  of  my  favor  than  as 
a  proof  of  humiliation. 

Near  the  end  of  August  the  soldiers  of  Bolivar  encamped 
at  the  Indian  hamlet  of  Huamanga,  which  was  west  of  the 
Apurimac  River  on  the  road  leading  from  Cuzco  to  Lima. 
About  a  month  later  BoUvar  decided  to  leave  the  army  and  to 
proceed  to  the  coast,  evidently  intending  to  await  there  the 
arrival  of  the  reenforcements  which  he  expected  from  Colom- 


28o  RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

bia.  Apparently  his  plan  was  to  join  Sucre  with  those  re- 
enforcements,  and  then  to  engage  the  royalists  in  the  last 
great  battle,  which  would  decide  the  fate  of  South  America. 
When  the  liberator  journeyed  to  the  Peruvian  coast,  General 
Sucre  remained  in  charge  of  the  soldiers  who  had  been  vic- 
torious on  the  plains  of  Junin.  Before  he  departed  Bolivar 
carefully  instructed  Sucre  to  encamp  with  the  army  for  a 
month;  in  order  that  the  men  and  horses  might  get  a  much- 
needed  rest.  After  he  thus  became  the  commander  of  the 
patriot  army,  Sucre  stationed  his  soldiers  at  points  which  ex- 
tended over  leagues  of  territory, — the  center  of  his  line  was 
at  Lambrana.  On  hearing  of  this  disposal  of  the  troops  Boli- 
var instructed  Sucre  that  he  was  not  to  divide  the  army,  and 
that  he  was  to  preserve  it  at  any  cost ;  for  to  weaken  the  army 
was  to  risk  the  loss  of  a  battle  and  to  jeopardize  the  interests 
of  Spanish  America.  "The  liberty  of  Peru  will  not  be  achieved 
by  the  occupation  of  territory  unless  that  territory  is  the  very 
region  where  we  gain  a  victory  over  the  enemy." 

In  October,  General  Valdez,  who  had  been  pacifying  Upper 
Peru,  joined  forces  with  General  Canterac  at  Cuzco.  Viceroy 
La  Serna,  the  former  antagonist  of  San  Martin,  took  command 
of  the  united  royalist  army  which  numbered  about  ten  thou- 
sand men.  La  Serna  soon  led  the  royalist  soldiers  through 
deep  valleys  and  across  rugged  mountains  in  search  of  the 
patriots,  who  were  near  the  capital  of  the  ancient  empire  of  the 
Incas.  Early  in  November  General  Sucre  was  suddenly 
warned  that  the  combined  royalist  fo  ces  were  advancing 
against  him, — news  which  he  declared  gave  him  mingled  feel- 
ings of  surprise,  disgust,  and  pleasure.  He  consequently  pre- 
pared to  concentrate  his  soldiers;  in  order  that,  as  a  military 
disciple  of  Bolivar,  he  might  meet  the  enemy  under  the  most 
favorable  conditions  possible.  A  very  remarkable  series  of 
maneuvers  then  took  place :  at  time  the  hostile  armies  moved 
on  parallel  lines,  separated  only  by  a  precipitous  ravine  or  a 
mountain  torrent ;  they  marched  and  counter-marched :  La 
Serna  frequently  attempted  to  take  his  opponent  at  a  disad- 


ANTONIO  JOSE  DE  SUCRE  281 

vantage,  while  Sucre,  in  accordance  with  Bolivar's  advice,  acted 
ordinarily  on  the  defensive.  On  November  16  the  royalist 
soldiers  occupied  Huamanga ;  thus  Sucre  was  cut  off  from  his 
base  of  supplies  on  the  Pacific  coast.  By  December  i  he  was 
tired  of  a  retreat  from  the  enemy  with  soldiers  who  were 
sighing  for  a  battle :  he  declared  that,  under  no  circumstances, 
would  he  retire  beyond  Huamanga.  On  December  3,  while 
Sucre's  soldiers  were  on  the  march,  they  were  attacked  by 
the  royalists  and  suffered  a  loss  of  men,  munitions,  and  artil- 
lery. Incited  by  the  royalists,  the  neighboring  Indians  rose 
against  the  patriots.  At  this  critical  juncture  the  patriot  com- 
mander received  a  letter  from  Bolivar  which  authorized  him 
to  offer  battle  to  the  royalists  in  the  Peruvian  highlands,  while 
the  liberator  sustained  the  cause  of  independence  upon  the  sea- 
coast. 

At  last,  Sucre  was  in  supreme  command  of  the  patriot 
army.  Convinced  that  he  should  not  act  upon  the  defensive, 
he  decided  to  offer  battle  to  the  enemy  at  the  first  favorable 
opportunity,  eyen  though  his  forces  were  numerically  inferior. 
Sucre's  army  numbered  about  six  thousand  men ;  whereas  the 
viceroy  had  over  nine  thousand  men.  While  the  soldiers  of 
Spain  were  led  by  generals  who  did  not  always  act  in  har- 
mony, the  revolutionary  soldiers  were  commanded  by  an  able 
and  inspiring  general  who  appeared  confident  of  victory.  It 
seems  that  to  offset  the  numerical  superiority  of  the  enemy, 
Sucre  sought  an  arena  for  the  conflict  which  might  afford  him 
a  strategic  advantage. 

Sucre's  aide-de-camp.  Colonel  Lopez,  asserted  that  Gener- 
als Sucre  and  La  Mar  deliberately  selected  for  the  field  of 
battle  the  small  secluded  plain  of  Ayacucho,  "the  corner  of 
death,"  which,  according  to  tradition,  was  an  ancient  Inca 
battle-field.  On  December  6  the  army  of  Sucre  paused  near 
the  Indian  village  of  Quinua,  which  was  located  on  the  west- 
ern side  of  Ayacucho.  When  arrayed  on  this  plain,  the  flanks 
of  Sucre's  army  were  protected  by  ravines,  while  the  rear  was 
guarded  bv  a  valley.    To  the  east,  the  field  of  battle  was  hor- 


282  RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

dered  by  the  craggy,  wooded  heights  of  Condorkanki.  On 
the  afternoon  of  December  8  the  soldiers  of  La  Serna  climbed 
the  heights  of  Condorkanki,  which  seemed  to  dominate  the 
plain  of  Ayacucho: — at  last,  the  patriot  soldiers  appeared  to 
be  at  bay.  As  his  chief  of  staff  Sucre  had  chosen  General 
Agustin  Gamarra,  a  native  of  Cuzco.  The  patriot  army  was 
arranged  in  three  main  divisions  under  experienced  leaders. 
The  left  was  composed  largely  of  Peruvian  soldiers  under 
General  La  Mar;  the  right  was  made  up  mainly  of  Colom- 
bians under  General  Cordova;  the  center  was  composed  of 
cavalry  under  General  Miller ;  while  the  reserve  was  in  charge 
of  General  Lara.  At  a  critical  moment  during  the  forenoon 
of  December  9,  when  the  royalist  files  were  slowly  descend- 
ing the  heights  and  forming  into  columns  upon  the  plain  of 
Ayacucho,  General  Sucre  rode  along  his  battle-line  and  inspir- 
ited his  followers.  According  to  his  aide,  he  exclaimed,  "Upon 
the  efforts  of  today  the  destiny  of  South  America  depends," 
and,  pointing  towards  the  royalist  columns,  he  assured  his  sol- 
diers that  their  admirable  constancy  would  soon  be  rewarded 
by  another  day  of  glory. 

When  only  a  part  of  the  royalist  army  had  formed  in  battle 
array,  Sucre  ordered  the  gallant  Cordova  to  begin  the  attack. 
While  the  Spanish  soldiers  were  engaged  in  a  desperate  hand- 
to-hand  struggle  with  the  Colombian  soldiers  upon  the  plain, 
Sucre  sent  a  detachment  of  cavalry  to  charge  the  royalists  who 
were  descending  from  the  heights.  The  Spanish  soldiers  were 
soon  routed,  and,  in  part,  driven  to  the  heights  of  Condor- 
kanki. A  brilliant  charge  by  the  patriot  cavalry  upon  a  di- 
vision of  the  royalist  army  under  General  Valdez  which  at- 
tacked Sucre's  left  wing,  drove  it  into  flight.  After  a  struggle 
which  lasted  only  about  an  hour,  the  royalists  were  driven 
from  the  plain  of  Ayacucho.  The  Spanish  soldiers  who  sought 
a  refuge  upon  the  heights  were  fiercely  pursued ;  and  there  the 
wounded  viceroy  was  captured.  To  quote  again  from  the  me- 
moirs of  General  Miller:  "The  battle  of  Ayacucho  was  the 
most  brilliant  ever  fought  in  South  America.  ...  It  was  not 


ANTONIO  JOSE  DE  SUCRE  283 

a  victory  of  mere  chance,  but  the  result  of  the  most  determined 
bravery  and  an  irresistible  onset  conceived  and  executed  at  the 
proper  moment."  In  one  of  those  rare  moments  when  General 
Sucre  mentioned  his  own  military  achievements,  he  wrote  to 
a  friend  concerning  the  battle  upon  the  plain  of  Ayacucho,  "A 
proud  Spanish  army  was  there  put  to  rout ;  but  this  was  done 
so  skillfully  that  the  battle  can  scarcely  be  described." 

The  victory  of  Ayacucho  gave  the  coup  de  grace  to  the 
royalist  army  in  Lower  Peru.  Late  in  the  afternoon  of  De- 
cember 9,  General  Canterac  appeared  before  Sucre's  tent  to 
propose  a  capitulation.  Of  that  proposal  the  magnanimous 
victor  said,  "Although  the  condition  of  the  enemy  made  possi- 
ble a  surrender  at  our  discretion,  I  believed  it  worthy  of 
American  generosity  to  concede  some  honors  to  the  van- 
quished soldiers,  who  had  been  victorious  in  Peru  for  four- 
teen years  The  capitulation  was  arranged  upon  the  field 
of  battle."  The  treaty  which  was  signed  by  Sucre  and  Can- 
terac shortly  afterwards  provided  that  Lower  Peru  should 
be  relinquished  to  the  victors.  The  vanquished  soldiers  were 
to  be  allowed  freely  to  proceed  to  Spain,  on  the  condition  that 
they  were  not  to  return  to  the  New  World  to  take  up  arms 
against  the  Spanish-American  states.  It  was  provided  that 
they  might  be  admitted  into  the  army  of  Peru.  No  person 
should  be  disturbed  because  of  his  political  opinions  or  be- 
cause he  had  served  under  the  Spanish  banner,  provided  that 
he  observed  the  laws.  Any  persons  might  emigrate  from  Peru 
with  their  families  and  properties  within  one  year;  those  per- 
sons who  chose  to  remain  in  the  country  should  be  considered 
as  Peruvians.  The  property  held  in  Peru  by  non-resident 
Spaniards  was  to  be  respected,  provided  that  those  Spaniards 
did  not  oppose  the  independence  of  that  state.  Subject  to  the 
approval  of  congress,  Peru  was  to  assume  the  responsibility 
for  the  debts  which  Spain  had  incurred  in  the  liberated  terri- 
tory. If  Peru  approved,  viceregal  officers  might  even  retain 
their  positions.  Obviously  both  Sucre  and  Canterac  felt  that 
this  capitulation  determined  th^  destinies  of  other  states  than 


284  RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

Peru;  for  a  clause  in  the  treaty  provided  that  certain  patriot 
and  royalist  commanders  should  be  sent  to  the  Plateau  prov- 
inces in  order  that  the  archives,  munitions,  and  garrisons  might 
be  promptly  transferred  to  the  independent  government.  Span- 
ish merchant  vessels  and  war  ships  were  to  be  allowed  to  se- 
cure provisions  in  Peruvian  ports  for  six  months  after  the 
publication  of  the  treaty;  but  such  war  vessels  were  to  leave 
the  Pacific  Ocean  promptly ;  and  they  were  not  to  touch  at  any 
port  which  was  still  held  by  the  Spaniards.  The  Spanish  offi- 
cers who  had  been  captured  at  Ayacucho,  including  fourteen 
generals,  were  to  be  set  at  liberty.  The  prisoners  who  had 
been  captured  in  other  engagements  between  the  patriots  and 
the  royalists  were  also  to  be  released.  The  generals  and  other 
officers  of  Spain  were  to  be  allowed  to  keep  their  swords  and 
uniforms.  The  defeated  soldiers  might  move  about  freely  in 
order  to  arrange  their  affairs  without  being  embarrassed  by  the 
actions  of  any  independent  state.  The  last  article  of  the 
capitulations  provided  that  "any  question  which  might  arise 
in  regard  to  any  article  of  this  treaty"  should  be  interpreted 
"in  favor  of  the  soldiers  of  the  Spanish  army."  Such  gener- 
ous treatment  of  a  vanquished  enemy  by  the  victor  should 
have  influenced  the  government  of  Spain  to  ratify  the  treaty 
which  was  signed  upon  the  plain  of  Ayacucho. 

In  Miller's  memoirs  a  pathetic  picture  is  drawn  of  La 
Serna,  the  captive  viceroy  of  Peru,  leaning  against  the  mud 
wall  of  an  Indian  hut  near  Ayacucho,  his  white  hair  clotted 
with  blood  from  a  wound  received  in  the  battle.  That  picture 
symbolizes  the  end  of  the  Spanish  empire  in  continental  Amer- 
ica. In  the  former  capital  of  the  Peruvian  viceroys  the  battle 
of  Ayacucho  was  rightly  believed  to  signalize  the  destruction 
of  Spanish  rule  in  Peru.  This  victory  was  indeed  significant 
not  only  to  Peru  but  also  to  other  states  of  South  America: 
on  one  side,  it  completed  the  achievements  of  Jose  de  San 
Martin;  on  the  other  side,  it  almost  concluded  the  labors  of 
Simon  de  Bolivar.  The  glowing  tribute  of  the  liberator  to  the 
hero  of  Ayacucho  will  furnish  his  estimate  of  the  significance 


ANTONIO  JOSE  DE  SUCRE  285 

of  the  battle:  it  will  furnish  another  illustration  of  the  occa- 
sional exuberance  of  Bolivar's   style. 

The  battle  of  Ayacucho  is  the  climax  of  American  glory, 
and  the  work  of  General  Sucre.  The  arrangement  for  this 
battle  was  perfect,  and  the  execution  divine.  In  one  hour 
rapid  and  masterly  maneuvers  routed  the  victors  of  fourteen 
years, — an  army  perfectly  constituted  and  ably  led.  .  .  .  Just 
as  the  battle  of  Waterloo  decided  the  destinies  of  European 
nations,  so  did  the  battle  of  Ayacucho  decide  the  fate  of  the 
nations  of  Spanish  America.  .  .  .  General  Sucre  is  the  father 
of  Ayacucho :  he  is  the  redeemer  of  the  sons  of  the  sun ;  he 
has  broken  the  chains  with  which  Pizarro  bound  the  empire 
of  the  Incas.  Posterity  will  represent  Sucre  with  one  foot  at 
Pichincha  and  the  other  foot  at  Potosi,  holding  in  his  hands 
the  cradle  of  Manco  Capac,  and  contemplating  the  chains  of 
Peru  broken  by  his  sword. 

In  truth,  Sucre's  victory  exercised  a  decisive  influence  upon 
the  fortunes  of  the  dissident  provinces  of  Spain  in  America 
from  the  Rio  de  la  Plata  to  the  Rio  Grande.  Nevertheless,  the 
court  of  Madrid  did  not  sanction  the  treaty  of  Ayacucho. 
Ferdinand  VII. — unfettered  by  a  constitution — would  not  rec- 
ognize the  independence  of  the  rising  states  of  Spanish  Amer- 
ica. The  achievements  of  Bolivar  and  Sucre,  however,  were 
appreciated  in  South  America.  On  February  12,  1825,  the 
Peruvian  congress  decreed  that  a  medal  should  be  struck  ofi 
in  honor  of  the  liberator,  Simon  de  Bolivar,  and  that  hence- 
forth General  Sucre  should  be  dignified  with  the  title  of  Grand 
Marshal  of  Ayacucho.  It  also  provided  that  an  equestrian 
statue  of  Bolivar  should  be  erected  at  Lima.  About  the  same 
time  the  Colombian  congress  passed  a  law  providing  that  a 
medal  of  platinum  should  be  presented  to  Bolivar,  the  liberator 
of  Colombia  and  Peru,  and  that  a  sword  of  gold  should  be 
presented  to  Sucre,  the  victor  of  Ayacucho.  From  the  ancient 
capital  of  the  Inca  empire,  Sucre  wrote  to  Bolivar,  "I  shall 
forward  to  you  the  banner  which  Pizarro  carried  to  Cuzco 
three  hundred  years  ago." 

General  Sucre  s/^on  led  the  army  of  liberation  into  the 


286   RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

presidency  of  Charcas — Upper  Peru — that  extensive  region 
which,  during  the  last  years  of  Spanish  rule,  was  under  the 
jurisdiction  of  the  audiencia  of  Chuquisaca  and  also  of  the 
viceroy  of  Buenos  Aires.  Early  in  1825  Sucre  terminated  suc- 
cessfully the  war  for  the  liberation  of  that  region.  The  po- 
litical status  of  Upper  Peru  presented  a  thorny  problem  to 
Marshal  Sucre.  In  certain  particulars  he  occupied  a  position 
similar  to  that  which  San  Martin  had  held  in  182 1  with  regard 
to  Lower  Peru.  In  other  particulars  his  position  was  dif- 
ferent. Upper  Peru  had  been  liberated  by  soldiers  from  Co- 
lombia, la  Plata,  and  Lower  Peru ;  the  republic  of  Peru  wished 
to  establish  jurisdiction  over  Upper  Peru ;  it  was  far  from  the 
former  seat  of  government  at  Buenos  Aires;  and  some  of  its 
people  wished  to  found  an  independent  state.  Further,  Sucre 
was  acting  under  Bolivar's  aegis.  Marshal  Sucre  soon  decided 
that  it  would  be  wise  to  avoid  a  military  dictatorship  and  also 
to  abstain  from  any  interference  in  the  domestic  affairs  of  this 
section.  As  early  as  February  9,  1825,  he  issued  a  significant 
proclamation.  Declaring  that  the  former  viceroyalty  of  Buenos 
Aires  lacked  a  central  government,  he  announced  that  Upper 
Peru  would  remain  under  the  control  of  the  liberating  army 
until  delegates  of  the  provinces  should  assemble.  He  proposed 
that  the  delegates  should  meet  in  April,  1825,  to  deliberate 
freely  in  regard  to  a  provisional  government  and  to  consider 
the  political  destinies  of  Upper  Peru.  Sucre  also  suggested 
that  the  decision  reached  by  this  assembly  should  be  sanctioned 
by  the  governments  at  Buenos  Aires  and  Lima.  When  Bolivar 
heard  of  the  proclamation,  he  sent  a  letter  to  Marshal  Sucre 
which  was  couched  in  these  words : 

Neither  you,  nor  I,  nor  the  congress  of  Peru,  nor  of 
Colombia,  can  break  and  violate  the  basis  of  public  law  which 
we  have  recognized  in  Spanish  America.  This  basis  is:  that 
republican  governments  are  being  founded  within  the  limits 
of  the  former  viceroyalties,  captaincy  generals,  or  presiden- 
cies, for  example,  Chile.  Upper  Peru  is  a  dependency  of  the 
viceroyalty  of  Buenos  Aires,  just  as  Quito  is  a  contiguous 
dependency  of  Bogota.    Although  Chile  was  a  dependency  of 


ANTONIO  JOSE  DE  SUCRE  287 

Peru,  yet  it  was  in  reality  separated  from  Peru  some  time 
before  the  revolution  began,  just  as  Guatemala  was  separated 
from  New  Spain.  Thus  both  of  these  presidencies  might 
rightly  become  independent  of  their  ancient  viceroyalties ;  but 
neither  Quito  nor  Charcas  can  rightly  become  independent 
except  by  an  agreement  embodied  in  a  treaty  resulting  from  a 
war  between  the  parties,  or  resulting  from  the  deliberations 
of  a  congress. 

This  protest  embodied  the  idea  which,  consciously  or  un- 
consciously, influenced  some  leaders  of  the  revolutionary  epoch 
in  South  America:  namely,  that  the  boundaries  of  the  inde- 
pendent states  should  coincide  with  the  boundaries  of  those 
colonial  divisions  which  had  been  under  the  control  of  a  vice- 
roy, a  captain  general,  or  a  president.  In  other  words,  this 
was  Bolivar's  statement  of  a  doctrine  which  is  commonly 
known  in  the  international  law  of  Spanish  America  as  the  uti 
possidetis  of  1810. 

In  the  case  of  Upper  Peru,  however,  the  scruples  of  Bolivar 
were  outweighed  by  Sucre's  arguments  and  actions.  On  May 
16,  after  the  meeting  of  the  delegates  summoned  by  Sucre 
had  been  postponed,  Bolivar  the  dictator  of  Peru,  reluctantly 
sanctioned  the  assembly  and  decreed  that,  in  the  meantime, 
Upper  Peru  should  be  subject  to  Sucre's  authority.  During 
the  interregnum  Marshal  Sucre  busied  himself  with  reforms 
concerning  justice  and  finance.  Soon  after  the  delegates  of 
Upper  Peru  assembled  at  Chuquisaca,  on  July  19,  1825,  they- 
wrote  to  Bolivar  declaring  that  they  placed  themselves  under 
his  protection ;  the  liberator  responded  that  he  felt  honored  by 
this  announcement  made  at  a  time  when  those  delegates  werft 
entering  upon  their  new  career.  After  considerable  debate,  on 
August  6,  the  anniversary  of  the  battle  of  Junin,  delegates 
from  the  provinces  of  Charcas,  La  Paz,  Cochabamba,  Potosi, 
and  Santa  Cruz  proclaimed  the  independence  of  Upper  Peru 
from  Spain.  The  justification  which  they  presented  for  this 
act  was  the  misgovernment  and  oppression  of  the  motherland. 
They  declared  that  both  Peru  and  the  United  Provinces  had 


288  RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

expressed  their  intentions  to  allow  Upper  Peru  to  determine 
her  own  political  destiny.  They  proclaimed  that  the  rule  of 
Ferdinand  VII.  had  ceased  and  expressed  their  desire  to  es- 
tablish a  sovereign  state  which  would  be  independent  alike  of 
the  nations  of  the  Old  World  and  the  New, — a  state  that  should 
be  governed  by  a  constitution  and  laws  formed  by  its  own 
citizens. 

On  August  II,  1825,  the  assembly  of  Upper  Peru  decreed 
that  the  new  state  should  be  designated  the  Republica  Bolivar. 
It  provided  that  Bolivar  was  the  father  and  protector  of  this 
state,  as  well  as  the  first  president.  It  also  decreed  that  the 
future  capital  of  the  republic  should  be  named  Sucre.  A  few 
days  later  it  adopted  a  national  flag,  as  well  as  a  coat  of  arms, 
and  made  provision  for  a  national  coinage.  On  August  31  it 
declared  that  the  new  nation  was  to  have  *'a  representative 
republican"  government.  Apparently  the  Bolivians  did  not 
feel  able  to  maintain  their  independence  without  foreign  aid, 
for,  on  October  4,  the  assembly  expressed  a  desire  that  two 
thousand  Colombian  soldiers  should  be  allowed  to  remain 
in  the  republic  so  long  as  its  legislators  might  deem  necessary. 
In  regard  to  the  provisional  government  of  the  new  republic, 
on  October  3,  1825,  the  assembly  passed  a  decree  providing 
that  Marshal  Sucre  should  be  the  supreme  ruler  of  the  state 
when  Bolivar  was  not  upon  Bolivian  soil. 

While  Bolivian  legislators  were  thus  laying  the  founda- 
tions of  a  new  state,  Bolivar — who  had  delegated  his  power 
as  dictator  of  Peru  to  a  council — was  making  a  triumphal  tour 
through  the  liberated  provinces  of  Lower  and  Upper  Peru. 
On  August  18  he  reached  La  Paz,  where  he  met  a  delegation 
from  the  Bolivian  assembly  that  asked  him  to  promote  the  in- 
dependence of  their  state,  whereupon  Bolivar  apparently  gave 
it  assurances  that  he  would  use  his  influence  with  the  Peruvian 
congress  to  secure  such  recognition.  On  November  i  Bolivar 
reached  Chuquisaca,  where  he  acted  as  the  chief  executive 
of  the  state.  During  the  few  months  when  Bolivar  was  ac- 
tually the  dictator-president  of  Bolivia  he  inaugurated  some 


ANTONIO  JOSE  DE  SUCRE  289 

political  and  administrative  reforms:  by  various  decrees  he 
insisted  upon  economy  in  the  administration  of  the  govern- 
ment ;  he  provided  that  the  tribute  which  had  been  levied  upon 
the  Indians  should  be  replaced  by  a  head-tax;  he  took  vari- 
ous measures  to  promote  education,  making  his  old  tutor,  Rod- 
riguez, director  of  public  instruction ;  he  provided  for  the  es- 
tablishment of  new  judicial  tribunals;  and  he  ordered  that 
wagon-roads  should  be  constructed  between  the  different  sec- 
tions of  the  republic.  On  December  29  Bolivar  issued  a  de- 
cree announcing  that  the  constituent  congress  of  Bolivia  would 
assemble  on  May  25,  1826.  On  the  same  day  he  transferred 
his  executive  authority  to  Sucre. 

Early  in  1826 — while  again  acting  as  the  chief  executive  of 
the  nascent  state — Sucre  took  measures  to  carry  out  several 
orders  or  decrees  of  the  Hberator.  In  addition,  he  initiated 
some  administrative  reforms.  He  soon  entrusted  the  man- 
agement of  such  matters  as  internal  affairs,  war,  and  the 
finances  to  distinct  ministries.  On  January  23,  1826,  he  issued 
an  important  decree  which  laid  the  basis  of  Bolivia's  adminis- 
trative system.  That  decree  provided  that  her  territory  should 
be  divided  into  five  departments;  these  departments  were  to 
be  subdivided  into  provinces,  and  the  provinces  were  to  be 
divided  into  cantons.  As  the  chief  executive  of  Bolivia,  Sucre 
ardently  desired  to  secure  control  of  the  district  of  Tarija,  but 
that  district  became  a  bone  of  contention  between  Bolivia  and 
the  United  Provinces.  In  vain  did  Sucre  hope  to  secure  from 
Peru  a  strip  of  territory  upon  the  Pacific  Ocean  which  would 
include  the  port  of  Arica  and  thus  furnish  Bolivia  a  good 
outlet  to  the  sea.  Still,  he  made  certain  of  an  outlet  further 
south;  for,  as  early  as  March,  1826,  he  exercised  jurisdiction 
over  the  district  of  Atacama,  which  later  became  the  debatable 
land  between  Bolivia  and  Chile.  The  territory  of  the  new  state 
which  was  thus  being  hewn  out  of  the  side  of  the  United  Prov- 
inces included,  roughly  speaking,  the  region  which  had  been 
subject  to  the  audiencia  of  Chuquisaca.  On  May  25  Sucre 
resigned  his  extraordinary  authority  to  the  constituent  con- 


290  RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

gress  which  had  gathered  at  Chuquisaca;  but  that  congress  at 
once  elected  him  provisional  president  of  the  republic,  a  posi- 
tion which  he  finally  accepted  with  much  reluctance. 

What  of  the  first  constitution  of  the  republic  of  Bolivia?  It 
was  while  residing  in  Chuquisaca  that  Bolivar  fulfilled  the 
request  of  Bolivia's  first  assembly  to  frame  a  constitution  for 
the  new  state.  Accordingly,  when  he  was  not  enjoying  the 
felicitations  of  the  inhabitants,  or  receiving  the  commissioners 
who  had  been  sent  from  the  Plateau  provinces  to  congratulate 
him,  or  issuing  reformatory  decrees,  Bolivar  was  framing  a 
constitution  for  the  republic  which  bore  his  name.  When  he 
discussed  the  motives  which  impelled  Bolivar  again  to  essay 
the  role  of  maker  of  constitutions,  0*Leary  said: 

I  do  not  consider  myself  competent  to  pass  upon  the  merits 
or  the  defects  of  this  constitution ;  but  it  is  my  duty — a  duty 
imposed  alike  by  honor  and  justice — to  give  testimony  to  the 
purity  of  the  motives  which  animated  its  illustrious  author  to 
propose  changes  in  the  political  system  which  was  so  popular 
in  America.  Profoundly  versed  in  the  history  of  the  human 
race  and  well  instructed  in  theories  of  political  science,  he  was 
not  ignorant  of  the  institutions  which,  in  ancient  and  modern 
times,  had  raised  nations  to  prosperity  and  glory,  or  had  pro- 
moted their  decadence  and  ruin.  Bolivar  possessed  another 
qualification  even  more  essential.  He  had  a  perfect  knowledge 
of  the  world,  and,  interested  as  he  was  in  the  study  of  the 
human  heart,  few  individuals  possessed  a  keener  intuition,  or 
a  more  delicate  tact.  The  peculiar  circumstances  of  his  ad- 
venturous life  and  the  extraordinary  events  of  his  public 
career,  had  brought  him  into  contact  with  all  classes  of  society 
and  enabled  him  to  observe  men  in  all  phases  and  conditions. 
More  then  any  other  person  did  he  understand  his  fellow- 
patriots  of  South  America.  .  .  .  The  political  condition  of 
Spanish  America  did  not  gratify  the  observant  and  penetrating 
eyes  of  Bolivar,  who  had  played  the  principal  role  in  the  revo- 
lutionary drama,  and  who  was  aware  of  America's  most  hidden 
secrets.  .  .  .  Full  of  fear,  he  contemplated  the  terrible  picture, 
and  proposed  to  derive  wise  lessons  from  the  spectacle.  Al- 
though he  knew  that  the  easiest  method  to  preserve  his  ascend- 
ancy was  to  cajole  popular  prepossessions,  yet  he  had  too  much 


ANTONIO  JOSE  DE  SUCRE  291 

patriotism  to  traffic  with  the  fortunes  of  his  country  for  per- 
sonal advantage.  So  great  was  his  soul  that  he  would  not  sac- 
rifice his  convictions,  which  were  sustained  by  reason  and  ex- 
perience, upon  the  altar  of  popularity.  Thus  he  reached  his 
decision  without  any  vacillation.  He  sought  a  system  which 
would  be  strong  enough  to  curb  revolutions  and  not  theories 
which  would  foment  them. 

By  the  end  of  February,  1826,  Bolivar  had  completed  his 
task.  When  he  saw  that  political  conditions  in  Lima  would  not 
permit  him  to  be  present  at  the  opening  of  the  Bolivian  con- 
stituent congress,  the  liberator  composed  a  discourse  to  explain 
the  constitution  which  he  had  framed  for  the  "Republic  of 
Bolivia."  In  June,  1826,  Sucre  presented  the  project  to  the 
constituent  congress  and  read  to  it  Bolivar's  discourse. 

In  this  constitution  the  executive  power  was  vested  in  a 
president  chosen  by  congress,  who  was  to  serve  for  life.  If 
the  president  died,  or  was  disabled,  he  was  to  be  succeeded 
by  the  vice  president,  who  ordinarily  presided  over  the  meet- 
ings of  the  cabinet.  That  body  was  to  be  composed  of  three 
secretaries :  a  secretary  of  the  interior  and  foreign  relations,  a 
secretary  of  finance,  and  a  secretary  of  war  and  the  navy.  The 
president  was  vested  with  powers  which  were  analogous  to 
the  powers  of  the  President  of  the  United  States.  In  his  dis- 
course Bolivar  compared  the  position  of  the  president  in  his 
plan  to  the  position  of  the  sun  in  the  solar  system.  "This 
supreme  authority  should  be  perpetual ;  for  governments  with- 
out hierarchies,  in  particular,  need  a  fixed  point  around  which 
magistrates  and  citizens,  men  and  things,  may  revolve:  'Give 
me  a  fixed  point,'  said  an  ancient  sage,  'and  I  will  move  the 
world.'  To  Bolivia  a  president  holding  office  for  life  will 
be  such  a  point.  Though  not  endowed  with  action,  he  will 
support  the  entire  system.  His  head  has  been  removed,  in 
order  that  no  person  may  fear  his  intentions;  and  his  hands 
have  been  tied  that  he  ma)^  injure  no  one."  Bolivar  argued 
that  as  America  was  largely  unsettled,  it  would  be  difficult 
to  establish  a  monarchy  there.    "Deserts  are  favorable  to  in- 


292  RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

dependence.  In  America  we  have  no  grandees,  either  civil 
or  ecclesiastical.  .  .  .  There  is  no  power  more  difficult  to 
maintain  than  that  of  a  new  prince.  Bonaparte,  who  van- 
quished so  many  armies,  could  not  overcome  this  rule,  which 
is  stronger  than  empires."  Thus,  apparently,  did  Bolivar 
conceive  the  role  of  president  under  his  constitution.  Never- 
theless, it  appears  that  a  president  for  life,  as  proposed  by 
him,  would  have  meant  in  practice  a  constitutional  monarch. 

The  legislative  authority  of  Bolivia  was  to  be  vested  in 
three  houses :  the  house  of  tribunes,  the  house  of  senators,  and 
the  house  of  censors.  Each  house  was  to  be  composed  of 
thirty  members.  The  tribunes,  whose  special  powers  were 
largely  concerned  with  financial  affairs,  the  army,  the  navy, 
and  foreign  affairs,  were  to  hold  office  for  four  years.  The 
senators,  whose  special  powers  were  concerned  chiefly  with 
judicial,  ecclesiastical,  and  constitutional  matters,  were  to  hold 
office  for  eight  years.  The  censors  were  to  hold  office  for 
life :  they  should  watch  that  the  constitution,  laws,  and  treaties 
of  Bolivia  were  faithfully  observed.  The  censors  were  also 
given  the  exclusive  right  to  propose  all  laws  concerning  edu- 
cation and  the  press.  They  were  to  protect  the  liberty  of  the 
press,  to  encourage  arts  and  sciences,  to  distribute  honors 
and  rewards,  and  to  condemn  to  "eternal  opprobium  the  usurp- 
ers of  public  authority,  notorious  traitors,  and  atrocious  crim- 
inals." In  his  discourse  Bolivar  compared  "the  political  and 
moral  power"  of  the  censors  to  the  power  exercised  by  "the 
areopagus  of  Athens  and  the  censors  of  Rome."  The  censors 
of  the  Bolivian  constitution — "the  high  priests  of  the  laws" 
— illustrate  the  idea  of  a  moral  power,  which  Bolivar  pro- 
posed to  the  congress  of  Angostura. 

The  judicial  power  was  to  be  vested  in  a  supreme  court 
and  certain  inferior  courts.  The  supreme  court  should  be 
composed  of  a  president  and  six  other  judges.  Only  some 
of  the  cases  in  which  that  court  had  jurisdiction  may  here 
be  named:  it  was  to  take  cognizance  of  cases  relating  to  am- 
bassadors, other  diplomatic  agents,  and  consuls,  of  criminal 


ANTONIO  JOSE  DE  SUCRE  293 

cases  involving  certain  important  officers  of  the  republic,  and 
of  matters  relating  to  the  patronage.  It  was  to  examine  papal 
bulls,  briefs,  and  rescripts  relating  to  civil  affairs.  Provisions 
were  also  made  for  inferior  courts  in  judicial  districts  which 
were  to  be  carved  out  of  the  provinces.  In  every  town  of  one 
hundred  inhabitants  there  were  to  be  judges,  or  justices,  who 
were  to  promote  the  reconciliation  of  contending  parties.  The 
use  of  torture  or  the  extortion  of  confessions  was  prohibited. 
In  his  discourse  Bolivar  praised  the  judicial  system  because 
of  its  "absolute  independence.  The  people  present  the  candi- 
dates, while  the  legislature  selects  the  individuals  who  are  to 
be  the  members  of  the  courts." 

The  selective  process  which  Bolivar  thus  suggested  was 
provided  by  what  he  styled  *'the  electoral  power."  In  reality 
that  so-called  power  was  an  arrangement  for  the  choice  of 
certain  officers  by  means  of  electoral  colleges  in  the  provinces. 
The  citizens  who  had  the  right  to  vote  should  choose  electors 
that  were  to  hold  their  offices  for  four  years.  The  electors 
were  to  meet  annually  in  the  capitals  of  their  respective  prov- 
inces to  receive  the  reports  of  elections,  to  petition  the  legis- 
lature for  reforms,  to  elect  members  of  the  legislature  and 
certain  other  officers,  and  to  nominate  candidates  for  such 
offices  as  prefects,  alcaldes,  and  curates.  The  suggestions  for 
a  so-called  electoral  power  were  probably  adapted  from  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States.  In  Bolivar's  discourse  he 
praised  this  power  which  constituted  a  new  weight  cast  into 
the  balance  against  the  authority  of  the  executive.  To  para- 
phrase the  words  which  the  author  used  in  a  circular  extolling 
his  constitution :  it  entrusted  the  exercise  of  important  acts  of 
sovereignty  to  electoral  bodies.  This  elaborate  electoral  power 
was  probably  the  liberator's  most  distinctive  contribution  to 
political  science. 

Bolivar  stipulated  that  the  republic  was  to  be  composed 
of  departments  which  were4o  be  divided  into  provinces.  Those 
provinces  were  to  be  subdivided  into  cantons.  The  head  of 
each  department  was  to  be  a  prefect.     In  each  province  a 


294  RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

governor  was  to  be  the  chief  authority.  The  political  affairs  of 
each  canton  were  to  be  managed  by  a  corregidor.  Provision 
was  made  for  a  navy  as  well  as  an  army.  In  his  discourse 
Bolivar  maintained  that  the  constitution  should  contain  no 
prescription  in  regard  to  religious  faith;  but  the  constituent 
congress  of  Bolivia  did  not  accept  this  view. 

The  monarchical  constitution  framed  for  the  republic 
of  Bolivia  embodied  the  ideas  of  the  "liberator  of  Colombia, 
Peru,  and  Bolivia"  in  regard  to  the  type  of  government  which 
was  most  suitable  for  an  independent  state  in  the  existing 
condition  of  Spanish  America.  In  an  address  which  he  later 
made  in  Peru,  Bolivar  is  reported  to  have  said  in  regard 
to  the  framing  of  the  constitution:  "This  constitution  is  the 
work  of  ages.  To  form  it  I  have  consulted  every  ancient 
and  modern  authority.  It  combines  the  lessons  of  experience 
with  the  counsels  and  opinions  of  the  wise.*'  In  all  likeli- 
hood in  framing  his  constitution,  Bolivar  tried  to  imitate  in 
some  respects  the  government  of  France  under  General  Bona- 
parte, the  First  Consul.  An  agent  of  France  in  South  America 
quoted  Bolivar  as  having  said  that  by  this  constitution  he 
established  a  mixed  government  which  utilized  the  best  princi- 
ples of  monarchy,  aristocracy,  and  democracy.  According  to 
an  inedited  note  of  Tomas  de  Heres  found  in  the  archives  of 
the  liberator  at  Caracas,  the  wise  men  whom  Bolivar  con- 
sulted were  certain  of  his  associates — as  Tomas  de  Heres — 
who  were  asked  to  furnish  him  in  writing  with  their  reflections 
upon  his  draft  of  the  constitution.  It  would  appear  that 
Bolivar's  main  intention  was  to  ingraft  a  monarchical  custom 
into  the  republican  system.  Unwittingly,  perhaps,  Bolivar 
made  the  executive  authority  in  the  Bolivian  system  some- 
what weaker  than  in  the  constitution  which  he  presented  in 
1819  to  the  congress  of  Angostura.  When  he  sent  copies 
of  his  constitution  and  discourse  to  General  Paez,  the  liberator 
declared  that  it  was  not  possible  for  him  to  present  any  other 
plan  of  government  to  a  state  which  was  named  after  himself. 
In  letters  to  prominent  Colombians  he  expressed  the  hope 


ANTONIO  JOSE  DE  SUCRE  295 

that  conditions  in  Colombia  might  alter  so  as  to  make  possible 
the  adoption  there  of  the  Bolivian  constitution.  To  synchron- 
ize our  story,  it  should  be  noticed  that  at  the  very  time  when 
the  Bolivians  were  considering  the  liberator's  constitution,  a 
constituent  assembly  at  the  former  capital  of  the  viceroyalty 
of  la  Plata  was  adopting  a  centralistic  constitution  for  the 
Argentine  republic. 

Bolivar's  constitution  was  referred  to  a  committee  of  the 
congress  of  Bolivia  which  suggested  some  changes.  After 
several  months  of  debate,  with  some  modifications — the  most 
important  being  that  article  which  provided  that  Roman 
Catholicism  should  be  the  state  religion — congress  adopted 
this  constitution.  In  October,  1826,  General  Sucre  was  elected 
the  president  of  Bolivia.  This  office  he  was  reluctant  to  ac- 
cept; because  he  had  an  inherent  dislike  for  the  position  of 
civil  magistrate  which  he  felt  unfitted  to  fill,  and  he  appre- 
hended that  it  might  be  difficult  to  preserve  Bolivia  as  a  buffer 
state  between  Peru  and  the  Argentine  republic.  Nevertheless 
he  waived  his  personal  desires  in  order  that  the  rule  of  law 
might  be  established  in  Bolivia.  On  December  9,  1826,  he 
took  a  solemn  oath  to  observe  the  Bolivian  constitution.  He 
made  a  short  address  to  congress  announcing  his  fixed  deter- 
mination to  retire  from  the  presidency  on  August  2,  1828, 
the  day  set  for  the  convocation  of  the  first  congress  of  Bolivia 
under  the  constitution.  Bolivar  did  not  share  his  friend's 
opinion  with  regard  to  the  presidency  of  Bolivia ;  for  he  urged 
Sucre  to  accept  that  token  of  the  republic's  gratitude  to  its 
founder.  About  the  time  of  Sucre's  inauguration,  the  Peru- 
vians adopted  the  Bolivian  constitution,  slightly  modified,  as 
the  constitution  for  their  state  upon  the  condition  that  Bolivar 
should  be  their  president.  But  in  September,  1826,  Bolivar 
had  relinquished  the  supreme  authority  in  Peru  and  had  started 
on  the  long  journey  for  Bogota.  In  the  following  year  his 
beloved  constitution  was  ^discarded  by  the  Peruvians  and  they 
promulgated — with  some  modifications — a  constitution  for  the 
republic  of  Peru  which  had  been  adopted  in  1823,  but  which 


296  RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

had  been  practically  suspended  during  Bolivar's  dictatorship. 
The  Marshal  of  Ayacucho  often  regretted  that  he  had  be- 
come the  president  of  Bolivia.  In  spite  of  Bolivar's  advice 
and  despite  the  constitutional  provision  for  a  life  president, 
Sucre  steadfastly  adhered  to  his  resolution  to  relinquish  the 
presidency.  To  judge  by  letters  which  he  wrote  in  1827,  Sucre 
believed  that  the  people  of  Bolivia  were  tranquil  under  his 
rule.  But  he  felt  that  the  Peruvians  viewed  Bolivia  as  "a  bat- 
tery of  the  liberator"  which  might  some  day  destroy  their 
freedom  and  independence.  Aware  that  there  was  some  dis- 
satisfaction with  his  administration,  he  felt  that  the  Bolivians 
n)  were  ungrateful  to  him.    On  June  4,  1827,  he  wrote  to  Bolivar 

^.  ^  ^-^  declaring  that  the  anarchy,  the  confusion,  and  the  ingratitude 
which  prevailed  among  the  Spanish-Americans  had  convinced 
him  that,  if  the  leaders  who  had  figured  prominently  in  the 
wars  for  independence  did  not  relinquish  their  positions,  they 
would  soon  lose  their  heads, — a  remarkable  prophecy  which 
almost  came  true  in  his  own  case.  For,  on  April  18,  1828,  at 
Chuquisaca,  or  Sucre,  the  discontented  soldiers  in  the  garrison 
tumultuously  rebelled.  While  quelling  the  insurrection  Presi- 
dent Sucre  was  badly  wounded  in  the  arm;  in  a  letter  to 
Bolivar  about  a  week  later  he  exclaimed :  "1,  who  came  through 
the  wars  of  independence  without  a  wound,  carry  a  mark  of 
the  ingratitude  of  men  in  a  shattered  arm!"  The  mutiny  at 
the  capital  was  followed  by  a  Peruvian  invasion,  which  was 
finally  repelled  by  President  Sucre.  In  his  last  message  to  con- 
gress on  August  2,  1828,  he  denounced  the  dangerous  policy 
of  intervention  which  Peru  had  thus  adopted.  A  few  ex- 
tracts from  this  message  of  Sucre  to  the  Bolivians  will  serve 
to  depict  the  man : — 

I  shall  not  conclude  my  message  without  asking  of  the 
nation's  representatives  a  reward  for  my  services,  which — 
great  or  small — have  given  existence  to  Bolivia, — services 
which  consequently  deserve  some  requital.  The  constitution 
makes  me  inviolable :  I  cannot  be  held  responsible  for  the  acts 
of  my  government.    I  ask,  then,  that  I  should  be  deprived  of 


ANTONIO  JOSE  DE  SUCRE  297 

this  prerogative,  and  that  all  my  conduct  should  be  examined 
minutely.  If,  by  April  18,  it  is  shown  that  I  have  violated  a 
single  law;  if  the  constitutional  chambers  judge  that  there  is 
occasion  for  the  presentation  of  a  case  to  the  ministry,  I  shall 
return  from  Colombia  and  submit  to  the  judgment  of  the  law. 
I  ask  this  reward  with  so  much  more  reason,  for  I  solemnly 
declare  that,  during  my  administration,  I  have  governed:  the 
good  or  the  evil  which  has  been  done,  I  have  done.  ...  I 
ask  another  reward  from  the  people  of  Bolivia  and  their 
administrators:  that  they  should  not  destroy  the  work  of  my 
creation ;  that  they  preserve  amid  every  peril  the  independence 
of  Bolivia.  .  .  . 

For  the  rest,  gentlemen,  it  is  sufficient  remuneration  for 
my  services  to  return  to  my  native  land  after  six  years  of 
absence,  having  gloriously  served  the  friends  of  Colombia. 
Although  as  a  result  of  foreign  intrigues,  I  bear  this  arm 
withered — the  arm  which  at  Ayacucho  terminated  the  war  for 
American  independence,  destroyed  the  chains  of  Peru,  and 
brought  Bolivia  into  existence — yet  I  am  content.  In  the 
midst  of  trying  circumstances,  I  have  kept  my  conscience  free 
from  all  crime.  When  I  crossed  the  Desaguadero  River,  I 
beheld  a  group  of  men:  assassins  and  victims,  slaves  and 
tyrants,  devoured  by  rancor  and  thirsting  for  vengeance.  I 
have  pacified  men's  minds;  I  have  formed  a  nation  that  has 
its  own  laws;  that  is  transforming  its  education  and  its  colo- 
nial habits;  that  is  recognized  by  its  neighbors;  that  is  free 
from  foreign  indebtedness;  that  has  only  a  small  and  advan- 
tageous domestic  debt;  and,  that,  if  directed  by  a  prudent 
government,  will  be  happy.  When  the  general  assembly  in- 
vited me  to  take  charge  of  Bolivia,  I  declared  that  the  inde- 
pendence and  the  organization  of  the  state  would  rest  upon 
my  labors.  Although  I  have  lived  in  the  midst  of  parties 
which  have  been  active  for  fifteen  years,  and  in  a  desolated 
country,  yet  to  secure  these  benefits  I  have  not  made  a  single 
Bolivian  grieve:  I  have  made  no  widow  or  orphan  mourn;  I 
have  pardoned  some  of  the  wretches  who  were  condemned 
by  law.  My  government  has  been  distinguished  by  clemency, 
tolerance,  and  kindness.  Perhaps  it  will  be  alleged  that  this 
clemency  was  the  causg  of  my  own  wounds.  But  I  shall  not 
regret  them,  if  my  successors  with  equal  lenity  shall  accustom 
the  Bolivian  people  to  be  guided  by  the  laws,  without  the 
need  of  noisy  bayonets  perennially  threatening  men's  lives  and 


298  RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

endangering  liberty.  In  my  retirement  I  shall  see  my  scars; 
but  I  shall  never  regret  that  I  carry  them,  when  I  recollect 
that  to  found  Bolivia,  I  chose  to  rule  by  the  empire  of  law 
rather  th^vrv  by  the  actions  of  a  tyrant  or  an  executioner,  who 
constantly  holds  a  sword  suspended  over  the  heads  of  the 
citizens. 

In  Sucre's  farewell  address  to  the  Bolivians,  he  expressed 
his  opinion  that  the  constitution  which  had  been  framed  by 
Bolivar  should  be  amended.  He  said  that  he  was  ''not  a  par- 
tisan of  the  Bolivian  constitution";  for  although  it  appeared 
to  give  "stability  to  the  government,"  in  fact  it  deprived  the 
government  "of  the  means  to  make  itself  respected."  He  de- 
clared that  under  this  constitution  the  president  had  "neither 
the  vigor  nor  the  force  necessary  to  support  himself";  hence 
his  rights  amounted  to  nothing.  Under  such  conditions  he 
said  that  upheavals  were  bound  to  occur  frequently.  In  par- 
ticular was  President  Sucre  dissatisfied  with  the  constitutional 
provisions  concerning  the  presidency.  "I  am  persuaded,"  he 
said,  "that  one  feature  of  this  constitution,  a  weak  executive, 
will  encourage  disturbances,  for  an  executive  who  is  so  weakly 
supported  cannot  act  as  a  curb."  Thus,  according  to  the 
judgment  of  Bolivar's  dearest  friend,  this  cherished  consti- 
tution was  defective. 

In  Sucre's  letters  to  Bolivar  he  at  times  suggested  that  the 
liberator's  political  designs  were  over-ambitious.  As  early 
as  1823  Sucre  had  written  to  Bolivar  arguing  that  they  ought 
to  confine  themselves  to  a  Colombian  policy,  and  that  they 
should  not  adopt  a  policy  which  would  view  all  the  Spanish- 
Americans  as  brothers,  for  they  were  not  such.  At  a  later 
period  with  regard  to  Bolivar's  design  for  a  federation  of  Co- 
lombia, Peru,  and  Bolivia,  Sucre  expressed  the  opinion  that  a 
federal  system  might  remedy  some  of  the  existing  evils,  but 
that  such  a  system  would  unite  those  states  too  closely.  Above 
all,  Sucre  was  anxious  that  Bolivar  should  preserve  for  himself 
the  title  of  liberator,  for  he  considered  that  title  unique.  In 
1826  when  General  Paez  proposed  that  Bolivar  should  be 


ANTONIO  JOSE  DE  SUCRE  299 

crowned  king  of  Colombia,  Sucre  advised  the  liberator  against 
the  project,  urging  in  particular  that  as  Bolivar  had  no  sons 
this  Napoleonic  project  would  ultimately  involve  the  father- 
land in  destruction.  He  frankly  stated  his  views  to  Bolivar 
in  these  words : 

For,  after  your  death,  each  advocate  of  the  project  would 
think  that  he  had  a  right  to  the  succession:  each  would  seize 
a  piece  of  territory,  in  order  that  he  might  rule  over  it  des- 
potically. I  agree  with  your  sister  that  either  you  ought  to  be 
the  liberator,  or  you  ought  to  be  dead — as  liberator  you  will 
live  with  glory  during  the  coming  centuries.  .  .  .  The  con- 
centration of  the  powers  of  government  and  the  maintenance 
of  the  liberty  and  independence  of  the  nation  should  be  the 
object  of  every  Colombian  who  labors  for  the  welfare  of  his 
country.  I  think  that  if  you  constantly  retain  the  support  of 
popular  ideas,  you  will  retain  your  ascendancy;  so  that  under 
all  circumstances  you  ought  to  be  the  ark  of  the  covenant  of 
the  Colombian  people  and  of  the  people  of  America, — the  life- 
boat that  rescues  them  from  shipwreck  during  political  tem- 
pests. 

When  Sucre  relinquished  the  presidency  of  Bolivia,  a  ro- 
mantic motive  which  had  impelled  him  to  withdraw  from  pub- 
lic life  became  apparent.  Soon  after  the  battle  of  Pichincha  he 
had  become  enamored  of  Mariana  Carcelen  y  Larrea,  Mar- 
chioness of  Solanda,  an  heiress  of  Quito.  Frequent  meetings 
were  followed  by  mutual  pledges.  Forced  to  leave  the  city  of 
Quito  in  order  to  fight  for  independence,  induced  to  remain 
away  from  that  city  by  exacting  official  duties,  it  was  not 
strange  that  Sucre  frequently  lamented  his  inability  to  retire 
to  private  life.  While  president  of  Bolivia,  he  arranged  to  be 
married  by  proxy  to  the  marchioness:  that  ceremony  took 
place  at  Quito  just  a  few  days  after  Sucre  had  been  wounded 
at  Chuquisaca.  Some  time  after  relinquishing  the  presidency 
of  Bolivia,  Sucre  appeared  in  the  city  of  Quito.  There  for 
a  short  period  he  lived  the  quiet  life  of  a  private  citizen.  He 
superintended  his  wife's  estates,  directed  the  cultivation  of  the 
fields,  and  lamented  the  decadence  of  Colombia.     At  times 


300  RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

Marshal  Sucre  was  ill,  and  depressed  in  spirit.  On  October 
9,  1829,  he  wrote  to  Bolivar  from  Quito :  "I  am  not  ashamed 
to  say  that  there  are  days  when  I  do  not  have  a  single  real;  but 
nevertheless  I  live  by  the  mercy  of  God,  and  sometimes  by  the 
mercy  of  my  wife.    Such  is  this  unhappy  world.'' 

The  plan  of  this  book  precludes  an  attempt  to  describe  in 
detail  the  public  career  of  Bolivar  from  1825  to  1829.  Here 
only  such  events  will  be  considered  as  are  intimately  concerned 
with  Spanish-American  independence.  From  this  viewpoint 
the  most  significant  problem  which  confronted  Bolivar  during 
those  troublous  years  was  the  identical  problem  which  had 
perplexed  San  Martin,  namely,  the  establishment  of  mon- 
archies in  Spanish  America.  The  available  evidence  upon  that 
subject,  emanating  directly  or  indirectly  from  Bolivar,  is  con- 
flicting and  difficult  to  evaluate.  In  part  it  consists  of  reports 
sent  to  England  by  her  agents  in  South  America.  From  these 
only  one  pertinent  example  will  be  taken.  Three  months  after 
the  victory  of  Ayacucho,  Bolivar  had  a  conference  at  Lima 
with  Captain  Mailing  of  the  English  frigate  Cambridge.  Ac- 
cording to  that  captain's  report  to  his  government,  Bolivar  ex- 
pressed the  idea  that  if  the  English  cabinet  ever  proposed 
to  promote  the  establishment  of  a  monarchy  in  Spanish  Amer- 
ica, such  a  proposal  would  meet  with  his  approval,  for  he 
would  steadily  support  the  prince  whom  England  might  wish 
to  place  upon  the  South-American  throne.  Further,  Bolivar 
seems  to  have  suggested  that  instead  of  the  name  king  the 
name  Inca  should  be  used, — a  title  for  which  the  Indians 
had  a  predilection.  'Tf  we  are  to  have  a  new  Gov- 
,<^  emment,"  Bolivar  is  also  reported  to  have  said,  "let  it  be 
^  ^  modeled  on  yours,  and  I  am  ready  to  give  my  support  to  any 
^  sovereign  England  may  give  us."     Similar  reports  respecting 

Bolivar's  designs  were  made  at  a  later  date  by  other  English 
agents.  Possibly  the  dispatch  of  Captain  Mailing  did  not 
rightly  represent  the  views  of  the  liberator.  Even  if  the  re- 
ports of  English  agents  correctly  described  the  conversation 


ANTONIO  JOSE  DE  SUCRE  301 

of  the  volatile  Colombian,  it  seems  likely  that  Bolivar,  the 
diplomat,  was  merely  toying  with  them. 

For  when  General  Paez  proposed  to  Bolivar,  who  was  act- 
ing as  dictator  of  Peru,  that  he  should  return  to  Colombia  to 
assume  the  role  which  Napoleon  had  played  in  France  after 
his  Egyptian  campaign,  the  liberator  replied  in  March,  1826, 
that  Colombia  was  not  France,  nor  was  he  Napoleon ;  and  that 
he  did  not  desire  to  imitate  such  unworthy  personages  as 
Caesar  or  Iturbjd^^  But  the  idea  of  a  vast  monarchy  in  north- 
ern Soutfii  America  seemed  destined  to  bloom  perennially.  For, 
when  Vice  President  Santander  responded  to  Bolivar's  letters 
regarding  the  adoption  of  the  Bolivian  constitution  in  Colom- 
bia, on  July  6,  1826,  he  expressed  the  belief  that  "an  empire 
stretching  from  Potosi  to  the  Orinoco  River  would  be  very 
strong  and  influential,"  but  that  it  would  be  "a  perpetual  cause 
of  war  between  monarchists  and  democrats."  Santander  also 
declared  that,  after  having  striven  for  sixteen  years  for  "the 
establishment  of  a  legal  regime  under  republican  forms,"  he 
could  not  betray  his  principles  and  accept  a  foreign  prince. 
He  asserted  that  he  would  gladly  obey  Bolivar  as  emperor; 
but  he  raised  an  insuperable  obstacle  to  this  project  when  he 
stated  that  after  the  death  of  Bolivar,  he  would  never  accept 
Paez,  or  any  other  Colombian  leader,  as  "supreme  and  crowned 
chief  for  life."  These  excerpts  will  suggest  how  persistent 
was  the  idea  that  an  unmasked  monarchy  might  be  established 
in  northern  South  America. 

The  views  of  Bolivar — the  president  of  Colombia — were 
again  suggested  when,  in  1828,  a  periodical  of  Cuenca  proposed 
that  a  monarchy  should  be  founded  in  northern  South  Amer- 
ica with  its  capital  at  Lima.  At  that  time  Bolivar  openly  dis- 
claimed any  connection  with  the  scheme.  A  little  later  Presi- 
dent Bolivar  argued  strongly  against  such  a  project  upon  an 
occasion  when  his  secretaries  favored  the  establishment  of  a 
monarchy  in  Colombia  under  a  European  prince  in  order  to 
provide  a  successor  to  his  power.    A  luminous  statement  of 


302   RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

Bolivar's  views  was  made  on  July  14,   1829,  in  a  letter  to 
Estanislao  Vergara,  the  Colombian  secretary  of  foreign  affairs. 

Although  the  project  to  invite  a  foreign  prince  to  succeed 
me  in  the  command  might  produce  some  good  results,  yet  I 
see  a  thousand  obstacles  which  it  would  encounter.  No  for- 
eign prince  would  accept  as  his  patrimony  an  anarchical  prin- 
cipality without  any  guarantees.  Colombia's  debts  and  the 
poverty  of  the  people  do  not  ensure  the  revenues  which  are 
necessary  for  the  support  of  a  prince  and  a  court, — even  in  a 
miserable  fashion.  The  lower  classes  would  become  alarmed, 
fearing  the  effects  of  aristocracy  and  inequality.  The  gen- 
erals of  the  revolution  and  ambitious  personages  of  every 
stamp  could  never  tolerate  a  government  which  would  deprive 
them  of  the  supreme  power.  I  have  not  spoken  of  the  obsta- 
cles in  Europe:  to  suppose  that  there  were  none  would  be  to 
imagine  a  rare  combination  of  favoring  circumstances. 

As  Bolivar  grew  older  he  seems  to  have  become  more  and 
more  pessimistic  regarding  democratic  government  in  Spanish 
America.  Obviously,  he  expressed  different  views  at  different 
times  concerning  the  establishment  of  a  monarchy,  or  of  mon- 
archies, in  South  America.  It  is  hardly  too  much  to  suggest 
that  he  was  all  things  to  all  men.  The  puzzling  question  as  to 
what  Bolivar  actually  believed  regarding  governmental  systems 
during  his  last  years  is  essentially  psychological.  Who  can 
say  with  certainty  what  political  ideals  were  cherished  in  the 
recesses  of  the  liberator-president's  mind?  Still,  it  is  an  in- 
disputable fact,  that  the  fullest,  the  most  mature,  and  the  most 
authentic  expression  of  Bolivar's  political  creed,  remains  the 
constitution  which  he  framed  for  the  republic  of  Bolivia, — 
a  constitution  which  apparently  made  provision  for  a  masked 
constitutional  monarchy. 

From  1826  to  1830  Great  Colombia  was  disturbed  by  fac- 
tions whose  quarrels  presaged  the  disruption  of  the  state. 
Generals  La  Mar  and  Cordova  led  unsuccessful  revolts  against 
Bolivar's  domination.  General  Paez  became  the  leader  of  a 
faction  which  favored  the  secession  of  Venezuela.  In  Bogota 
Vice  President  Santander,  *'the  champion  of  the  constitution/' 


ANTONIO  JOSE  DE  SUCRE  303 

directed  a  party  which  opposed  the  dictatorial  policy  of  Boli- 
var. In  an  attempt  to  allay  that  partisan  strife  the  Colombian 
congress  summoned  delegates  to  meet  at  Ocafia  early  in  1828 
to  reform  the  constitution  of  182 1.  At  the  convention  of 
Ocana  Bolivar's  supporters  could  make  no  compromise  with 
the  followers  of  Santander;  some  delegates  even  walked  out 
of  the  convention,  which  soon  dissolved.  Subsequently,  certain 
Colombian  leaders  at  Bogota  proclaimed  that  Bolivar  was  dic- 
tator. Whereupon  daring  conspirators  planned  to  enter  the 
palace  of  the  dictator,  who  now  styled  himself  liberator-presi- 
dent, in  order  to  secure  his  person,  living  or  dead.  An  at- 
tempt to  seize  him  which  was  made  on  the  night  of  September 
25,  1828,  was  unsuccessful;  for,  while  his  favorite  mistress, 
Mrs.  Thorne,  or,  as  she  is  commonly  known,  Manuela  Saenz, 
parleyed  with  the  conspirators,  the  hero  of  many  battles 
jumped  out  of  a  window,  and  thus  escaped  the  assassin's  dag- 
ger. Bolivar  was  now  thoroughly  disgusted  with  his  compa- 
triots ;  in  a  letter  to  Sucre  on  October  28,  1828,  he  said :  "You 
are  the  only  man  of  integrity  in  this  heroic  and  unfortunate 
country."  And  in  a  rare  pamphlet  attributed  to  Bolivar,  which 
was  published  in  the  city  of  Quito  in  1829,  this  statement 
was  made:  **There  is  no  faith  in  America;  neither  amon 
men,  nor  among  nations :  their  treaties  are  paper ;  their  con- 
stitutions are  books,  their  elections  are  combats :  liberty  is  an- 
archy ;  and  life  is  a  torment." 

Thus,  in  the  sere  and  yellow  leaf,  Bolivar  bewailed  the 
anarchy  of  "Great  Colombia."  In  the  south,  the  Peruvians 
under  Riva  Agiiero  invaded  Colombian  territory.  They  were 
only  repelled  after  Marshal  Sucre  was  placed  at  the  head  of 
an  army,  which  in  February,  1829,  defeated  them  at  the  battle 
of  Tarqui.  The  secession  movement  in  Venezuela  finally  be- 
came so  strong  that  on  November  26,  1829,  an  assembly  of 
prominent  citizens  in  Caracas  decided  upon  the  separation  of 
Venezuela  from  Colombia.  General  Paez  was  naturally  se- 
lected as  the  Venezuelan  executive.  In  January,  1830,  the 
constituent  congress  of   Colombia,  which  Bolivar  had  con-' 


\ir^ 


304  RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

voked,  made  a  last  effort  to  save  the  republic  from  dissolution, 
it  appointed  a  commission  to  treat  for  peace  and  union  with 
the  secessionists  of  Venezuela.  General  Sucre,  who  had  been 
serving  as  the  president  of  this  congress,  was  selected  as  one 
of  the  commissioners.  But  even  Sucre's  efforts  at  reconcilia- 
tion were  futile.  Thereupon  Bolivar  renounced,  for  the  last 
time,  the  office  of  chief  magistrate.  In  his  last  message  to  the 
Colombian  congress,  he  declared  despairingly,  "Independence 
is  the  only  blessing  which  we  have  acquired  at  the  expense 
of  everything  else."  The  renunciation  of  his  power  by  the  lib- 
erator-president sealed  the  doom  of  Great  Colombia.  In 
an  inedited  letter  of  Sucre  to  Colonel  Andrade,  May  lo,  1830, 
the  former  declared  that  Bolivar  had  said  that  Colombia  was 
about  to  be  dissevered ;  that  in  whatever  section  he  might  live, 
the  inhabitants  would  ask  him  to  become  their  caudillo;  and 
that  neither  his  position  nor  his  dignity  would  permit  him  to 
become  the  chief  of  a  faction. 

After  the  conferences  with  the  Venezuelan  commissioners 
had  failed,  Sucre  wrote  a  farewell  letter  to  Bolivar,  and  then 
started  on  the  long  and  tiresome  trip  overland  to  Quito.  This 
was  the  last  journey  of  the  Marshal  of  Ayacucho.  On  June  4, 
1830,  while  riding  through  the  lonely  forest  of  Berruecos,  not 
far  from  the  town  of  Pasto,  he  was  shot  in  a  cowardly  manner 
by  hired  assassins.  The  odium  for  Sucre's  mysterious  assassi- 
nation fell  largely  upon  General  Ovando,  the  military  com- 
mander in  the  department  of  Cauca,  who  may  have  instigated 
the  murder.  The  melancholy  news  of  the  untimely  death  of 
Sucre  shocked  his  friends.  When  his  widow  wrote  to  Bolivar, 
informing  him  that  the  sword  presented  to  Sucre  by  the  Co- 
lombian congress  to  celebrate  the  battle  of  Ayacucho  had  been 
bequeathed  to  the  liberator,  she  said :  "You  lost  a  loyal  friend 
who  knew  your  merits.  I  lost  a  companion.  The  sad  memo- 
ries of  this  event  will  embitter  the  remaining  days  of  my  life." 
The  news  of  the  assassination  must  have  confirmed  Bolivar's 
belief  that  'those  who  had  served  the  cause  of  the  revolution 
had  plowed  the  sea.'    On  July  i  he  wrote  to  his  compatriot, 


ANTONIO  JOSE  DE  SUCRE  305 

General  Juan  Flores :  "This  news  has  produced  so  deep  an  im- 
pression upon  me  that  I  judge  it  impossible  to  live  in  a  country 
where  they  cruelly  and  barbarously  assassinate  the  most  illus- 
trious generals  whose  labors  have  ensured  the  liberty  of  Amer- 
ica. .  .  .  The  immaculate  Sucre  has  not  been  able  to  escape 
the  ambuscades  of  these  monsters.  ...  I  believe  that  the 
object  of  this  crime  was  to  deprive  the  country  of  a  successor 
to  me." 

The  ingratitude  of  Colombia  seemed  to  Bolivar  sharper 
than  a  serpent's  tooth.  His  plan  to  sail  from  South  America 
to  Europe  was  frustrated,  for  he  could  not  sell  the  mines 
of  Aroa  because  of  the  litigious  opposition  of  his  political  ene- 
mies in  Venezuela.  In  his  extremity  he  again  thought  of  an 
asylum  in  the  West  Indies.  On  May  11  in  a  letter  to  an  inti- 
mate friend  Bolivar  expressed  his  intention  to  leave  Colombia 
in  any  event:  "I  have  decided  nevermore  tp  return  to  Co- 
lombia,— ^nevermore  to  serve  my  ungrateful  compatriots."  The 
former  dictator  resisted  the  supplications  of  friends  who 
wished  him  to  assume  the  supreme  power  again.  He  avowed 
that  he  had  never  looked  with  favor  upon  insurrections,  de- 
claring that  he  now  regretted  the  revolutions  which  he  had  led 
against  Spanish  rule.  Sick  and  steadily  declining  in  health, 
he  said  that  rather  than  take  medicine,  he  preferred  to  die. 
Early  in  December,  accompanied  by  a  few  of  his  military 
comrades,  *'the  liberator  of  Colombia,  Peru,  and  Bolivia,"  was 
carried  on  a  litter  into  the  town  of  Santa  Marta.  On  Decem- 
ber 17,  1830,  he  died  near  that  place  of  pulmonary  tuberculo- 
sis. A  proclamation  which  he  had  signed  on  December  10  was 
his  political  testament: — 

Colombians  !  You  have  witnessed  my  attempts  to  establish 
liberty  where  tyranny  had  reigned.  I  have  labored  disinter- 
estedly, relinquishing  my  fortune,  and  even  my  peace  of  mind. 
I  gave  up  the  supreme  command  when  I  became  convinced 
that  you  doubted  my  disinterestedness.  My  enemies  abused 
your  credulity  and  trampled  upon  my  most  sacred  posses- 
sion,— my  reputation  and  my  love  for  liberty.  Although  I  am 
the  victim  of  my  persecutors,  who  have  driven  me  to  the  §;ates 


3o6  RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

of  the  tomb,  yet  I  forgive  them.  About  to  leave  this  world, 
my  affection  tells  me  that  I  ought  to  make  known  to  you  my 
last  wishes:  I  do  not  aspire  to  any  other  glory  than  to  con- 
solidate Colombia.  All  of  you  should  labor  for  the  inestimable 
boon  of  union.  The  people  should  obey  the  existing  govern- 
ment in  order  to  free  themselves  from  anarchy.  The  priests 
of  the  Church  should  direct  the  progress  of  the  people  toward 
heaven.  And  the  soldiers  should  employ  their  swords  to 
defend  the  social  guarantees.  Colombians !  My  last  wishes 
are  for  the  happiness  of  my  native  land.  If  my  death  helps 
to  check  the  growth  of  factions  and  to  consolidate  the  union, 
I  shall  rest  tranquilly  in  the  sepulcher! 

On  January  12,  1830,  the  dying  man  had  signed  his  last 
will.  Bolivar  provided  that  the  medal  which  had  been  granted 
to  him  by  the  Bolivian  congress  should  be  returned  to  that 
body  as  a  testimonial  of  the  sincere  affection  which  he  enter- 
tained for  Bolivia.  To  the  University  of  Caracas  he  be- 
queathed two  books  which  had  belonged  to  Napoleon :  Rous- 
seau's *'Social  Contract,"  and  Montecuccoli's  "Art  of  War." 
The  sword  which  Sucre  had  bequeathed  to  Bolivar  was  to  be 
returned  to  the  marshal's  widow ;  in  order  that  she  might  pre- 
serve it  as  a  token  of  the  love  which  the  liberator  had  cherished 
for  the  hero  of  Ayacucho.  Bolivar  expressed  a  wish  that 
his  remains  should  be  buried  in  his  native  city.  He  provided 
that,  after  the  payment  of  a  legacy  to  a  faithful  servant,  the 
remnant  of  his  wealth,  his  debts,  and  his  rights  were  to  be 
the  heritage  of  his  two  sisters  and  of  the  children  of  his  de- 
ceased brother.  Bolivar  ordered  that  his  voluminous  papers, 
which  were  stored  in  ten  boxes,  should  be  burned.  Fortu- 
nately for  the  student  of  the  South-American  wars  for  inde- 
pendence, this  order  was  not  observed.  These  documents, 
which  were  later  placed  at  the  disposal  of  Bolivar's  former 
secretary,  form  a  larg^  part  of  the  collection  known  as  the 
Memorids  del  general  O'Leary  that  constitutes  a  valuable  rec- 
ord of  the  career  of  the  liberator-president,  who  exercised  so 
profound  an  influence  upon  the  fortunes  of  northern  South 
America  during  the  heroic  age. 


ANTONIO  JOSE  DE  SUCRE  307 

Bolivar's  hopes  regarding  the  political  existence  of  the  v 
state  which  had  been  created  by  his  genius  were  vain.  Even 
before  the  hero  of  Colombia  expired  at  Santa  Marta,  Great 
Colombia  had  split  into  three  parts.  In  September,  1830,  a 
convention  of  delegates  from  the  former  captaincy  general  of  M ^P 
Venezuela  which  had  assembled  at  Valencia  adopted  a  consti- 
tution for  the  republic  of  Venezuela.  In  the  same  month  a 
constitutional  convention  composed  of  delegates  from  the  prov-  ^ 

inces  of  the  former  presidency  of  Quito  which  had  assembled  ^U 1^ 
at  Riobamba  adopted  a  republican  constitution  for  the  state 
of  Ecuador,     In  November,   1831,  a  convention  which  had 
assembled  at  Bogota,  announced  that  the  provinces  which  had         /> 
composed  the  central  part  of  Colombia  formed  the  state  of   ^ 
New  Granada — at  a  later  time  again  designated  as  Colombia — 
and  a  short  time  afterwards  a  republican  constitution  was    X 
adopted  which  had  been  framed  by  the  constituent  congress  in/ 
May,  1830. 

The  sanity  of  Bolivar's  judgment  was  well  illustrated  by  the 
selection  of  Antonio  Jose  de  Sucre  to  be  the  commander  of  the 
army  of  liberation  upon  the  Pacific  coast.  Many  of  the  letters 
which  passed  between  Bolivar  and  Sucre  contained  evidence  of 
their  mutual  affection.  Sucre  frequently  gave  expression  to 
the  tender  love  and  genuine  admiration  which  he  cherished  for 
the  liberator.  *Tf  I  could  be  sure  of  your  friendship,"  wrote 
Sucre  to  Bolivar  in  1825,  "I  would  be.  satisfied  in  a  corner  of 
Quito."  In  truth,  it  would  be  difficult  to  find  in  the  chronicles 
of  history  two  other  leaders  who,  in  an  atmosphere  of  jeal- 
ousy and  suspicion,  preserved  their  friendship  more  hallowed, 
or  maintained  their  loyalty  to  a  common  cause  more  unsullied, 
than  these  two  Venezuelans. 

Antonio  Jose  de  Sucre  was  not  without  faults.  His  great- 
est fault  was  perhaps  his  pride  and  sensitiveness  which  occa- 
sionally made  him  interpret  actions  as  slights  to  himself.  By 
a  somewhat  unusual  combiftation  of  qualities,  Sucre  was  not 
only  proud,  but  also  modest.  At  times  he  ascribed  all  the 
credit  for  his  military  successes  to  his  master.     It  would  in- 


3o8  RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

deed  seem  that  Sucre  possessed  the  spirit  of  self-abnegation  to 
almost  as  great  a  degree  as  San  Martin.  Marshal  Sucre  was 
an  honest  man;  for  although  he  served  South  America  for 
many  years  in  a  public  capacity,  and  doubtless  had  opportuni- 
ties to  line  his  own  purse,  yet  at  his  death  he  owned  very  little 
property.  He  even  decHned  to  accept  the  monies  which  were 
granted  him  by  Peru  and  Bolivia  as  a  reward  for  his  services 
as  liberator,  while  his  salary  as  a  soldier  of  Colombia  was 
partly  used  to  relieve  the  needs  of  his  relatives  at  Cumana. 
Other  incidents  in  Sucre's  career  demonstrate  his  deep  attach- 
ment for  the  numerous  family  of  his  father.  Nor  did  the 
valiant  general  forget  his  birth-place:  after  the  battle  of  Pi- 
chincha,  Sucre  sent  to  the  city  of  Cumana  a  wreath  of  gold 
which  had  been  presented  to  him  by  the  city  of  Cochabamba. 
Obscured  for  a  time  by  the  over-shadowing  figure  of  the  lib- 
erator-president, with  every  passing  year  the  hero  of  Ayacucho 
rises  higher  in  the  esteem  of  Venezuelans  who  now  reverence 
him  as  one  of  their  revolutionary  trinity, — Miranda,  Bolivar, 
and  Sucre.  And,  in  the  vast  mediterranean  state  of  South 
America,  the  memory  of  Sucre  is  revered  as  that  of  the  true 
founder  of  Bolivia. 

A  remarkable  diary  which  was  apparently  written  in  1828 
by  Peru  de  la  Croix,  a  companion  in  arms  of  Bolivar,  pre- 
serves some  illuminating  remarks  made  by  the  liberator  while 
sojourning  at  Bucaramanga.  If  the  words  which  La  Croix 
attributed  to  Bolivar  concerning  the  Bayard  of  South  America 
do  not  preserve  the  liberator's  precise  sentiments,  at  least  they 
contain  a  suggestive  contemporary  opinion  of  Bolivar's  favor- 
ite general : — 

Sucre  is  always  a  gentleman;  he  has  the  best  intellect  in 
Colombia;  he  is  methodical;  he  is  capable  of  the  most  lofty 
conceptions;  he  is  the  best  general  of  the  republic,  and  her 
first  statesman.  His  ideas  are  excellent  and  definite;  his 
morality  is  exemplary;  his  soul  is  grand  and  strong.  He 
knows  how  to  persuade  and  how  to  lead  men.  He  knows  also 
how  to  judge  them:  and,  if  in  political  affairs,  it  is  not  a 


ANTONIO  JOSE  DE  SUCRE  309 

defect  to  consider  men  as  worse  than  they  really  are,  General 
Sucre  is  able  to  demonstrate  in  an  extreme  fashion  the  un- 
favorable judgments  which  he  has  formed  of  them.  Another 
defect  of  General  Sucre  is  that  he  wishes  to  make  it  appear 
that  he  is  extremely  ingenuous  and  popular,  while  he  is  not 
able  to  conceal  that  in  reality  he  is  not  so.  But  these  are  only 
slight  defects,  which  are  found  among  so  many  merits  and 
virtues  that  a  very  observant  eye  is  needed  to  detect  them. 
To  all  this  it  may  be  added  that  the  Grand  Marshal  of  Aya- 
cucho  is  brave  among  the  brave,  loyal  among  the  loyal,  a  lover 
of  laws  and  not  of  despotism,  a  partisan  of  order,  an  enemy 
of  anarchy,  and  finally,  a  true  liberal. 

Of  particular  interest  are  the  statements  which  La  Croix 
attributes  to  Bolivar  in  regard  to  politics  and  revolution.  The 
diary  of  Bucaramanga  records  the  words  of  the  liberator  to 
the  effect  that  only  a  despot  could  rightly  govern  Colombia. 
With  respect  to  himself,  Bolivar  affirmed  that  he  had  not  acted 
as  a  despot,  for  the  Colombian  people  had  chosen  him  to  serve 
as  their  dictator.  He  even  appears  to  have  ironically  asserted 
that  a  theocratic  form  of  government  would  be  best  adapted 
to  the  people  of  Spanish  America.  In  1828,  Bolivar  evidently 
felt  that  there  were  some  defects  in  the  constitution  which  he 
had  framed  for  Bolivia.  The  honied  words  of  praise  which 
fell  from  the  liberator's  lips  at  Bucaramanga  indicate  that  in 
his  heart  of  hearts  Bolivar  admired  and  emulated  the  great 
Frenchman  as  administrator,  statesman,  and  soldier.  The 
truth  of  the  matter  seems  to  be  that  Napoleon  was  Bolivar's 
inimitable  model. 

According  to  Peru  de  la  Croix,  the  liberator  sententiously 
said  that  the  art  of  politics  was  rightly  to  judge  men  and  af- 
fairs. If  indeed  Bolivar  made  that  remark,  he  certainly  prac- 
ticed what  he  preached.  Almost  unerring  in  his  judgment  of 
men,  he  intuitively  recognized  the  strength  as  well  as  the  weak- 
ness of  his  political  and  military  associates.  Perhaps  as  a 
necessary  consequence,  Bolivar  was  able  to  secure  good  service 
from  the  available  men.  This  service  he  secured  partly  be- 
cause he  carefully  selected  the  man  best  fitted  for  the  particu- 


310  RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

lar  position,  partly  because  he  wisely  instructed  his  agents, 
and  partly  because  he  made  each  agent  feel  the  cardinal  im- 
portance of  his  assigned  task.  Then,  too,  until  near  the  end 
of  his  remarkable  career  Bolivar  had  a  sublime  faith  in  his 
mission  as  liberator — a  faith  that  could  move  mountains.  Still, 
he  did  not  over-estimate  his  own  achievements ;  nor  did  he,  like 
some  great  men,  consider  himself  as  being  charged  with  a  di- 
vine mission,  which  no  one  else  could  have  performed.  It  is 
indeed  not  given  to  all  statesmen  or  warriors  to  judge  of  the 
part  which  they  have  played  in  history  so  justly  as  Bolivar, 
the  warrior-statesman,  seems  to  have  judged  of  his  role.  La 
Croix  records  a  remarkable  conversation  between  Bolivar  and 
himself  in  which  the  liberator  stated  his  views  concerning  the 
role  which  he  had  played  in  the  struggle  for  the  independence 
of  the  Spanish-American  republics.  "  *I  have  not  been  the  sole 
author  of  the  revolution,' ''  said  Bolivar.  "  *If  I  had  not  been 
present  during  the  crisis  of  the  revolution  and  during  the  pro- 
tracted struggle  between  the  Spanish  troops  and  the  patriots, 
some  other  champion  of  independence  would  have  appeared: 
the  penumbra  of  my  fortune  would  not  have  overshadowed 
other  patriots,  who  have  been  kept  in  an  orbit  inferior  to  my 
own.  Superstitious  people  may  believe,  if  they  wish,  that  a 
kind  Providence  destined  me  for  the  redemption  of  Colombia : 
— the  truth  is  that  circumstances,  my  genius,  my  character, 
and  my  passions,  placed  me  on  the  road  which  led  to  inde- 
pendence ;  my  ambition,  my  constancy,  and  my  lively  imagina- 
tion caused  me  to  follow  that  road.  .  .  J  " 

Thus  did  Bolivar  answer  the  question  of  the  Sphinx  which 
guards  the  highway  of  history  as  to  the  influence  of  a  master- 
ful personality  upon  the  movements  of  his  age.  As  extracts 
from  his  letters  and  speeches  have  indicated,  Bolivar  has  some 
claim  to  consideration  as  a  literary  man.  The  large  collection 
of  letters  which  he  left  behind  attests  his  far-reaching  inter- 
ests, as  well  as  his  unresting  energy,  when  in  his  prime.  With 
his  own  hand  Bolivar  wrote  letters  only  to  relatives  or  intimate 
friends.     To  the  letters  which  were  ordinarily  taken   from 


ANTONIO  JOSE  DE  SUCRE  311 

dictation  by  his  secretary,  he  occasionally  added  a  few  words 
of  greeting  in  his  own  handwriting.  Official  letters  and  me- 
morials were  read  to  the  liberator  by  his  secretary  or  by  a 
clerk.  The  replies  were  often  dictated  while  Bolivar  was 
swinging  in  a  hammock  or  pacing  a  room  with  a  book  in  his 
hand.  In  a  passage  of  his  invaluable  memoirs,  O'Leary  thui 
describes  the  mode  in  which  the  liberator  conducted  his  cor 
respondence : 

He  dictated  the  official  dispatches  and  letters  to  as  manj 
as  three  amanuenses  at  once.  No  matter  how  humble  the 
station  of  the  writer,  never  did  he  lay  aside  a  letter  without 
making  a  reply.  Although  he  was  sometimes  interrupted 
while  engaged  in  dictation,  never  did  I  hear  him  make  a  mis- 
take, never  did  I  see  him  at  a  loss  to  pick  up  the  phrase. 
When  he  was  not  acquainted  with  the  correspondent  or  the 
petitioner,  he  would  ask  one  or  two  questions.  This  occurred 
very  rarely,  however,  for,  as  Bolivar  was  endowed  with  a 
marvelous  memory,  he  remembered  not  only  all  the  officers 
of  the  army  but  also  all  the  officials  of  the  government  and 
the  notable  personages  of  the  country. 

The  picturesque  and  imaginative  style  of  Bolivar,  ordi- 
narily limpid  and  lucid,  but  at  times  obscure,  has  led  Gil  For- 
toul  to  say  that  the  liberator  thought  in  French  and  expressed 
himself  in  Spanish. 

Simon  de  Bolivar  has  been  characterized  as  the  Napoleon 
of  the  South-American  revolution.  Endowed  with  unusual 
power  to  discipline,  to  organize,  and  to  inspirit  his  compa- 
triots, he  led  his  devoted  soldiers  from  Caracas  to  Lima, — sol- 
diers whose  valor  and  constancy  were  largely  responsible  for 
the  victories  of  Junin  and  Ayacucho.  Bolivar's  mission  was 
to  free  from  the  heavy  yoke  of  Spain  the  inhabitants  of  two 
viceroyalties  and  to  lay  the  foundations  of  several  independ- 
ent states.  His  biographer,  De  Schryver,  has  said  that  'besides 
establishing  the  independerffce  of  five  nations,  the  achievement 
of  Bolivar  consisted  in  the  fact  that  he  thrust  half  a  million 
of  slaves  into  struggles  for  republican  government  and  de- 


312  RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

mocracy/  Bolivar's  chief  defects  as  a  publicist  may  be  thus 
briefly  enumerated:  a  fondness  for  personal  and  autocratic 
rule;  a  pretorian  spirit;  and  a  tendency  toward  imperialism. 
These  were  the  defects  of  his  good  qualities.  From  the  mili- 
tary as  well  as  the  political  point  of  view,  Bolivar  tow- 
ered above  most  of  his  contemporaries  in  South  America ;  for 
with  the  exception  of  San  Martin,  their  gaze  seldom  left  their 
own  native  provinces,  while  Bolivar's  comprehensive  vision 
embraced  all  the  rising  Spanish-American  republics.  This  dis- 
tinguished son  of  Caracas  looked  beyond  the  boundaries  of 
Venezuela  and  beheld  a  liberated  and  a  confederated  Spanish 
America.  After  the  lapse  of  many  generations  in  which  Boli- 
var's alluring  dream  of  a  confederation  of  the  Spanish-Ameri- 
can states  has  remained  unfulfilled,  it  is  easy  to  say  that  his 
ideal  of  a  confederated  state  in  northern  South  America  was 
impracticable.  For  his  ideal  ignored  these  facts :  that  even  the 
peoples  of  New  Granada,  Quito,  and  Venezuela  were  sep- 
arated by  vast  wildernesses  and  lofty  mountain  ranges;  that 
they  did  not  possess  a  real  national  spirit ;  and  that,  on  the  con- 
trary, they  were  obsessed  with  a  fierce  spirit  of  particular- 
ism. Nevertheless,  it  was  this  idealism  which  swept  Bolivar 
beyond  the  ken  of  his  contemporaries,  that  helped  to  make  him 
— in  words  attributed  to  San  Martin  while  in  exile — "the  most 
extraordinary  personage  that  South  America  has  produced." 
What  wonder  that  his  personality  has  been  obscured  by  leg- 
ends, while  his  fame  has  been  sung  by  poets,  and  his  figure 
depicted  by  painters  and  sculptors!  A  few  stanzas  from  a 
poem  inscribed  to  "the  father  of  Colombia  and  liberator  of 
Peru"  by  a  Colombian  contemporary,  Jose  Fernandez  Madrid, 
as  done  into  English  by  A.  C.  Luthman,  will  furnish  the  reader 
with  a  noteworthy  appreciation  of  Bolivar  by  a  citizen  of 
northern  South  America. 

Once  lit  the  fire  of  patriot  feeling  ran 
From  heart  to  heart,  and  brighter,  stronger  grew; 

Each  doff'd  the  slave — proclaim'd  himself  a  man — 
And  to  the  camp  of  brave  Bolivar  flew. 


ANTONIO  JOSE  DE  SUCRE  313 

Full  well  they  knew  their  long  and  dark  career 
Through  fields  of  blood,  and  fire,  and  peril  lay, 

They  heeded  not — the  voice  was  in  their  ear, 
That  promised  deathless  palms  and  victory! 

Thy  high  heroic  deeds  shall  bear  thy  name, 

Renown'd  Bolivar  through  the  shades  of  time; 
And  men  who  live  for  virtue,  freedom,  fame, 

Must  copy  thee — no   model  more   sublime. 
Ye  mighty  rivers  that  through  ocean  flow. 

To  distant  lands  his  patriot  story  bear; 
Ye  Andes  glittering  in  eternal  snow. 

Show  ye  the  footprints  of  his  glory  here! 
The  unfading  laurel  for  his  brow  prepare 

Who  push'd  the  bark  of  freedom  from  the  shore, 
And  steered  her  through  the  ocean  of  despair, 

Nor  left  the  helm  until  the  storm  was  o'er. 


CHAPTER  IX 


CONCLUSION 


There  is  no  doubt  that  the  leaders  whose  revolutionary 
careers  have  been  sketched  were  exceptional  men.  By  ances- 
try, by  training,  and  by  ability  they  were  much  superior  to  the 
average  Creole.  By  the  same  tokens  they  were  immeasurably 
superior  to  the  members  of  the  lower  classes  in  Spanish  Amer- 
ica. Possibly  it  is  significant  that  the  ancestry  of  several  of 
the  leaders  can  be  traced  to  natives  of  northern  Spain.  It  is 
noteworthy  that  all  of  those  leaders  came  from  the  middle  or 
upper  strata  of  society  in  their  respective  colonies :  they  were 
often  members  of  an  intellectual  or  property-holding  aris- 
tocracy. Several  of  the  'liberators'  had  enjoyed  the  advan- 
tages of  study  and  travel  in  Europe.  From  Miranda  to  Sucre, 
with  the  possible  exception  of  Iturbide,  they  had  been  better 
educated  than  the  ordinary  creole  of  their  generation.  A 
strange  fate  decreed  that  several  of  these  men  should  meet 
a  tragic  death.  Miranda  expired  in  a  lonely  dungeon  near 
Cadiz ;  Hidalgo  was  shot  as  a  traitor  by  the  Spaniards ;  Itur- 
bide was  shot  as  an  outlaw  by  the  Mexicans  whom  he  had 
liberated;  Moreno  perished  while  crossing  the  Atlantic; 
San  Martin  died  a  voluntary  exile  in  France;  Sucre  was 
treacherously  assassinated;  and  Bolivar  lived  long  enough 
to  regret  his  achievements  as  founder  of  Colombia,  Peru,  and 
Bolivia.  The  seven  narratives  have  shown  that  the  ultimate 
success  of  the  revolution  against  Spanish  rule  in  America  was' 
in  large  measure  due  to  the  example,  the  achievements,  and 
the  influence  of  the  liberators  and  their  companions.  In  the 
South-American  wars  for  independence,  Venezuelan  warriors 
played  the  most  notable  part:  besides  liberating  their  own 
^  3U 


Francisco  de  Paula  Santander 
(Medallion  by  David  d' Angers) 


CONCLUSION  315 

state,  they  aided  effectively  to  liberate  the  territories  within 
the  present  republics  of  Colombia,  Ecuador,  Peru,  and  Bolivia. 
Although  when  measured  by  the  great  wars  of  Europe,  the 
military  achievements  of  the  liberators  shrink  in  magnitude, 
yet  their  long-sustained  struggle  moulded  the  history  of  rising 
states. 

This  is  a  convenient  point  at  which  to  summarize  the  causes 
for  the  revolt  against  Spanish  domination  in  America.  Careful 
students  of  the  history  of  Spanish  America  are  not  able  to  ex- 
plain that  movement,  as  chemists  explain  a  reaction,  by  a  for- 
mula. At  present  little  more  can  be  done  than  to  mention 
some  of  the  obvious  causes  of  the  revolution.  It  is  clear  that 
among  the  condijtions__which^jm 

America  possible  was  a  conviction  entertained  by  some  colon- 
ists that  the  burdens  of  the  colonial  regime  were  unendura- 
ble:-—the  oppressive  fiscal  system  of  Spain  was  particularly 
detested.  Then,  too,  the  Spanish  officials  often  displayed  a 
shocking  disregard  for  the^umane  provisions  of  the  anti- 
quateHTaws  of  the  Indies, — a  behavior  on  the  part  of  colonial 
officials"'whTch"encouraged  among  the  people  a  spirit  of  con- 
tempt for  the  motherland's  authority.  In  certain  sections  of 
the  Indies  the  belief  that  the  Spanish^law^s  lacked  sanction  was 
promoted  by  Spain's  belated  attempts  to  reform  her  colonial 
administration.  As  in  the  case  of  the  English  colonies  in\ 
North  America,  the  revolution  in  Spanish  America  was  partly  I 
due  to  the  lack  of  a  well-managed  colonial  system.  The^secret  / 
spread  of  philosophic,  revolutionary  doctrines  emanating  from 
France  constituted  an  intellectual  cause  of  the  Spanish-Ameri- 
can revolution,  as  did  also  a  desire  among  certain  leaders  to 
emulate  the  revolutionists  who  separated  the  English  colonies 
in  North  America  from  the  motherland.  As  a  moral  cause 
of  the  revolution  may  be  characterized  the  fact  that,  because 
of  his  traditions,  training,  and  environment,  the  creole  of  Span-    , 


ish  America  was  a  different  type  of  man  than  the  Spaniard 
overseas^,.  The  historian  of  the  future  may  indeed  seek  a  par- 
tial explanation  of  this  uprising  in  the  psychology  of  a  "race." 


( 


3i6  RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

But,  although  because  of  certain  economic,  religious,  and  po- 
litical conditions  a  spirit  of  discontent  was  present  in  various 
sections  of  Spanish  America,  jef  thJ*^  ^^"^  ^<^^  f^DftUg^  ^^  r^^~ 
voke  a  general  rebellion.  It  was  the  tignrpt^tion  ^f  Napoleon 
in  the  Iberian  peninsula  that  precipitated  the  movements  which 
developed  into  the  protracted  revolution.  The  inflammable 
tinder  that  lay  scattered  throughout  the  vast  dominions  of 
Spain  in  America  was  lighted  by  Napoleon's  hand. 

Let  us  contrast  the  revolution  which  culminated  in  the  sep- 
aration from  Spain  of  her  continental  American  colonies  with 
ihe  revolution  that  separated  the  English  colonies  in  North 
America  from  their  motherland.    The  Spanish- American  revo- 
lution affected  a  more  extensive  territory  than  the  revolution 
in  the  thirteen  colonies.     The  territory  which  became  free  as 
a  result  of  the  wars  between  Spain  and  her  colonies  was  about 
seven  times  as  large  as  the  territory  conceded  to  the  United 
States  by  the  treaty  of  1783.    From  this  it  is  obvious  that  in 
the  struggle  with  her  revolted  colonists  Spain  had,  in  some  re- 
spects, a  more  difficult  task  than  England.     Spain's  far-flung 
battle  line  extended  from  the  Sabine  River  to  the  Rio  de  la 
Plata :  in  more  accurate  terms,  Spain  had  in  America  a  number 
/of  detached  battle  lines  which  fronted  the  alert  enemy.    Again, 
I    because  of  the  nature  and  extent  of  the  arena  of  combat,  the 
Spanish-Americans   could   not   cooperate   as   did   the   North 
'  Americans.    Between  Mexico  and  South  America,  to  take  an 
extreme  illustration,  there  was  absolutely  no  cooperation  and" 
scarcely  any  sympathy.     Although  revolts  broke  out  contem- 
poraneously in  several  sections  of  South  America,  yet  these 
uprisings  were  sometimes  sporadic  or  local.     It  seems  like 
a  truism  to  say  that  no  military  commander  in  South  America 
ever  held  a  position  like  that  conferred  by  the  continental  con- 
gress upon  George  Washington.    In  truth  the  strongest  links 
between  the  widely-separated  sections  of  South  America  were 
the  activities  of  the  revolutionary  soldiers  led  by  the  liberators 
£  San  Martin,  Bolivar,  and  Sucre.    Unlike  the  North-American 
I   revolutionists,  the  South  Americans  received  no  aid,  material 


CONCLUSION  3i>' 

or  moral,  through  an  alliance  with  a  foreign  state.  For  them  J 
there  was  no  such  agreement  as  the  treaty  with  France  of  Feb- 
ruary, 1778,  which,  like  a  sunburst  after  a  troubled  dawn, 
gladdened  the  hearts  of  Washington's  followers.  The  South 
Americans  had  no  wise  old  Franklin,  no  Beaumarchais !  They 
received  little  encouragement  from  foreign  lands  beyond  sur- 
reptitious loans  of  money  from  sympathizers  in  England  and 
the  aid  of  filibusters  from  England  and  the  United  States. 

The  South-American  revolution  differed  from  the  North- 
American  in  another  particular :  namely,  it  was  neither  accom- 
panied nor  followed  by  the  establishment  of  a  general  govern- 
ment. During  the  early  revolution  the  local  juntas  indeed 
played  a  part  comparable  with  the  role  of  committees  of  cor- 
respondence in  the  English  colonies;  but  no  union  of  the 
revolutionary  colonies  in  Spanish  America  was  formed.  Cer- 
tain leaders  at  Buenos  Aires,  Caracas,  and  Santiago  de  Chile 
indeed  suggested  that  the  people  in  Spanish  South  America 
should  join  hands  against  the  peninsular  Spaniards.  But,  with 
the  exception  of  the  congress  of  Panama,  no  assemblage  of 
representatives  of  different  regions  was  held.  The  reasons  for 
the  failure  of  the  Spanish-American  revolutionist?  to  form  a 
union  are  not  far  to  seek :  they  are  found  partly  in  the  sparsity 
of  the  population,  and  partly  in  the  absence  of  preexisting 
institutions  of  self-government.  It  was  largely  because  the 
colonists  lived  in  isolated  groups  that,  in  the  sections  which 
later  became  independent  nations,  they  successively  framed 
separate  and  distinct  declarations  of  independence. 

There  were  indeed  some  features  in  which  the  Spanish- 
American  revolution  was  analogous  to  the  Anglo-American 
revolution.  Perhaps  the  most  striking  analogy  was  the  fact 
that  a  considerable  number  of  the  Spanish  colonists — the 
Tories  of  the  Indies — opposed  the  revolution.  It  must  never 
be  forgotten  that  there  were  many  devoted  loyalists  who  fol- 
lowed the  Spanish  standarS  on  many  widely-separated  battle- 
fields. In  certain  sections  of  the  Indies  the  revolution  which 
separated  those  regions  from  the  motherland  was,  in  some 


V 


3i8  RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

stages  at  least,  the  work  of  a  capable,  vigorous,  and  determined 
/minority.  Probably  it  is  not  an  exaggeration  to  say  that  the 
spirit  of  loyalty  to  the  motherland  was  stronger  and  more 
enduring  in  the  Spanish  colonies  in  America  than  in  the 
thirteen  English  colonies  in  North  America.  Spain's  banner 
of  blood  and  gold  waved  so  long  in  South  America  largely 
because  so  many  colonists  were  at  heart  loyal  to  Ferdinand 
VII.  and  to  their  motherland.  The  extreme  statement  has 
recently  been  hazarded  by  a  Colombian  writer  that,  if  La 
..^  Serna  had  triumphed  upon  the  plain  of  Ayacucho,  the  abso- 
lute king  would  have  reestabHshed  his  authority  throughout 
Spanish  America.  As  in  the  case  of  the  revolt  against  George 
III.,  there  was  some  sympathy  for  the  revolutionary  colonists 
in  the  mother  country.  This  sentiment  was  particularly  signifi- 
,       cant  during  the  years  from  1820  to  1823  when  Spain  was  a 

^^*  V constitutional  monarchy.  The  liberal  government  actually 
^  'commissioned  envoys  who  were  instructed  to  negotiate  with 
the  insurgent  provinces  from  Mexico  to  Patagonia  with  a  view 
to  the  pacification  of  America.  But,  after  Ferdinand  VII.  was 
(restored  to  absolute  power,  the  proceedings  of  those  envoys 
were  formally  repudiated.  That  monarch  announced  that  a 
preliminary  convention  of  peace  which  the  commissioners  of 
the  constitutional  government  had  signed  on  July  4,  1823,  with 
the  revolutionary  government  at  Buenos  Aires,  was  void. 

No  treaty  of  peace  recognizing  the  triumph  of  the  revo- 
lutionists— like  the  treaty  of  1783  between  England  and  the 
United  States — terminated  the  Spanish-American  wars  for  in- 
dependence.    Neither  were  they  terminated  by  contempora- 

^neous  conventions  which  acknowledged  the  independence  of 

all  the  Spanish-American  nations.  The  government  of  Spain 
disavowed  the  treaty  of  Cordoba  and  ignored  the  treaty  of 
Ayacucho : — the  pride  of  the  Spaniard  dreaded  the  independ- 
ence of  the  alienated  colonists.  Long  after  the  Spanish- 
American  republics  had  indisputably  established  their  inde- 
pendence, the  Spaniards  tenaciously  cherished  their  dream  of 
a  colonial  empire. 


i 


CONCLUSION  319 

This  leads  to  another  suggestion  concerning  the  circum- 
stances which  affected  the  outcome  of  the  revolution:  namely, 
that  to  some  extent  thj>_ar-hievernent.<;  of  the  partisans  o_f  in^ 
dependence  in  Amje^rr^jA^ere^jnaTe  possible  by  the  govern-  \ 
jnental  fluctuations  in  Spain,— fluctuations  which  rendered  a 
firm  and  consistent  policy  toward  the  revolutionists  well-nigh 
impossible.  At  w^r  with  ^apoleon^  successively  govern efj^y 
a  junta*,  by  the  regency  and  a  cortes,  by  an  absolute  king^b:^a 
constitutional  ministry  and  a  cortes,  3iT\d  ag^i^n liy'tipr  rnf^grnirl- 
ed"and  illiberal  monarch,  Spain  was  heavily  handicapped  in 
her  long  struggle  to  win  back  the  disaffected  colonists  to  their 
allegianceT  "Ihose  fluctuations  coupled  with  the  fact  that  the 
Holy  Alliance  Fautiously  refrained  from  any  attempt  to  restore 
Spain's  authority  over  her  revolted  colonies^  Jhelp  to  explain 
why  the  Spanish  navy  played  such  an  unimportant  part  in  the 
revolution.  In  truth,  at  the  battle  of  Trafalgar  Spain's  naval 
power  had  been  shattered,  and  it  seems  likely  that  after  1823 
any  attempt  by  the  Holy  Alliance  to  furnish  soldiers  for  the 
subjugation  of  the  American  revolutionists  would  have  pro- 
voked the  intervention  of  the  English  navy.  The  only  occa- 
sions when  a  fleet  played  a  very  important  role  were  in  trans- 
porting Morillo's  expedition  to  Venezuela,  and  in  conveying 
San  Martin's  soldiers  to  Peru.  In  the  main,  the  struggle  was 
fought  upon  the  land.    .„„..^~^| 

But  the  great  revolution,/  or,  as  some  Spanish- American 
writers  prefer  to  designate  it,  the  movement  for  emancipation, 
which  Idisrupted  the  largest  colonial  empire  that  the  world 
had  ev^r  known  and  reconstructed  the  map  of  the  Three  Amer- 
icas, was  not  followed  by  the  establishment  of  _stable  govern- 
ments. Under  the  influence  of  lofty  and  mistaken  ideals,  the 
Spanish-Americans  adopted  democratic  forms  of  government 
which  were  unsuited  to  their  training  and  temperament.  These 
ideals  were  at  times  mirrored  in  the  governmental  projects  of 
the  liberators.  Moreno,  Jhe  republican,  wished  to  establish  A^*^ 
democracies  in  South  America.  San  Martin  discarded  the 
thought   of   establishing   republics   upon tTiat   continent   and 


t 


320  RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

dreamed  of  founding  monarchies  there.  The  liberator  Itur- 
>ide  audaciously  crowned  himself  emperor  of  Mexico  only  to 
)e  overthrown  largely  because  of  republican  intrigues.  And 
Jolivar,  under  the  forms  of  a  republic,  moved  toward  a  thinly- 
ceiled  monarchy  upon  the  Napoleonic  model.  It  was  only 
natural  that  statesmen  who  had  been  nurtured  under  a  pa- 
ternalistic monarchy  and  who  keenly  felt  that  their  compa- 
triots were  not  fitted  for  republican  government,  should  have 
imagined  that  the  establishment  of  a  monarchical  regime  would 
solve  some  political  problems.  To  North-American  readers, 
who  are  acquainted  with  the  proposals  of  Colonel  Nicola  to 
crown  General  Washington  king,  the  projects  of  Bolivar  and 
his  contemporaries  will  not  seem  altogether  fanciful.  Ani- 
mated by  a  somewhat  different  spirit  than  that  of  George 
Washington,  Simon  de  Bolivar  coquetted  with  the  monarchists 
but  refrained  from  placing  the  tiara  upon  his  own  head. 

The  protracted  struggle  for  the  emancipation  of  Spanish 
America  furnished  a  stern  school  for  her  citizens.  Many 
Spanish-American  publicists  of  the  national  era  received  their 
preliminary  training  in  those  wars  which  resulted  in  the  politi- 
cal, as  well  as  the  military,  triumph  of  the  Creole  aristocracy. 
After  the  downfall  of  Iturbide,  Guadeloupe  Victoria^_yicente 
Guerrero,  aridTtnTo^nio"  Santa  Anna  successively  became  ^presi- 
dents of  Mexico.  Early  in  1823,  when  O'Higgins  abdicated 
his  office  as  dictator  of  Chile,  he  was  succeeded  by  General 
Ramon  Freire,  another  soldier  of  the  revolution,  who,  became 
the  supreme  director  of  that  state.  In  1826  Bernardino 
Rivadavia  became  the  first  president  of  the  Argentine  republic. 
Shortly  after  Bolivar's  death  General  Santander  became  the 
political  chieftain,  as  well  as  the  president,  of  the  republic  of 
New  Granada.  So  great  an  influence  did  General  Paez  exert  in 
Venezuelan  politics  that  the  period  from  1831  to  1863  has  been 
designated  as  the  age  of  Paez.  In  Ecuador  General  Flores 
vainly  strove  to  keep  the  reins  of  government  from  Vicente 
Rocafuerte,  who  had  played  an  obscure  role  in  the  Mexican 
revolution.    General  La  Mar  became  the  president  of  Peru  ii? 


CONCLUSION  321 

1827.  A  few  years  after  Bolivar's  death,  as  chief  executive  of 
Bolivia,  General  Santa  Cruz  tried  to  unite  Peru  and  Bolivia 
into  a  confederation.  In  183 1  Francia,  the  mysterious  dictator, 
still  dominated  the  destinies  of  Paraguay. 

Thesecession  of  the  American  colonieg  fi-nrp  s;pam..Qiittuaprl 
muclTeconomic  anH  gr^gjfl]  ^(^-^(^juQtmpnf     That  movement  was    \ 
often  accompanied  v>y  ^  ^iiAyp]]^^  ■«r^rfa^i:»     Sometimes  the  war     1 
was  a  fratricidal  contest.    Occasionally  it  resembled  a  strug-     J 
gle  between  bands  of  banditti.    This  struggle  devastated  vast     I 
areas,  incited  factions,  and  encouraged  the  formation  ot  fSVO^   / 
lutionary  habits.    During  the  wars  for  independence  thousands^ 
of  lives  were  sacrificed ;  wherever  the  revolutionists  were  vic- 
torious, some  of  the  loyalists  emigrated  to  other  countries. 
Thus  in  one  way  or  another  the  sparse  population  of  Spanish 
America  was  considerably  reduced.     In  many  sections  of  the 
Indies  agriculture  and  cattle-raising  were  interrupted,  com- 
merce was  destroyed,  and  public  administration  was  more  or 
less  demoralized.    The  Spanish  mercantile  system  was  steadily 
undermined,  for  much  colonial  commerce  fell  into  the  eager 
hands  of  foreign  merchants.     In  general,  wherever  an  inde- 
pendent state  was  founded,  its  ports  were  opened  to  the  com- 
merce of  the  world,  commercial  relations  with  neutral  states 
were  formed,  and  coastwise  trade  with  other  revolted  colo- 
nies was  allowed.     With  the  progress  of  the  revolution,  the 
ancient  bars  to  emigration  were  taken  down ;  foreigners — who 
had  hitherto  been  excluded — soon  formed  another  class  in  the 
population  of  Spanish  America  and  furnished  another  element 
for  that  vast  melting-pot  of  peoples.    A  new  phase  in  the  in-  \ 
dustrial  development  of  Spanish  America  is  suggested  by  the     \ 
fact  that,  from  181 1  to  1830,  consuls  of  the  United  States  were       \ 
sent  to  towns  and  cities  in  Mexico,  Central  America,  Great     / 
Colombia,  Peru,  Chile,  Uruguay,  and  Argentina. 

After  the  disruption  of  Great  Colombia  in  1831,  there  ex- 
isted in  Spanish  America  *eleven  independent  states.  On  the 
north  of  these  new  nations,  the  boundary  line  between  Mexico 
and  the  United  States  was  the  line  which  had  been  drawn  by 


322  RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

the  treaty  of  1819  between  the  United  States  and  Spain, — a 
line  that  had  not  been  surveyed,  and  which  was  unsatisfac- 
tory to  some  citizens  of  the  United  States.  The  subsequent 
history  of  the  Spanish-American  states  demonstrated  that  their 
boundaries  in  1831  were  more  or  less  uncertain,  largely  be- 

-  cause  the  uti  posseditis  of  1810  upon  which  by  tacit  consent 
those  boundaries  depended,  was  based  upon  Spanish  laws  and 
orders  which,  dealing  as  they  sometimes  did  with  extensive 
areas  that  were  unexplored,  were  often  vague  or  conflicting 
in  regard  to  the  metes  and  bounds  of  the  colonial  divisions. 
The  heirs  of  presidencies,  as  Bolivia  and  Ecuador,  were  most 
unfortunate :  here  an  illustration  will  be  taken  from  Ecuado- 
rian history ;  in  1802  a  royal  decree  had  been  issued  command- 
ing that  an  extensive  region  in  the  interior  of  the  presidency 
of  Quito  should  be  transferred  to  the  jurisdiction  of  Peru- 
vian authorities : — after  the  dissolution  of  Great  Colombia 
that  decree  furnished  the  basis  for  a  controversy  between 
Ecuador  and  Peru  which  remains  unsettled  to  the  present 
day. 

^^^^^  Although  some  colonial  evils,  as  negro  slavery,  had  been 
swept  away  by  revolutionary  reformers,  yet  many  Spanish 
manners  and  customs  prevailed,  especially  in  the  towns  and 
cities.  The  mode  of  procedure  which  was  followed  in  the  ad- 
ministration of  justice  was  essentially  Spanish.  The  transac- 
tions of  merchants  were  often  regulated  by  the  ordinances  of 
Bilbao.  The  legal  codes  of  Spain  still  remained  influential,  for 
the  new  states  sometimes  enacted  statutes  providing  that  the 
Spanish  laws  which  harmonized  with  their  laws  were  still  to 
be  considered  in  force.  Throughout  the  Spanish-American 
republics  the  capital  cities — in  whose  streets  and  plazas  many 
stirring  scenes  had  been  enacted  during  the  revolution — con- 
tinued to  play  a  most  important  role  in  politics.  In  some  capi- 
tals the  governmental  offices  were  located  in  the  "palace  of 
government"  which  had  sheltered  the  colonial  officials  during 
the  old  regime.  That  regime  left  its  impress  upon  the  govern- 
mental systems  of  the  new  nations,  which  sometimes  borrowed 


CONCLUSION  323 

Spanish  names  and  functionaries.  The  early  Spanish-Ameri- 
can constitutions  often  presented  a  curious  mingling  of  ancient 
ideals,  colonial  customs,  and  French  revolutionary  philosophy. 
In  form  they  were  ordinarily  republican,  more  or  less  in  imi- 
tation of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States.  According  to 
these  constitutions,  the  provinces  which  had  existed  in  colonial 
days  were  sometimes  dignified  with  the  names  or  invested 
with  the  attributes  of  states.  Thus  artificially  created,  the 
states  did  not  function  as  organic  parts  of  the  systems  to  which 
they  belonged.  In  truth,  many  conditions  still  favored  the 
establishment  of  strongly  centralized  governments, — govern- 
ments where  the  chief  executive  bearing  the  name  of  president 
had  some  monarchical  attributes.  Accordingly  political  par- 
ties were  sometimes  composed  of  persons  who  were  in  favor 
of  quasi-monarchical,  or  centralized,  governments;  on  the 
other  hand,  there  were  parties  composed  of  such  persons  as 
wished  to  entrust  a  large  share  of  governmental  power  to  the 
officials  of  important  administrative  subdivisions.  Sometimes 
a  political  party  was  composed  mainly  of  the  adherents  of  a 
prominent  political  leader.  Some  publicists  of  the  South- 
American  republics  harbored  fears  of  monarchical  aggressions, 
for  along  the  borders  of  their  states  stretched  the  colossal  em- 
pire of  Brazil,  which  seemed  to  menace  their  political  ideals 
as  well  as  their  territorial  integrity. 

The  founding  of  republics  in  Spanish  America  necessarily 
involved  the  formation  of  new  international  relations.  From 
the  very  beginning  of  the  secessionist  movement  some  insurrec- 
tionary provinces  in  South  America  attempted  to  enter  into 
closer  relations  with  neighboring  provinces.  In  the  course 
of  time,  if  not  at  once,  certain  nascent  states  adopted  the  policy 
of  treating  their  neighbors  as  political  entities  which  were 
vested  with  sovereign  rights.  Some  Spanish-American  states 
which  had  declared  their  independence  of  Spain,  sent  diplo- 
matic missions  to  the  capitals  of  other  states,  while  several  of 
the  rising  states  recognized  the  independence  of  their  neigh- 
bors.   For  example,  in  August,  1823,  the  United  Provinces  of 


324  RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

Central  America  appointed  a  diplomatic  agent  to  Mexico, 
while  in  the  same  month  the  Mexican  congress  recognized  the 
independence  of  Central  America.  The  most  notable  event  in 
the  relations  of  the  Hispanic- American  states  during  the  third 
I  decade  of  the  nineteenth  century  was  the  attempt  of  Simon  de 
I  Bolivar  to  realize  his  dream  of  a  congress  composed  of  repre- 
sentatives of  these  states. 

On  December  7,  1824,  Bolivar  issued  from  Lima  an  invi- 
tation to  the  governments  of  la  Plata,  Brazil,  Chile,  Guate- 
mala, Colombia,  and  Mexico,  to  send  delegates  to  a  congress 
on  the  Isthmus  of  Panama.  He  proposed  that  the  congress 
should  serve  those  nations  as  a  council  in  great  danger,  as 
a  faithful  interpreter  of  treaties,  and  as  an  umpire  and  concili- 
ator when  disputes  arose.  Appealing  to  the  spirit  of  the  Span- 
ish-American peoples,  Bolivar  declared  that  a  common  basis 
should  be  found  for  the  protection  of  their  independent  gov- 
ernments. Anxious  to  find  a  point  d'appui  for  common  ac- 
tion against  Spain,  he  declared  that  the  congress  should  estab- 
lish a  supreme  authority  to  direct  the  policies  of  the  Spanish- 
American  states.  The  replies  to  Bolivar's  invitation  differed. 
La  Plata  disliked  the  plan,  while  Chile,  Colombia,  and  Mexico 
praised  the  proposal  for  a  league  directed  against  their  com- 
mon enemy,  Spain,  or  against  European  intervention  in  Amer- 
ica. The  instructions  of  Bolivar  to  the  Peruvian  envoys  to  this 
congress  dated  May  15,  1825,  suggested  that  the  Spanish- 
American  states  should  make  a  concerted  attack  upon  the 
coasts  of  Spain.  He  urged  that  these  states  should  solemnly 
%  agree  not  to  cease  the  war  until  Spain  should  formally  recog- 
nize their  independence.  He  proposed  that  certain  principles 
of  American  international  law  should  be  formulated,  and  that 
a  declaration  against  European  intervention  in  America  should 
be  promulgated  similar  to  the  anouncement  contained  in  Presi- 
dent Monroe's  message  to  congress  of  December  2,  1823.  In 
connection  with  his  project  for  an  international  congress, 
Bolivar  even  dreamed  of  a  league  of  American  nations  which 
should  be  sanctioned  by  Great  Britain. 


CONCLUSION  325 

In  the  end  of  1825  and  early  in  1826,  the  delegates  from 
Colombia  and  Peru  held  some  preliminary  conferences  on  the 
Isthmus  of  Panama.  The  delegates  of  Central  America  ar- 
rived on  the  isthmus  in  March,  1826,  and  the  Mexican  dele- 
gates arrived  in  June.  The  formal  meetings  of  the  Panama 
congress,  which  was  composed  of  eight  delegates,  were  held  in 
June  and  July,  1826.  The  concrete  results  of  the  congress 
were  a  treaty  of  perpetual  union,  league,  and  confederation, 
and  two  other  treaties,  which  dealt  with  the  contingents  of 
ships,  soldiers,  and  monies  that  the  states  concerned  were  to 
furnish  to  the  projected  confederation.  Although  these  trea- 
ties were  ratified  only  by  the  government  of  Colombia,  yet 
the  amphictyonic  council  was  not  without  significance.  It  sym- 
bolized a  unity  of  spirit  among  the  Spanish- Americans.  It 
evoked  expressions  of  opinion  from  prominent  states  of  Span- 
ish America  upon  matters  of  common  interest.  It  was  the 
first  of  a  series  of  international  congresses  which  served  to 
crystallize  the  ideas  of  American  publicists  concerning  the  rela- 
tions of  independent  states.  Negatively,  the  congress  of  Pan- 
ama indicated  that  Bolivar's  dream  of  a  league  composed  of  the 
nations  of  Spanish  America  was  Utopian. 

About  the  time  when  the  Panama  congress  was  being  con- 
voked, the  United  States  and  the  leading  nations  of  Spanish 
America  were  interchanging  diplomatic  missions.  As  indi- 
cated in  the  preceding  chapters,  at  various  stages  in  the  re- 
volt against  Spain  the  Spanish-Americans  sent  emissaries  to 
the  United  States  to  plead  for  aid  and  for  the  recognition  of 
their  independence.  At  first  the  government  of  the  United 
States  did  not  receive  those  envoys  officially:  it  strove  to  re- 
main neutral  in  the  protracted  struggle  between  Spain  and  her 
colonies.  Not  until  1822 — the  year  when  Iturbide  was 
crowned  emperor  of  Mexico — did  the  United  States  decide  to 
recognize  the  independence  of  the  de  facto  states.  On  March 
8,  1822,  President  Monroe  sent  to  congress  a  special  message 
recommending  that  five  Spanish-American  states,  Colombia, 
Chile,  Peru,  la  Plata,  and  Mexico,  should  be  recognized  as  in- 


326  RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

dependent  nations.  On  May  4  of  the  same  year,  the  president 
Av^  signed  a  law  which  made  an  appropriation  for  diplomatic  mis- 
\  sions  to  *'the  independent  nations  of  the  American  continent." 

—  By  this  act  the  United  States  announced  her  intention  to  ac- 
knowledge the  independence  of  the  revolted  colonies  of  Spain 
in  America  which  stretched  from  the  parallel  of  forty-two  de- 
grees, north  latitude,  to  Cape  Horn.  With  the  exception  of 
the  Portuguese  monarchy  seated  at  Rio  de  Janeiro,  the  North- 
American  Republic  was  the  first  member  of  the  society  of  na- 
tions to  extend  the  hand  of  fellowship  to  the  new  family  of 
states.  The  announcement  of  the  United  States  concerning 
her  foreign  policy  caused  great  dissatisfaction  to  the  Spanish 
ministry,  which  sent  to  the  leading  nations  of  Europe  a  mani- 
festo protesting  against  the  acknowledgment  of  Spanish- 
American  independence.  Ignorant  of  the  excitement  which 
the  policy  of  recognition  by  the  United  States  provoked  in 
the  chancelleries  of  continental  Europe,  the  significance  of  that 
policy  was  not  sufficiently  appreciated  by  statesmen  through- 
out the  Spanish-American  republics. 

The  act  of  May  4,  1822,  was  not  completely  carried  out  for 
several  years.  The  first  Spanish-American  nation  formally 
recognized  by  the  United  States  was  Colombia.  On  June  19, 
1822,  Secretary  Adams  presented  Manuel  Torres,  as  charge 
d'affaires  from  Colombia,  to  President  Monroe.  On  December 
12  following,  Jose  Manuel  Zozaya,  envoy  extraordinary  and 
minister  plenipotentiary  from  Mexico,  was  officially  presented 
by  Adams  to  Monroe :  that  ceremony  constituted  the  recogni- 
tion of  the  independence  of  the  Mexican  empire  by  the  United 
States.  The  recognition  of  the  independence  of  other  Span- 
ish-American nations  by  the  United  States  during  the  revolu- 
tionary epoch  of  their  history  was  consummated  by  the  ap- 
pointment of  diplomatic  agents  to  these  countries.  On  Janu- 
,^^  ary  2^,  1823,  the  senate  of  the  United  States  confirmed  the 
appointment  of  ministers  to  Colombia,  la  Plata,  and  Chile. 
Richard  C.  Anderson,  the  first  minister  of  the  United  States 
to  serve  in  a  Spanish-American  state,  was  formally  received  in 


CONCLUSION  327 

the  capital  of  Colombia  on  December  16,  1823.  Later  in  the 
same  month  Minister  Rodney  was  received  by  the  govern- 
ment of  la  Plata.  In  April,  1824,  Heman  Allen  was  formally 
received  at  Santiago  de  Chile  as  minister  of  the  United  States. 
In  May,  1826,  James  Cooley  was  received  as  charge  d'aif aires 
of  the  United  States  at  Lima.  Thus  did  diplomatic  action 
by  the  Great  Republic  of  the  North  crown  the  victories  which 
had  been  won  by  the  swords  of  Bolivar  and  Sucre.  In  Decem- 
ber, 1825,  John  Williams  was  received  as  charge  d'affaires  of 
the  United  States  by  the  government  of  Central  America. 
Joel  R.  Poinsett,  the  first  envoy  extraordinary  and  minister 
plenipotentiary  of  the  United  States  to  serve  in  Mexico,  was 
formally  received  in  the  Mexican  capital  on  June  i,  1825. 
During  a  critical  period  in  Hispanic  history,  the  United  States 
accordingly  established  legations  in  six  capitals  of  Spanish 
America.  From  1822  to  1830,  four  Spanish- American  states,  ^^^^ ^4 
Mexico,  Central  America,  Colombia,  and  Argentina  accredited  ^ 
envoys  to  Washington.  In  this  reciprocal  fashion  the  govern- 
ments of  the  Three  Americas  laid  the  foundations  for  Pan- 
Americanism. 

Whatever  influence  the  decision  by  the  United  States  to 
acknowledge  the  independence  of  the  Spanish- American  na- 
tions may  have  exerted  upon  the  fortunes  of  those  nations 
was  reenforced  by  the  President's  message  to  congress  of  De- 
cember 2,  1823,  announcing  the  Monroe  Doctrine.  The  origi- 
nal Monroe  Doctrine  was  given  a  cordial  reception  by  journal- 
ists and  publicists  in  Bogota  and  Buenos  Aires.  In  the  United 
Provinces  of  la  Plata  it  was  mentioned  with  approval  in  cer- 
tain state  papers  of  1824  by  Bernardino  Rivadavia  and  Gen- 
eral las  Heras.  In  a  message  to  the  congress  of  la  Plata  on 
December  16,  1824,  Las  Heras  said  that  the  United  States  had 
assumed  that  the  Plateau  provinces  could  struggle  single- 
handed  against  Spain,  but  had  "constituted  herself  the  guard- 
ian of  the  field  of  battle  m  order  that  no  foreign  power" 
might  interfere.  In  a  message  to  the  Colombian  congress  on 
April  6,  1824,  Vice  President  Santander  declared  that  the  an- 


■.a^ 


328  RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

nouncement  of  President  Monroe  was  "an  act  eminently  just, — 
an  act  worthy  of  the  classic  land  of  American  liberty."  Shortly 
before  the  battle  of  Junin,  Bolivar  read  about  Monroe's  mes- 
sage in  the  columns  of  a  Jamaica  gazette  which  reprinted  the 
news  from  the  London  Courier.  On  April  28,  1824,  he  made 
the  following  comment  upon  the  news:  "The  United  States 
of  North  America  have  solemnly  declared  that  they  will  view 
as  an  act  of  hostility  toward  themselves  whatever  measures 
the  powers  of  the  European  continent  may  take  against  Span- 
ish America  and  in  favor  of  Spain."  Bolivar  associated  this 
declaration  of  policy  by  the  United  States  with  the  policy 
\  of  opposition  to  European  intervention  in  Spanish  America 
I  which  England  had  avowed ;  and  hence  he  believed  that  those 
>^ations  would  protect  the  Spanish-Americans  against  an  at- 
tack by  the  Holy  Alliance.  During  the  third  decade  of  the 
nineteenth  century,  Colombia  and  la  Plata  actually  invited  the 
United  States  to  guard  their  respective  national  interests 
against  foreign  aggression  by  enforcing  the  Doctrine  of  Mon- 
roe. Upon  these  proposals  the  United  States  did  not  consider 
it  necessary  to  take  action.  As  was  suggested  by  Bolivar's 
comment  upon  Monroe's  message,  the  influence  which  the 
United  States  exercised  by  its  foreign  policy  upon  the  for- 
*  tunes  of  the  Spanish-American  states  was  sometimes  inex- 
tricably associated  with  the  influence  of  England,  which  sprang 
from  "the  dear-bought  glories  of  Trafalgar's  day." 

During  the  revolutionary  epoch  the  foundations  were  also 
laid  of  diplomatic  and  commercial  relations  between  the  Span- 
ish-American states  and  European  nations.  Here  only  Spain 
and  England  may  be  noticed.  In  June,  1822,  Lord  Castlereagh, 
the  English  secretary  for  foreign  affairs,  intimated  to  Spain 
that  his  government  was  contemplating  the  recognition  of  the 
Spanish-American  states.  From  time  to  time  divers  English 
merchants  petitioned  their  government  to  take  such  a  step. 
In  October,  1823,  George  Canning,  who  had  succeeded  Cas- 
tlereagh as  foreign  secretary,  wrote  instructions  for  agents 
to  Mexico  City,  Bogota,  and  Buenos  Aires,  who  were  to  make 


The  Hispanic-American  States  in  1831 


CONCLUSION  329 

reports  concerning  the  conditions  in  Spanish  America.     In 
January,  1825,  the  English  government  formally  notified  the 
diplomatic  corps  in  London  of  its  intention  to  recognize  the  in- 
dependence  of   certain   Spanish- American   states.     That  an- 
nouncement evoked  a  protest  from  Spain,  Austria,  Prussia,  and 
Russia.     Still,  early  in  1825,  England  negotiated  treaties  with 
la  Plata  and  Colombia;  late  in  the  following  year,  she  nego- 
tiated a  treaty  with  Mexico.    In  thus  acknowledging  the  inde- 
pendence of  those  states,  Canning  was  animated  by  the  notion  \ 
that  this  policy  would  aid  England  to  counterbalance  the  grow-    1 
ing  influence  of  the  United  States  in  the  New  World.    It  was  V 
during  this  epoch  that  several  Spanish-American  states  bor-\ 
rowed  money  from  English  financiers  in  order  to  promote  the  I 
revolution.     The  basis  was  thus  gradually  laid  for  the  finan-f 
cial  dependence  of  those  states  upon  England.    According  to 
an  estimate  which  was  published  in  the  Times,  Central  Amer- 
ica, Chile,  Colombia,  Mexico,  and  Peru  had  incurred  in  Eng- 
land, as  the  price  of  liberty,  a  bonded  indebtedness  which  in 
1833  with  the  arrears  of  interest,  exceeded  twenty-two  million 
pounds. 

Not  until  long  after  the  revolutionary  period,  par  excel- 
lence, had  terminated,  did  the  Spanish  government  deign  to 
recognize  her  former  colonies  as  sovereign  nations.  For  Fer- 
dinand VII.  persistently  strove  to  prevent  or  to  retard  such 
action  by  other  nations.  From  time  to  time  the  ambassadors 
of  Spain  at  various  European  courts  were  instructed  formally 
to  protest  against  the  acknowledgment  of  the  independence  of 
her  revolted  colonies  either  by  the  reception  of  diplomatic 
agents  or  by  other  acts.  The  Spanish-American  republics — 
whose  independence  was  acknowledged  by  important  nations  in 
America  and  Europe — accordingly  occupied  an  anomalous  posi- 
tion for  many,  many  years.  Although  they  had  established 
their  independence  de  facto  their  motherland  had  not  rec- 
ognized them  as  independent  de  jure.  It  was  not  until  after 
Isabella  II.  became  queen  of  Spain,  on  December  4,  1836,  that 
the  cortes  reluctantly  passed  a  decree  which  authorized  the  gov- 


330  RISE  OF  SPANISH-AMERICAN  REPUBLICS 

ernment  to  negotiate  treaties  with  the  Spanish-American  states 
acknowledging  their  independence.  In  accordance  with  that 
decree,  Jose  M.  Calatrava,  Spain's  secretary  of  state,  and 
Miguel  Santa  Maria,  envoy  extraordinary  from  Mexico,  signed 
a  treaty  at  Madrid  on  December  28,  1836,  which  recognized 
Mexico  as  "a  free,  sovereign,  and  independent  nation."  By 
that  treaty  Isabella  II.  renounced  all  pretensions  to  the  govern- 
ment, property,  and  territory  of  Mexico.  Article  five  declared 
that  an  immediate  result  of  the  treaty  of  peace  would  be  to 
open  commercial  relations  between  the  contracting  parties 
upon  the  reciprocal  basis  of  the  treatment  accorded  to  the 
most  favored  nation.  The  treaty  with  Mexico  was  the  first 
treaty  which  Spain  ratified  with  a  state  that  had  been  carved 
out  of  her  former  American  dominions.  In  the  same  manner, 
during  the  period  from  1836  to  1895,  by  conventions  of  rec- 
ognition, peace,  and  amity — which  were  sometimes  preceded 
by  the  establishment  of  commercial  relations  between  the  con- 
tracting parties — the  court  of  Spain  tardily  recognized  the 
independence  of  Ecuador,  Chile,  Venezuela,  Bolivia,  Argen- 
tina, Peru,  Colombia,  Paraguay,  Uruguay,  and  also  of  five 
other  states  that  had  formerly  been  members  of  the  Central- 
American  Federation. 

During  the  period  from  1808  to  1831,  Cuba,  Porto  Rico, 
and  the  Philippine  Islands  remained  subject  to  Spain,  while 
upon  the  American  continent,  viceroyalties,  captaincies  gen- 
eral, and  presidencies  had  been  transformed  into  independent 
republics.  But  although  a  new  family  of  states  had  appeared 
upon  the  map  of  America,  yet  the  tumult  and  the  shouting 
did  not  die  away.  Some  abuses  had  indeed  disappeared  in 
the  maelstrom  of  revolution,  but  there  were  still  many  reforms 
to  be  accomplished.  Against  the  motherland  some  Spanish- 
Americans  had  a  grievance  because  she  was  loath  to  recognize 
their  independence — a  grievance  that  might  encourage  or  pro- 
voke war.  The  citizens  of  the  new  republics  had  not  only 
to  heal  the  grievous  wounds  of  war,  but  they  had  also  to  ad- 
just their  economic  and  social  life  to  altered  conditions.    The 


CONCLUSION  331 

publicists  of  the  Spanish-American  states  had  to  handle  the 
delicate  problems  arising  out  of  unsettled  boundaries  between 
neighboring  states,  they  had  to  solve  the  difficult  problems  of 
fiscal  readjustment,  and  they  had  to  grapple  again  and  again 
with  the  problem  of  their  political  organization.  For  the  new- 
born statesmen  had  still  to  climb  the  long  and  painful  road  of 
governmental  inexperience  in  search  of  political  wisdom. 


SELECT  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

A.    Bibliographical  Aids 

Bancroft,  H.  H.,  The  Works  of  Hubert  Howe  Bancroft:  volume 
eight,  The  History  of  Central  America,  1801-1887;  volumes 
twelve  and  thirteen.  The  History  of  Mexico,  1803-1861,  San 
Francisco,  1885-1887. 

These  volumes  contain  useful  bibliographical  notes  on 
Spanish  North  America. 

Medina,  J.  T.,  Biblioteca  Hispano- Americana  (1493-1810),  espe- 
cially volume  seven,  Santiago  de  Chile,  1907. 

Only  the  last  volume  of  this  great  work  touches  the  Span- 
ish-American revolution  directly. 

"Museo  Mitre":  Catalogo  de  la  Biblioteca,  Buenos  Aires, 

1907. 

This  catalogue  contains  a  list  of  the  books  collected  by  the 
Argentine  historian  and  publicist.  General  Bartolome  Mitre, 
when  preparing  to  write  his  volumes  on  Manuel  Belgrano 
and  Jose  de  San  Martin. 

Paz  Soldan,  M.  T.,  Historia  del  Peru  Independiente,  primer 
periodo,  1819-1822;  segundo  periodo,  1822-1827,  three  vol- 
umes, Lima,  1868-1874. 

Valuable  bibliographies  of  the  revolution  in  Peru  are 
found  in  these  volumes. 

Robertson,  W.  S.,  Francisco  de  Miranda  and  the  Revolutionizing 
of  Spanish  America,  in  the  Annual  Report  of  the  American 
Historical  Association,  1907,  volume  one,  Washington,  1909. 
In  this  work,  pages  491-509,  there  is  a  select,  annotated 
bibliography  of  the  early  revolution,  with  special  reference  to 
Venezuela. 

Salas,  C.  J.,  Bibliografia  del  general  don  Jose  de  San  Martin  y 
de  la  Emancipacion  Sudamericana,  1778-1910,  five  volumes, 
Buenos  Aires,  1910. 

A  very  useful  bibliography  of  the  movement  for  the  eman- 
cipation of  southern  and  western  South  America,  which  con- 
tains extensive  annotations,  some  documents,  and  fine  illus- 
trations. 

333 


334  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Sanchez,  M.  S.,  Bibliografia  Venezolanista,  contribucion  al  cono- 
cimiento  de  los  libros  extranjeros  relatives  a  Venezuela  y  sus 
grandes  hombres,  publicados  6  reimpresos  desde  el  siglo  XIX, 
Caracas,  1914. 

This  scholarly  bibliography  is  devoted  mainly  to  books  and 
studies  concerning  Miranda,  Bolivar  and  Sucre. 

B.   Atlases 

BiEDMA,  J.  J.,  and  Beyer,  C,  Atlas  Historico  de  la  Republica  Ar- 
gentina, Buenos  Aires,   1909. 

CoDAZzi,  A.,  Atlas  Fisico  y  Politico  de  la  Republica  de  Venezuela, 
Caracas,   1840. 

Atlas  Geografico  e  Historico  de  la  Republica  de  Colombia 

(antigua  Nueva  Granada)   el  cual  comprende  las  Republicas 
de  Venezuela  y  Ecuador,  Paris,  1889. 

Based  as  they  are  upon  personal  study  and  investigation, 
the  atlases  of  Codazzi  are  very  useful  for  the  student  of  the 
history  and  geography  of  northern  South  America  Several 
maps  show  the  routes  of  the  revolutionary  armies. 

Demersay,  L.  a.,  Histoire  physique,  economique  du  Paraguay  et 
des  etablissements  des  Jesuites.     Atlas,  Paris,  i860. 

Paz  Soldan,  M.  F.,  Atlas  Geografico  del  Peru,  Paris,  1865. 

Restrepo,  J,  M.,  Historia  de  la  Revolucion  de  la  Republica  de 
Colombia.    Atlas,  Paris,  1827. 

This  atlas  contains  detailed  maps  of  Great  Colombia  and 
its  departments  about  1827. 

Shepherd,  W.  R.,  Historical  Atlas,  New  York,  191 1. 

Among  the  maps  in  this  atlas  are  a  few  that  are  useful  on 
Spanish  America. 

C.    Secondary  Accounts 

I.   Books  and  Pamphlets 
Acevedo,  L.,  Jose  Artigas,  Jefe  de  los  Orientales  y  Protector  de 
los  Pueblos  Libres,  three  volumes,  Montevideo,  1909,  1910. 

The  author  quotes  in  his  commentary  the  most  important 
sources  which  have  been  published  in  regard  to  the  career  of 
the  enigmatical  Artigas. 
Altamira  y  Crevea,  R.,  Historia  de  Espaiia  y  de  la  Civilizacion 
Espanola,  volumes  three  and  four,  Barcelona,  1906,  191 1. 

The  fourth  volume  of  this  scholarly  work  contains  a  select 
bibliography  of  Spanish  history. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  335 

Altamira  y  Crevea,  R.,  Resumen  Historico  de  la  Independencia 

de  la  America  Espafiola,  Buenos  Aires,  1910. 
Alvarez,  A.,  Rasgos  generales  de  la  Historia  diplomatica  de  Chile 

(1810-1910),   primera   epoca,   la  Emancipacion,   Santiago  de 

Chile,  191 1. 

A  very  suggestive  volume  by  an  eminent  Chilean  scholar. 
Amunategui,  M.  L.,   Camilo  Henriquez,  two  volumes,  Santiago 

de  Chile,  1889. 

La  dictadura  de  O'Higgins,  Santiago  de  Chile,  1882. 

Los  Precursores  de  la  Independencia  de  Chile,  three  vol- 
umes, Santiago  de  Chile,  1870. 

Vida  de  Don  Andres  Bello,  Santiago  de  Chile,  1882. 


Antequera,  J.  M.,  Historia  de  la  Legislacion  Espafiola,  desde  los 
tiempos  mas  remotas  hasta  nuestros  dias,  Madrid,  1895. 

AzpuRtiA,  R.,  Biografias  de  Hombres  Notables  de  Hispano-Amer- 
ica,  four  volumes,  Caracas,  1877. 

These   volumes  contain   useful,   although  not  always  ac- 
curate, accounts  of  many  Spanish-Americans. 

Baez,  C,  Ensayo  sobre  el  Doctor  Francia  y  la  Dictadura  en  Sud- 
America,  Asuncion,   1910. 

The  best  biography  of  Francia. 

Bancroft,  H.  H.,  The  Works  of  Hubert  Howe  Bancroft:  volume 
eight,  The  History  of  Central  America,  1801-1887;  volumes 
twelve  and  thirteen.  The  History  of  Mexico,  1803-1861,  San 
Francisco,  1885-1887. 

Bancroft's  volumes  are  still  very  useful. 

Baralt,  R.  M.,  and  Diaz,  R.,  Resumen  de  la  Historia  de  Vene- 
zuela desde  el  afio  1797  hasta  el  de  1830,  two  volumes,  Paris, 
1841. 

Barbagelata,  H.  D.,  Artigas  y  la  Revolucion  Americana,  Paris, 
1914. 

Barros  Arana,  D.,  Historia  Jeneral  de  Chile,  volumes  eight  to 
fourteen,  Santiago  de  Chile,  1854. 

This  standard  history  of  Chile  ranks  among  the  finest  his- 
torical products  of  Spanish  Americans. 

Historia  General  de  la  Independencia  de  Chile,  four  vol- 
umes, Santiago  de  Chile,  1854. 

Bauza,  F.,  Historia  de  la  Dpminacion  Espafiola  en  el  Uruguay, 
volume  three,  Montevideo,  1897. 

Useful  on  the  closing  years  of  the  Spanish  regime  in  la 
Plata. 


336  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Becerra,  R.,  Ensayo  Historico  Documentado  de  la  Vida  de  Don 

Francisco  de  Miranda,  two  volumes,  Caracas,  1896. 

The  best  appreciation  of  Miranda  which  has  been  written 

by  a  South  American. 
Bertling,  H.,  Estudio  sobre  el  Paso  de  la  Cordillera  de  los  Andes 

efectuado  por  el  general  San  Martin  en  los  meses  de  enero  i 

febrero  de  181 7  (campana  de  Chacabuco),  Santiago  de  Chile, 

1917. 
Bingham,  H.,  The  Journal  of  an  Expedition  across  Venezuela  and 

Colombia,  1906-1907,  New  York,  1909. 
Bt^LNES,  G.,  Historia  de  la  Expedicion  Libertadora  del  Peru  (1817- 

1822),  two  volumes,  Santiago  de  Chile,  1887-1888. 
tJltimas  Campanas  de  la  Independencia  del  Peru   (1822- 

1826),  Santiago  de  Chile,  1897. 
Carranza,  a.  p.,  La  Junta  Gubernativa  de  1810,  Buenos  Aires, 

1910. 
Cevallos,  p.  F.,  Resumen  de  la  Historia  del  Ecuador  desde  su 

origen  hasta  1845,  volumes  three,  four,  and  five,  Lima,  1870. 
Chisholm,  a.  S.  M.,  The  Independence  of  Chile,  Boston,  191 1. 
EsPEjo,  G.,  El  Paso  de  los  Andes,  cronica  historica  de  las  opera- 

ciones  del  ejercito  de  los  Andes  para  la  restauracion  de  Chile 

en  1817,  Buenos  Aires,  1882. 
Flairoto,  M,  T.,  Mariano  Moreno:  estudio  de  su  personalidad,  y 

de  su  obra,  Buenos  Aires,  1916. 

A  biography  of  Moreno  which  hardly  does  justice  to  the 

subject. 
FuENTE,  J.  M.  DE  LA,  Hidalgo  Intimo,  apuntes  y  documentos  para 

una   biografia    del    benemerito    cura   de    Dolores,    d.    Miguel 

Hidalgo  y  Costilla,  Mexico,  1910. 

A    useful    biography    of    Hidalgo    which    contains    some 

sources. 
Garay,   B.,    La   Revolucion   de   la   Independencia   del    Paraguay, 

Madrid,  1897. 

The   most   scientific   account   of   the   early   revolutionary 

movement  in  Paraguay. 
Garcia   Calder6n,   F.,   Les   democraties  latines   de   TAmerique, 

Paris,  1 91 2. 

A  sparkling  and  suggestive  volume  by  a  Peruvian  scholar. 
Gervinius,  G.  G,  Geschichte  des  neunzehnten  Jahrhunderts  seit 

den  Wiener  Vertragen,  volumes  three  and  four,  Leipsic,  1858, 

1859. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  337 

Gil  Fortoul,  J.,  Historia  Constitucional  de  Venezuela,  volumes 
one  and  two,  Berlin,  1907,  1909, 

Within  its  limits,  the  most  useful  history  of  Venezuela. 

GoENAGA,  J.  M.,  La  Entrevista  de  Guayaquil  (Bolivar  y  San  Mar- 
tin), Rome,  191 5. 

This  pamphlet  is  the  most  important  contribution  to  the 
literature  concerning  the  famous  interview. 

Groussac,  p.,  Santiago  de  Liniers,  Conde  de  Buenos  Aires,  1753- 
1810,  Buenos  Aires,  1907. 

GuiNAN,  F.  G.,  Historia  Contemporanea  de  Venezuela,  volume 
one,  Caracas,  1909. 

Gutierrez,  J.  R.,  Revolucion  del  16  de  Julio  de  1809  y  Biografia 
de  don  Pedro  Domingo  Murillo,  La  Paz,  1878. 

HispANO,  C.  (pseudonym  of  Lopez,  I.),  Colombia  en  la  Guerra  de 
Independencia.     La  Cuestion  Venezolana,  Bogota,  1914. 

Emphasis  is  here  laid  upon  Colombia's  sacrifices  in  the 
revolution  and  some  inediled  documents  are  printed. 

Historia  de  la  Vida  y  Reinado  de  Fernando  VII  de  Espana,  con 
documentos  justificativos,  ordenes  reservados  y  numerosas 
cartas  del  mismo  monarca,  three  volumes,  Madrid,  1842. 

A  manuscript  note  by  Pascual  de  Guayangos  in  the  first 
volume  of  this  useful  work  which  is  in  the  National  Library 
at  Madrid,  states  that  its  author  was  Costa  Bayo,  who  lived 
in  Valencia. 

Hubbard  [N.]  G,  Histoire  contemporaine  de  TEspagne,  volumes 
one,  two,  and  three,  Paris,  1868-1878. 

Humbert,  J.,  Les  origines  Venezueliennes,  essai  sur  la  coloniza- 
tion Espagnol  au  Venezuela,  Paris,  I905. 

Irisarri,  a.  J.,  Historia  Critica  del  Asesinato  cometido  en  la 
Persona  del  gran  mariscal  de  Ayacucho,  Caracas,  1846. 

One  of  the  most  important  productions  in  the  long  con- 
troversy concerning  the  murder  of  Sucre. 

IzcuE,  J.  A.,  de,  Los  Peruanos  y  su  Independencia,  Lima,  1906. 

Lafuente,  M.,  y  Valera,  J.,  Historia  General  de  Espaiia,  desde 
los  tiempos  primitivos  hasta  la  muerte  de  Fernando  VII,  con- 
tinuada  desde  dicha  epoca  hasta  nuestros  dias,  volumes  six- 
teen to  twenty-two,   Barcelona,   1889,   1890. 

In  these  volumes  the  revolt  in  the  colonies  is  discussed 
from  a  Spanish  viewpoint  and  some  inedited  documents  are 
printed. 

Larrazabal,  F.,  Vida  y  Correspondencia  General  del  Libertador 
Simon  Bolivar,  enriquecida  con  la  insercion  de  los  manifestos. 


338  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

mensages,  exposiciones,  proclamas,  etc.,  two  volumes,  New 

York,  1 90 1. 

Although  eulogistic  in   tone,  this  is   a  useful  biography 

based,  in  part,  upon  documents  which  were  subsequently  lost. 
Larrazabal,  F.,  The  Life  of  Simon  Bolivar,  Liberator  of  Colom- 
bia and  Peru,  Father  and  Founder  of  Bolivia,  volume  one, 

New  York,  1866. 
Lea,  H.  C,  The  Inquisition  in  the  Spanish  Dependencies:  Sicily, 

Naples,  Sardinia,  Milan,  The  Canaries,  Mexico,  Peru,  New 

Granada, — New  York,  1908. 
Liceaga,  J.  M.,  Adiciones  y  Rectificaciones  a  la  Historia  de  Mex- 
ico que  escribio  D.  Lucas  Alaman,  Guanajuato,  1868. 
Llanos,  J.,  El  Dr.  Francia,  Buenos  Aires,  1907. 
Lopez,  V.  F.,  Historia  de  la  Republica  Argentina,  su  origen,  su 

revolucion,  y  su  desarrolle  politico  hasta  1852,  ten  volumes, 

Buenos  Aires,  191 1. 

A  detailed  history  of  Argentina   which   furnishes  much 

material  upon  the  revolution. 
LozANO  Y  LozANO,  F.,  El  Maestro  del  Libertador,  Paris   (1914). 
Maeso,  J.,  Artigas  y  su  fipoca.     Apuntes  documentados  para  la 

historia  oriental,  two  volumes,  Montevideo,  1885. 
Los  Primeros  Patriotas  Orientales  de  181 1,  Montevideo, 

1888. 
Mancini,  J.,  Bolivar  et  I'emancipation  des  colonies  espagnoles  des 

origines  a  1815,  Paris,  1912. 

The  most  careful  and  sympathetic  biography  of  Bolivar. 

Unfortunately  the  author  died  before  completing  the  work. 
Mantilla,  V.  F.,  San  Martin,  Buenos  Aires,  1913. 
Markham,  C.  R.,  a  History  of  Peru,  Chicago,  1892. 
Marure,  a.,  Bosquejo  Historico  de  las  Revoluciones  de  Centro- 

America,  desde  181 1  hasta  1834,  volume  one,  Guatemala,  1877. 
Medina,  J.  T.,  Historia  del  Tribunal  del  Santo  Oficio  de  la  In- 

quisicion  en  Mexico,  Santiago  de  Chile,  1908. 
Mendiburu,   M.   de,   Diccionario   Historico-Biografico   del    Peru, 

parte  primera  que  corresponde  a  la  epoca  de  la  dominacion 

espafiola,  eight  volumes,  Lima,  1874- 1890. 

A  monumental  and  encyclopedic  work,  which,  however, 

needs  revision. 
Michelena,  T.,  Resumen  de  la  Vida  Militar  y  Politica  del  Ciuda- 

dano  esclarecido  general  Jose  Antonio  Paez.  Caracas,  1890. 
Mitre,  B.,  Las  Cuentas  del  Gran  Capitar    (en  el  centenario  de 

San  Martin),  Buenos  Aires,  1878. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  339 

Mitre,  B.,  The  Emancipation  of  South  America.  Being  a  con- 
densed translation  by  William  Pilling  of  the  history  of  San 
Martin  by  General  Don  Bartolome  Mitre,  London,  1893. 

A  survey  of  the  South-American  revolution,  with  special 
attention  to  the  career  of  San  Martin. 

'— Historia  de  Belgrano,  two  volumes,  Buenos  Aires,   1859. 

A  detailed  account  of  Belgrano's  role  in  the  revolution, 
with  documents  in  the  appendices. 

Historia  de  San  Martin  y  de  la  Emancipacion  Sud-Amer- 

icana,  three  volumes,  Buenos  Aires,  1887,  1888. 

Written  from  the  Argentine  viewpoint,  this  is  the  classic 
work  on  San  Martin's  role  in  the  revolution. 

MoLiNARi,  D.  L.,  La  'Representacion  de  los  Hacendados'  de  Mari- 
ano Moreno,  su  ninguna  influencia  en  la  vida  economica  del 
pais  y  en  los  sucesos  de  mayo  de  1810,  Buenos  Aires,  1914. 

A  critical  study  of  the  influence  of  Moreno's  famous  me- 
morial. 

Moreno,  F.  R.,  Estudio  sobre  la  Independencia  del  Paraguay,  vol 
ume  one,  Asuncion,  191 1. 

Moses,  B.,  South  America  on  the  Eve  of  Emancipation,  New  York 
and  London,   1908. 

Noll,  A.  H.,  and  McMahon,  A.  P.,  The  Life  and  Times  of 
Miguel  Hidalgo  y  Costilla,  Chicago,  1910. 

0  Kelly  de  Galway,  A.  C,  Francisco  de  Miranda.  .  .  .  Biog- 
raphic et  Iconographie,  Paris,  1913. 

A  documented  biographical  sketch  which  is  serviceable  for 
Miranda's  iconography. 

Olavarria  y  Ferrari,  E.,  Mexico  Independiente,  1821-1855  (vol- 
ume four  in  Mexico  a  traves  de  los  siglos),  Barcelona  (c. 
1880). 

Oman,  C,  A  History  of  the  Peninsular  war,  volume  one,  Ox- 
ford, 1902. 

Paxson,  F.  L,  The  Independence  of  the  South-American  Repub- 
lics, a  study  in  recognition  and  foreign  policy,  Philadelphia, 
1903. 

Paz  Soldan,  M.  F.,  Historia  del  Peru  Independiente,  primer 
periodo,  1819-1822,  segundo  periodo,  1822-1827,  three  volumes, 
Lima,  1868- 1874. 

This  standard  work  Contains  some  inedited  documents. 

Pereira  da  Silva,  J.  M.,  Historia  da  Fundaqao  do  Imperio  Brazil- 
eiro,  three  volumes,  Rio  de  Janeiro,  1870,  1871. 

Pesquera  Valenilla,  v.,  Rasgos  Biograficos  del  general  en  jefe 


340  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Antonio  Jose  de  Sucre,  gran  mariscal  de  Ayacucho,  Caracas, 

1894. 
Petre,  F.  L.,  Simon  Bolivar,  "EI  Libertador,"  a  life  of  the  chief 

leader  in  the  revolt  against  Spain  in  Venezuela,  New  Granada, 

and  Peru,  London  and  New  York,   1909. 

The  most  detailed  biography  of  Bolivar  in  English:  em- 
phasis is  laid  upon  military  events. 
Pi  y  Margall,  P.,  and  Pi  y  Arsuga,  F.,  Historia  de  Espana  en 

el  Siglo  XIX,  volumes  one,  two,  three,  Barcelona,  1902. 
Pinilla,  S.,  La  Creacion  de  Bolivia  (volume  seventeen  in  Biblio- 

teca    Ayacucho,    edited    by    R.    Blanco- Fombona),    Madrid 

(1917). 

A  helpful  volume  upon  an  obscure  period. 
QuESADA,  E.,  Las  Reliquias  de  San  Martin,  Buenos  Aires,  1900. 
QuESADA,  V.  G.,  Vireinato  del  Rio  de  la  Plata,  1 778-1810,  apunta- 

mientos  criticos-historicos  para  servir  en  la  cuestion  de  limites 

entre  la  republica  Argentina  y  Chile,  Buenos  Aires,  1881. 
Important  for  the  study  of  colonial  boundaries  in  southern 

South  America. 
Rene-Moreno,  G,  Bolivia  y  Peru.    Notas  Historicas  y  Bibliogra- 

ficas,  Santiago  de  Chile,  1905. 

Bolivia  y  Peru.     Mas  Notas  Historicas  y  Bibliograficas, 

Santiago  de  Chile,  1905. 

Nuevas  Notas  Historicas  y  Bibliograficas,   Santiago  de 

Chile,  1907. 

' tJltimas  Dias  Coloniales  en  el  Alto-Peru:  narracion:  doc- 


umentos  ineditos  de  1808  y  1809,  two  volumes,  Santiago  de 
Chile,  1896,  1 90 1. 
Robertson,  W.  S.,  Francisco  de  Miranda  and  the  Revolutionizing 
of  Spanish  America,  in  Annual  Report  of  the  American  His- 
torical Association,  1907,  volume  one,  pages  189-540,  Wash- 
ington, 1909. 

A  scientific  monograph  which  is  based  largely  upon  archi- 
val  investigations. 

The  Life  of   Miranda,  two  volumes,   Chapel   Hill,   North 

Carolina,  1929, 

Rodriguez,  G.  F.,  Historia  de  Alvear  con  la  Accion  de  Artigas  en 
el  Periodo  Evolutivo  de  la  Revolucion  Argentina  de  1812  a 
1816,  volumes  one  and  two,  Buenos  Aires,  1913. 

El  General  Soler,  contribucion  historica,  documentos  in- 
editos, 1783-1849,  Buenos-Aires,  1909. 

RodrIguez   Villa,   A.,   El  teniente  general   don   Pablo   Morillo, 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  341 

Primer  Conde  de  Cartagena,  Marques  de  la  Puerta  (1778- 
1837),  estudio  biografico  documentado,  four  volumes,  Madrid, 
1908,  191  o. 

This  set  contains  much  material  concerning  the  revolt  in 
northern  South  Am.erica. 
RojAS,  A.,  Los  Hombres  de  la  Revolucion,  1 810-1826.    El  canonigo 
Jose  Cortes  Madariaga,  El  general  Emparan,  Caracas,  1878. 

Historia  Patria,  estudios  historicos,  origines  Venezolanos, 

volume  one,  Caracas,  1891. 

RojAS,  El  Marques  de,  Simon  Bolivar,  Paris,  1883. 
A  documented  study. 

Tiempo  Perdido,  coleccion  de  escritos  sobre  literatura  y 

hacienda  piiblica,  Paris,   1905. 

RossEEUw  St.-Hilaire  [E.  F.  a.],  Histoire  d'Espagne  depuis  les 
premiers  temps  historiques  jusqu'a  la  mort  de  Ferdinand 
VII,  volumes  thirteen  and  fourteen,  Paris,  1878,  1879. 

Saavedra,  a.  Z.,  Don  Cornelio  de  Saavedra,  presidente  de  la  junta 
de  gobierno  de  1810,  Buenos  Aires,  1909. 

SaldIas,  a..  La  Evolucion  Republicana  durante  la  Revolucion 
Argentina,  Bue«os  Aires,  1896. 

Sanchez,  M.  S.,  Apuntes  para  la  Iconografia  del  Libertador, 
Caracas,  191 6. 

An  illustrated  study  of  Bolivar  as  depicted  by  artists  and 
sculptors. 

Sassenay,  Le  Marquis  de.  Napoleon  ler.  et  la  fondation  de  la 
republique  Argentine,  Paris,   1892. 

ScHRYVER,  S.  de,  Esquisse  de  la  vie  de  Bolivar,  Brussels,  1898. 
Unsurpassed  as  a  presentation  of  Bolivar's  career  in  one 
volume. 

Temperley,  H.  W.  v.,  Life  of  Canning,  London,  1905. 

Useful   for  the  study  of  English  policy  toward  Spanish 
America. 

Urquinaona  y  Pardo,  p.,  Resumen  de  las  causas  principales  que 
preparon  y  dieron  impulso  a  la  Emancipacion  de  la  America 
Espanola,  Madrid,  1835. 

Varela,  L.  v.,  Historia  Constitucional  de  la  Republica  Argen- 
tina, four  volumes,  La  Plata,  1910. 

(Vicuna  Mackenna,  B.),  La  Corona  del  Heroe,  recopilacion  de 
datos  i  documentos  para  f)erpetuar  la  memoria  del  jeneral  don 
Bernardo  O'Higgins,  Santiago  de  Chile,  1872. 

A  biographical  account  of  O'Higgins  which  is  accompanied 
by  many  important  documents. 


342  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Vicuna  Mackenna,  B.,  and  others,  Historia  Jeneral  de  la  Re- 

piiblica  de  Chile  desde  su  independencia  hasta  nuestros  dias, 

five  volumes,  Santiago  de  Chile,  1866-1882. 

This  cooperative  history  contains  special  studies  of  various 

phases  of  the  Chilean  revolution. 
Vicuna  Mackenna,  B.,  El  jeneral  d.  Jose  de  San  Martin,  con- 

siderado  segun  documentos  enteramente  ineditos,  Santiago  de 

Chile,  1863. 

El  Ostracismo  del  jeneral  d.  Bernardo  O'Higgins,  escrito 

sobre  documentos  ineditos  i   noticias   autenticas,   Valparaiso, 
i860. 

La  Revolucion  de  la  Independencia  del  Peru  desde  1809  a 

1819,  Lima,   i860. 

Vida  del  capitan  jeneral  de  Chile,  don  Bernardo  O'Hig- 
gins, escrito  sobre  documentos  ineditos  i  noticias  autenticas, 
Valparaiso,   i860. 

El  Washington  del   Sur,  cuadros  de  la  vida  militar  del 


jeneral  Antonio  Jose  de  Sucre,  Santiago  de  Chile,  1893. 

ViLLANUEVA,  C.  A.,  Historia  y  Diplomacia,  Napoleon  y  la  inde- 
pendencia de  America,  Paris,   191 1. 

A  study  of  Napoleon's  influence  upon  the  Spanish-Amer- 
ican revolt  which  supplements  De  Sassenay. 

La  Monarquia  en  America :  Bolivar  y  el  general  San  Mar- 
tin; Fernando  VII  y  los  nuevos  estados;  La  santa  alianza; 
El  imperio  de  los  Andes,  four  volumes,  Paris  (1911-1914). 

These  volumes  print — in  Spanish — many  documents  from 
European  archives  concerning  the  Spanish-American  revolu- 
tion.   The  author's  thesis  is  that  Bolivar  was  a  monarchist. 

ViLLANUEVA,  L.,  Vida  del  gran  mariscal  de  Ayacucho,  Caracas, 
1895. 

The  best  life  of  Sucre. 

Washburn,  C.  A.,  The  History  of  Paraguay,  with  notes  of  per- 
sonal observations  and  reminiscences  of  diplomacy  under  diffi- 
culties, volume  one,  Boston,   1871. 

This  volume  transmits  some  Paraguayan  reminiscences 
and  traditions  of  Francia. 

Zarate,  J.,  La  Guerra  de  Independencia  (volume  three  in  Mexico 
a  traves  de  los  siglos),  Barcelona   (c.  1880). 

A  volume  by  a  scholar  of  Mexico  upon  her  struggle  for 
independence. 

Zinny,  a.,  Historia  de  los  Gobernantes  del  Paraguay,  1 535-1 887, 
Buenos  Aires,  1887. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  343 

2,   Articles  in  Periodicals,  etc. 

AncIzar,  M.,  "Antonio  Jose  de  Sucre,"  in  the  Boletin  de  la 
Academia  Nacional  de  la  Historia,  volume  two,  pages  52-80, 
107-139,  Caracas,  1913. 

Baez,  C,  "Historia  del  Paraguay:  las  leyes  de  extrangeria,"  in 
the  Revista  del  Instituto  Paraguay 0,  afio  IX,  pages  385-417, 
Asuncion,   1908. 

Desdevises  du  Dezert,  G.,  "Vice-rois  et  capitaines  generaux  des 
Indes  espagnoles  a  la  fin  du  XVIII®  siecle,"  in  Revue  His- 
torique,  volume  one  hundred  and  twenty-five,  pages  225  ff., 
Paris,  1917. 

Francia,  R,  "Genealogia  de  la  Familia  del  Libertador  Simon 
Bolivar,"  in  the  Gaceta  de  los  Museos  Nacionales,  volume 
one,  pages  33  fif.,  Caracas,  1912. 

Fuente,  J.  M.  DE  LA,  "Apuntes  y  Documentos  sobre  las  Familias 
Hidalgo  y  Costilla,  Gallega  Mandarte  y  Villasenor,"  in  the 
Anales  del  Museo  Nacional  de  Arqueologia,  Historia,  y  Et- 
nologia,  volume  one,  pages  531-552,  Mexico,  1909. 

"Arbol  Genealogico  del  Benemerito  Cura  de  Dolores,  D. 

Miguel  Hidalgo  y  Costilla  .  .  ."  in  the  Anales  del  Museo  Na- 
cional de  Arqueologia,  Historia,  y  Etnologia,  volume  one,  page 
232,  Mexico,  1909. 

Garcia,  G.,  "Leona  Vicario,  heroina  insurgente,"  in  the  Anales 
del  Museo  Nacional  de  Arqueologia,  Historia,  y  Etnologia, 
volume  one,  pages  255-457,  Mexico,  1909. 

Humbert,  J.,  "Los  Bolivar  de  Vizcaya,  los  antepasados  del  Liber- 
tador de  la  America  del  Sur,"  in  the  Anales  de  la  Universidad 
Central  de  Venezuela,  volume  eleven,  pages  53-63,  Caracas, 
1910. 

A  valuable  study  of  Bolivar's  ancestors  in  Spain. 

Lea,  H.  C,  "Hidalgo  and  Morelos,"  in  the  American  Historical 
Review,  volume  four,  pages  636-651,  New  York,  1899. 

Lecuna,  v.,  "La  campana  de  Carabobo  y  la  diversion  de  Bermu- 
dez,"  in  El  Co  jo  Ilustrado,  December  15,  19 12,  pages  663-669, 
Caracas,  1912. 

A  scientific  study  by  a  student  of  military  history. 

Mendoza,  C.  a.,  "Sucre,"  in  the  Memorias  de  la  Academia  Na- 
cional de  la  Historia,  volume  one,  pages  16-40,  Caracas,  1890. 

PoNTE,  A.  F.,  "Arbol  genealogico  del  Libertador  Simon  Bolivar," 
in  El  Universal,  July  5,  191 1,  Caracas,  191 1. 
A  careful  study  of  Bolivar's  ancestry. 


344  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Ramos,  J.,  "Origenes  del  Mariscal  de  Ayacucho,"  in  the  Boletin 
de  la  Academia  Nacional  de  Historia,  volume  three,  pages 
125-144,  Caracas,  1914. 

A  documented  study  of  Sucre's  ancestry. 

Robertson,  W.  S.,  "The  Beginnings  of  Spanish-American  Diplo- 
macy," in  the  Turner  Essays  in  American  History,  pages  231- 
267,  New  York,  1910. 

"The  First  Legations  of  the  United  States  in  Latin  Amer- 
ica" in  the  Mississippi  Valley  Historical  Review,  volume  two, 
pages  183-212,  Cedar  Rapids,  1915. 

"The  Juntas  of  1808  and  the  Spanish  Colonies,"  in  the 

English  Historical  Review,  volume  thirty-one,  pages  573-585, 
London,  19 16. 

"The  Recognition  of  the  Spanish  Colonies  by  the  Mother- 
land," in  the  Hispania  American  Historical  Review,  volume 
one,  pages  70-91,  Baltimore,  1918. 

"South  America  and  the   Monroe  Doctrine,   1824-1828," 

in  the  Political  Science  Quarterly,  volume  thirty,  pages  82- 
105,  New  York,  1915. 

"The  United  States  and  Spain  in  1822,"  in  the  American 


Historical  Review,  volume  twenty,  pages  781-800,  New  York, 
1915- 

The  six  above-mentioned  studies,  by  the  author  of  the 
present  volume,  are  mainly  concerned  with  the  international 
relations  of  the  American  states  during  the  revolutionary 
epoch.     They  utilize  considerable  archival  material. 

Samper,  S.  A.  de,  "Sucre,"  in  the  Memorias  de  la  Academia 
Nacional  de  la  Historia,  volume  one,  pages  41-320,  Caracas, 
1890. 

Webster,  C.  K.,  "Castlereagh  and  the  Spanish  Colonies,"  in  the 
English  Historical  Review,  volume  twenty-seven,  pages  78-85, 
and  volume  thirty,  pages  631-644,  London,  1912,  1915. 

This  study  utilizes  archival  material  and  supplements  Tem- 
perley's  volume. 

WiTZKE,  C.  F.,  "Bosquejo  de  la  Vida  de  Simon  Bolivar  desde  su 
Nacimiento  hasta  el  Afio  de  1810,"  in  the  Gaceta  de  los  Museos 
Nacionales,  volume  one,  pages  147  ff.,  Caracas,  1912. — 
The  most  useful  study  of  Bolivar's  early  career. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  345 

D.    Sources 

I.   Books  and  Pamphlets 

Adams,  J.  Q.,  Memoirs  of  John  Quincy  Adams,  comprising  por- 
tions of  his  diary  from  1797  to  1848.  Edited  by  C.  F.  Adams, 
volumes  four  to  eight,  Philadelphia,  1875,  ^^7^- 

The  Writings  of  John  Quincy  Adams.     Edited  by  W.  C. 


Ford,  volumes  five  and  following,  New  York,  191 5. — 
Alaman,  L.,  Historia  de  Mexico,  con  una  noticia  preliminar  del 

sistema  de  gobierno  que  regia  en  1808  y  del  estado  en  que  se 

hallaba  el  pais  en  el  mismo  ano,  five  volumes,  Mexico,  1883- 

1885. 

These  volumes  contain  a  detailed  history  of  the  Mexican 

revolution  which  is  written  from  the  royalist  viewpoint. 
American  State  Papers:   Foreign  Relations,  volumes  three  to  six, 

Washington,  1832- 1859. 
Annals  of  the  Congress  of  the  United  States,  eleventh,  twelfth, 

thirteenth,    fourteenth,   fifteenth,    sixteenth,   and   seventeenth 

Congresses,  Washington,  1853-1856. 
The  Annual  Register,  or  a  view  of  the  history,  politics,  and  litera- 
ture for  the  year  1808,  for  the  year  1809,  etc.,  London,  1820. — 
Archivo  general  de  la  Nacion:   Partes  oficiales  y  Documentos  rel- 

ativos  a  la  Guerra  de  la  Independencia  Argentina,  four  vol- 
umes, Buenos  Aires,  1900-1903. 

An  important  collection  of  documents  for  the  study  of  the 

revolution  in  the  Platean  provinces,  1810-1828. 
Artigas   (J.),  Artigas:    Estudio  historico,  Documentos  justifica- 

tivos.    Edited  by  C.  L.  Fregeiro,  Montevideo,  1886. 

A  collection  of  documents  dealing  with  conditions  in  the 

Platean  basin,  1803-1814,  and  especially  with  Artigas. 
Austria,  J.  de,  Bosquejo  de  la  Historia  Militar  de  Venezuela  en 

la  guerra  de  su  Independencia,  volume  one,  Caracas,  1855. 
Belgrano  (M.),  .  .  .  Documentos  del  Archivo  de  Belgrano,  five 

volumes,  Buenos  Aires,  1913. — 

Important  for  the  investigation  of  Belgrano's  career. 
Beneski,  C.  de,  a  Narrative  of  the  last  moments  of  the  Life  of 

Don  Augustin  de  Iturbide,  ex-emperor  of  Mexico,  New  York, 

1825. 
Bertling,  H.,  Editor.     Documentos  historicos  referentes  al  Paso 

de  los  Andes  efectuado  en  1817  por  el  general  San  Martin, 

Concepcion,    1908. 


346  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

[Biggs,  J.],  The  History  of  Don  Francisco  de  Miranda's  attempt 
to  effect  a  Revolution  in  South  America,  in  a  series  of  letters 
by  a  gentleman  who  was  an  officer  under  that  general,  to  his 
friend  in  the  United  States.  To  which  are  annexed  sketches 
of  the  life  of  Miranda  and  geographical  notices  of  Caracas, 
Boston,  1810. 

The  most  useful  published  source  on  Miranda's  expedition 
of  1806. 

Blanco,  J.  R,  and  Azpurua,  R.,  Editors.  Documentos  para  la 
Historia  de  la  Vida  publica  del  Libertador  de  Colombia,  Peru, 
y  Bolivia,  publicados  por  disposicion  del  general  Guzman 
Blanco,  fourteen  volumes,  Caracas,  1875-1877. 

This  is  probably  the  most  useful  collection  of  documents 
concerning  the  revolution  in  Spanish  America. 

BocANEGRA,  J.  M.,  Mcmorias  para  la  Historia  de  Mexico  Inde- 
pendiente,  1822-1846,  two  volumes,  Mexico,  1892. 

BoLivAR  (S.),  Papeles  de  Bolivar,  publicados  por  Vicente  Lecuna, 
Caracas,  191 7. 

Carefully  selected  from  inedited  manuscripts  in  the 
archives  of  the  liberator  at  Caracas,  this  volume  contains  doc- 
uments which  supplement  the  O'Leary  collection  at  many 
points. 

Brackenridge,  H.  M.,  Voyage  to  South  America  in  the  years  181 7 
and  18 1 8,  in  the  frigate  Congress,  two  volumes,  London,  1820. 

British  and  Foreign  State  Papers,  volumes  one  to  twenty-five, 
London,  1841-1853. 

Scattered  through  this  collection  are  many  documents  on 
the  Spanish-American  revolution. 

BusTAMANTE,  C.  M.  DE,  Campafias  del  general  d.  Felix  Maria 
Calleja,  comandante  en  gefe  del  ejercito  real  de  operaciones 
llamado  del  centro,  Mexico,  1828. 

Continuacion   del   Cuadro   Historico.      Historia  del   Em- 

perador  d.  Agustin  de  Iturbide  hasta  su  muerte,  y  sus  conse- 
cuencias,  y  establecimiento  de  la  republica  popular  federal, 
Mexico,   1846. 

Important  for  the  career  of  Iturbide  as  emperor. 

Cuadro  Historico  de  la  Revolucion  Mexicana,  comenzada 

en  15  de  Septiembre  de  1810  por  el  ciudadano  Miguel  Hidalgo 
y  Costilla,  cura  del  pueblo  de  los  Dolores,  en  el  obispado  de 
Michoacan,  five  volumes,  Mexico,   1843- 1846. 

One  of  the  most  important  sources  on  the  Mexican  revo- 
lution. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  347 

[BusTAMANTE,  C.  M.  de],  Historia  militar  del  General  Don  Jose 
Maria  Morelos,  sacado  en  lo  conducente  a  ella  de  sus  declara- 
ciones  recibidas  de  orden  del  virey  de  Mexico,  cuando  estuvo 
arrestado  en  la  ciudadela  de  esta  capital,  Mexico,  1825. 

Calvo,  C,  Recueil  historique  complet  des  traites,  conventions, 
capitulations,  armistices  et  autres  actes  diplomatiques  de  tous 
les  etats  de  TAmerique  Latine,  ire.  periode,  2de.  periode,  fif- 
teen volumes,  Paris,  1 863- 1867. 

Scattered  through  these  volumes  are  documents  which  con- 
cern particularly  the  diplomatic  history  of  the  revolution. 

Camba  [A.  G.],  Memorias  para  la  Historia  de  las  Armas  Es- 
panolas  en  el  Peru,  two  volumes,  Buenos  Aires,  1895-1899. 

Carranza,  a.  P.,  Editor.  Archivo  general  de  la  Republica  Ar- 
gentina, segunda  serie,  fourteen  volumes,  Buenos  Aires,  1894- 
1899. 

Catastrophe  de  don  Agustin  de  Yturbide,  aclamado  emperador  de 
Mejico,  el  18  de  Mayo  del  ano  1822,  6  relacion  exacta  de  las 
circunstancias  que  han  acompanado  el  desembarco  y  la  muerte 
de  este  hombre  celebre,  Paris,  1825. 

Causa  criminal  seguida  contra  el  coronel  graduado  Apolinar  Mo- 
rillo,  y  demas  autores  y  complices  del  asesinato  perpetrado  en 
la  persona  del  sefior  Jeneral  Antonio  Jose  de  Sucre,  Bogota, 

1843- 

Original  documents  concerning  the  trial  of  those  persons 
accused  of  Sucre's  murder. 

[Cavia,  p.  C],  El  Protector  nominal  de  los  Pueblos  libres,  d.  Jose 
Artigas,  clasificado  por  el  amigo  del  orden,  Buenos  Aires, 
1818. 

This  booklet  contains  some  much-disputed  statements  con- 
cerning the  early  career  of  Artigas. 

Cochrane,  C.  S.,  Journal  of  a  Residence  and  Travels  in  Colombia 
during  the  years  1823  and  1824,  two  volumes,  London,  1825. 

Cochrane,  T.  B.,  and  Bourne,  R.  F.  H.,  The  Life  of  Thomas, 
Lord  Cochrane,  tenth  Earl  of  Dundonald,  G.  C.  B.,  two  vol- 
umes, London,  1869. 

Coleccion  de  Historiadores  i  de  Documentos  relativos  a  la  Inde- 
pendencia  de  Chile,  volumes  one  to  twenty-two,  Santiago  de 
Chile,  1900. — 

A  most  important  collection  on  the  Chilean  revolution. 

Coleccion  de  leyes,  decretos  y*ordenes  publicados  en  el  Peru  desde 
el  ano  de  1821  hasta  31  de  diciembre  de  1859,  reimpresa  por 
orden  de  materias  oor  el  dr.  d.  Juan  Oviedo,  abogado  de  los 


348  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

tribunales  de  la  republica,  especially  volume  one,  Lima,  i86i. 

This  volume  contains  the  earliest  constitutional  statutes 
of  Peru. 
Coleccion  de  ordenes  y  decretos  de  la  soberano  junta  provisional 
gubernativa,  y  soberanos   congresos  generales  de  la  nacion 
mexicana,  four  volumes,  Mexico,  1829. 

A  collection  of  orders  and  decrees  of  the  first  empire  of 
Mexico  and  of  the  republic  which  followed. 
Coleccion  de  los  decretos  y  ordenes  que  han  expedido  las  Cortes 
generales  y  extraordinarias  desde  su  instalacion  .  .  .  1810,  ten 
volumes,  Madrid,  1813-1823. 
(Coleccion  legislativa  de  Espafia)  : 

Decretos  del  Rey  Don  Fernando  VII,  volumes  one  to 
eighteen,  Madrid,  1818-1834. 

Decretos  de  la  Reina  nuestra  sefiora  doiia  Isabel  II,  dados 
en  su  real  nombre  por  su  augusta  madre  la  reina  gobernadora 
y  reales  ordenes,  resoluciones  y  reglamentos  generales  expedi- 
dos  por  las  secretarias  del  despacho  universal  desde  i*'  de  en- 
ero  .  .  .  de  1834,  volumes  nineteen  to  twenty-one,  Madrid, 
1835-1837.^ 

Coleccion  de  las  leyes,  decretos,  y  declaraciones  de  las 
Cortes,  y  de  los  reales  decretos,  ordenes,  resoluciones,  y  reg- 
lamentos generales  expedidos  por  las  secretarias  del  despacho 
desde  i**  de  enero  .  .  .  de  1837  .  .  .  volumes  twenty-two  to 
thirty-five,  Madrid,   1837-1846. 

Coleccion  legislativa  de  Espafia  (continuacion  de  la  colec- 
cion de  decretos),  volumes  thirty-six  to  one  hundred  and 
thirty,  Madrid,  1848. 

Among  the  above  collections  of  laws  and  decrees  are  many 
documents  concerning  Spain's  policy  toward  her  colonies. 
Coleccion  oficial  de  leyes,  decretos,  ordenes  y  resoluciones  vigentes 
de  la  Republica  Boliviana,  volumes  one  to  five,  Sucre,  1846, 
1847. 

This  collection  contains  many  administrative  and  legisla- 
tive provisions  of  Bolivia,  1825-1830. 
Coleccion  legislativa  de  la  Republica  Oriental  del  Uruguay,  vol- 
ume one,  Montevideo,  1900. 

The  first  statutes  of  the  Uruguayan  republic. 
Cuerpo  de  leyes  de  la  Republica  de  Colombia,  three  volumes,  Lon- 
don, 1825. 

These  volumes  contain  important  legislative  material  in 
regard  to  the  founding  of  Great  Colombia. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  349 

Depons,  F.,  Voyage  a  la  partie  oriental  de  la  Terra-ferme,  dans 
TAmerique  meridionale,  fait  pendant  les  annees  1801,  1802, 
1803,  et  1804:  contenant  la  description  de  la  capitainerie  gen- 
erale  de  Caracas,  .  .  .  three  volumes,  Paris,  1806. 

A  valuable  source  concerning  conditions  in  northern  South 
America  on  the  eve  of  the  revolution. 

Diario  de  las  actas  y  discusiones  de  las  Cortes,  legislatura  de  los 
anos  de  1820  y  1821,  twenty-three  volumes,  and  three  volumes 
of  appendices,  Madrid,  1820-1821. 

Diario  de  las  actas  y  discusiones  de  las  Cortes  extraordinarias  del 
aiio  de  1821,  six  volumes,  Madrid,  1821. 

Diario  de  las  sesiones  de  Cortes:  legislatura  extraordinaria  (esta 
legislatura  dio  principio  el  dia  22  de  setiembre  de  1821  y  ter- 
mino  el  14  de  febrero  de  1822),  three  volumes,  Madrid,  1871. 

Diario  de  las  actas  y  discusiones  de  las  Cortes  extraordinarias  del 
ano  de  1822,  six  volumes,  Madrid,  1822,  1823. 

Diario  de  las  sesiones  de  Cortes,  estamento  de  ilustres  proceres, 
legislatura  de  1835  a  1836,  Madrid,  1869. 

Diario  de  sesiones  de  las  Cortes  constituyentes,  dieron  principio 
el  17  de  octubre  de  1836,  terminaron  el  4  de  noviembre  de 
1837,  volume  one,  Madrid,  1870. 

In  the  above  six  collections  of  the  debates  in  the  cortes 
may  be  found  many  documents  respecting  the  policy  of  Spain's 
statesmen  towards  the  American  colonies. 

Dias  del  Mayo:  actas  del  cabildo  de  Buenos  Aires,  181 0,  Buenos 
Aires,  1910. 

Documentos  para  los  Anales  de  Venezuela  desde  el  movimiento 
separatista  de  la  union  Colombiana  hasta  nuestros  dias,  primer 
periodo,  seven  volumes,  Caracas,  1889-1891;  segundo  periodo, 
volume  four,  Caracas,  1912. 

Documentos  relativos  a  los  Antecedentes  de  la  Independencia  de  la 
Republica  Argentina,  Buenos  Aires,  1912. 

Documentos  en  honor  del  Gran  Mariscal  de  Ayacucho  coordinados 
por  la  comision,  que  nombro  de  su  seno  la  Academia  Nacional 
de  la  Historia,  Caracas,  1890. 

Documentos  para  la  Historia  de  la  Provincia  de  Cartagena  de 
Indias,  hoy  estado  soberano  de  Bolivar  en  la  union  Colom- 
biana, two  volumes,  Bogota,  1883. 

DucouDRAY  HoLSTEiN,  H.  L.  V.,  Mcmoirs  of  Simon  Bolivar,  Presi- 
dent Liberator  of  the  Republic  of  Colombia,  and  of  his  prin- 
cipal generals,  secret  history  of  the  revolution,  and  of  the 


350  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

events  which  preceded  it  from  1807  to  the  present  time,  Bos« 
ton,  1829. 

DuNDONALD,  Thomas,  Earl  of.  Narrative  of  Services  in  the  Lib- 
eration of  Chile,  Peru,  and  Brazil,  from  Spanish  and  Portu- 
guese domination,  two  volumes,  London,  1859. 

FiLisoLA,  v..  La  Cooperacion  de  Mexico  en  la  Independencia  de 
Centro  America  (volumes  thirty-five  and  thirty-six  in  Docu- 
mentes  ineditos  6  muy  raros  para  la  historia  de  Mexico,  edited 
by  G.  Garcia),  Mexico,  191 1. 

Garcia,  G.,  Editor.  Documentos  Historicos  Mexicanos :  obra  con- 
memorativa  del  primer  centenario  de  la  independencia  de 
Mexico,  seven  volumes,  Mexico,  1910. 

This     important     collection     supplements     Hernandez     y 
Davalos. 

Hackett,  J.,  Narrative  of  the  Expedition  which  sailed  from  Eng- 
land in  1817  to  join  the  South  American  patriots,  comprising 
every  particular  connected  with  its  formation,  history,  and 
fate;  with  observations  and  authentic  information  elucidating 
the  real  character  of  the  contest,  mode  of  warfare,  state  of 
the  armies,  etc.,  London,  18 18. 

Hall,  B.,  Extracts  from  a  Journal  written  on  the  coasts  of  Chile, 
Peru,  and  Mexico,  in  the  years  1820,  1821,  1822,  part  I,  part 
II,  London,  1840. 

This  contains  interesting  commentaries  upon  the  revolu- 
tionary movement. 

Hamilton,  J.  P.,  Travels  through  the  interior  provinces  of  Colom- 
bia, two  volumes,  London,  1827. 

Hereida,  J.  F.,  Memorias  sobre  las  Revoluciones  de  Venezuela, 
Paris,  1895. 

Hernandez  y  Davalos,  J.  E.,  Editor.  Coleccion  de  Documentos 
para  la  Historia  de  la  guerra  de  Independencia  de  Mexico  de 
1808  a  1 82 1,  six  volumes,  Mexico,  1 877-1 882. 

In  general  this  is  the  most  useful  collection  of  documents 
upon  the  revolution  in  Mexico. 

Herrera,  J.  H.,  Editor.  El  Album  de  Ayacucho:  coleccion  de  los 
principales  documentos  de  la  guerra  de  la  independencia  del 
Peru  y  de  los  cantos  de  victoria  y  poesias  relativas  a  ella, 
Lima,  1862. 

Prose  and  poems  concerning  the  revolution  in  Peru. 

HippiSLEY,  G,  A  Narrative  of  the  Expedition  to  the  Rivers  Ori- 
noco and  Apure  in  South  America,  which  sailed  from  England 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  351 

in  November,  1817,  and  joined  the  patriotic  forces  in  Vene- 
zuela and  Caracas, — London,   1819. 

Humboldt,  A.  de,  and  Bonpland,  A.,  Personal  Narrative  of  trav- 
els to  the  equinoctial  regions  of  the  new  continent  during  the 
years  1 799-1 804.  Translated  by  H.  M.  Williams,  six  volumes, 
London,   18 18-1829. 

Humboldt,  A.,  Essai  politique  sur  le  royaume  de  la  Nouvelle 
Espagne,  five  volumes,  Paris,  181 1. 

Humboldt's  writings  contain  much  valuable  material  on 
colonial   conditions. 

(Iturbide,  a.  de),  a  Statement  of  some  of  the  Principal  Events 
in  the  Public  Life  of  Augustin  de  Iturbide,  written  by  him- 
self, with  a  preface  by  the  translator,  and  an  appendix  of 
documents,  London,  1824. 

Iturbide's  memorias  done  into  English  by  M.  J.  Quin. 

'  Breve  diseno  critico  de  la  emancipacion  y  libertad  de  la 

nacion  Mexicana,  y  de  las  causas  que  influyeron  en  sus  mas 
ruidosos  sucesos,  acaecidos  desde  el  grito  de  Iguala  hasta  la 
espantosa  muerte  del  Libertador  en  la  villa  de  Padilla,  Mexico, 
1827. 

A  Spanish  translation  of  Iturbide's  above-mentioned 
memoirs,  accompanied  by  some  other  documents. 

Labarrieta,  a.,  Informe  del  Dr.  Don  Antonio  Labarrieta,  cura 
de  la  ciudad  de  Guanajuato,  sobre  la  conducta  que  observe 
Iturbide  siendo  comandante  general  del  Bajio,  Mexico,  1821. 

Lacroix,  L.,  Peru  de,  Diario  de  Bucaramanga,  6  vida  publica  y 
privada  del  Libertador  Simon  Bolivar,  publicada  por  primera 
vez  con  una  introduccion  y  notas  por  Cornelio  Hispano  (pseu- 
donym of  I.  Lopez),  Paris  (1912). 

This  much-discussed  diary  purports  to  contain  Bolivar's 
confidential  remarks  in  1828  concerning  his  career  and  his 
companions. 

Lafond  (de  Lurcy),  G.,  Voyages  autour  du  Monde  et  nauf rages 
celebres,  volumes  one,  two,  and  three,  Paris,  1870. 

Leyes  promulgadas  en  Chile  desde  18 10  hasta  el  i**  de  Junio  de 
1912.  Edited  by  R.  Anguita,  volume  one,  Santiago  de  Chile, 
1912. 

This  volume  contains  the  earliest  constitutional  statutes 
of  Chile.  , 

El  Libro  nacional  de  los  Venezolanos,  actas  del  congreso  con- 
stituyente  de  Venezuela  en  181 1,  origenes  de  la  republica, 
Caracas,  191 1. 


352  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Londonderry,  R.  S.,  Memoirs  and  Correspondence  of  Viscount 
Castlereagh,  second  Marquess  of  Londonderry.  Edited  by 
Charles  Vane,  Marquess  of  Londonderry,  twelve  volumes, 
London,   1850-1853. 

Lopez,  M.  A.,  Campafia  del  Peru  por  el  Ejercito  Unido  Libertador 
de  Colombia,  Peru,  B.  Aires,  y  Chile,  a  las  ordenes  del  im- 
mortal Bolivar,  en  los  anos  de  1823,  24  y  25  con  mapas  de  los 
campos  de  batalla  que  dieron  libertad  a  aquella  republica  y 
aseguraron  la  independencia  del  nuevo  mundo,  Caracas,  1843. 

Malo,  J.  R.,  Apuntes  historicos  sobre  el  destierro,  vuelta  al  terri- 
torio  Mexicana  y  muerte  del  Libertador  d.  Agustin  de  Itur- 
bide,  Mexico,  1869. 

Medina,  J.  T.,  Biblioteca  Hispano-Chilena  (1523-1817),  volume 
three,  Santiago  de  Chile,   1899. 

Memorias  de  los  Vireyes  que  han  gobernado  el  Peru  durante  el 
tiempo  del  coloniaje  Espanol,  six  volumes,  Lima,  1859. 

Valuable  upon  the  colonial  regime  in  the  Peruvian  vice- 
royalty. 

Mendibil,  p.  de,  Resumen  historico  de  la  Revolucion  de  los  Esta- 
dos  Unidos  Mejicanos,  sacado  del  "Cuadro  Historico,"  que  en 
forma  de  cartas  escribio  el  Lie.  d.  Carlos  Maria  Bustamante, 
London,  1828. 

Miller,  J.,  Memoirs  of  General  Miller  in  the  service  of  the  Re- 
public of  Peru,  two  volumes,  London,  1828. 

Based  as  these  memoirs  are  upon  the  correspondence  and 
notes  of  General  William  Miller,  a  participant  in  the  revolu- 
tionary war,  they  constitute  a  valuable  source  on  the  South- 
American  revolt. 

Miranda,  F.,  Miranda  dans  la  revolution  Franqaise:  recueil  de 
documents  authentiques  relative  a  I'histoire  du  General  Fran- 
cisco de  Miranda  pendant  son  sejour  en  France  de  1792  a 
1798.     Edited  by  A.  Rojas,  Caracas,  1889. 

Documents  concerning  Miranda's  career  in  the  French 
revolution. 

Miranda  (F.),  El  general  Miranda.  Edited  by  El  Marques  de 
Rojas.     Paris,  1884. 

Documents  concerning  various  phases  of  Miranda's  career. 

■  South  American  Emancipation,  documents  historical  and 

explanatory,  shewing  the  designs  which  have  been  in  progress, 
and  the  exertions  made  by  General  Miranda  for  the  attain- 
ment of  that  object  during  the  last  twenty-five  years.  Edited 
by  J.  M.  Antepara.  London.  1810. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  353 

This  contains  documents  which  were  edited  under  Miran- 
da's direction. 

MoLAS,  M.  A.,  Descripcion  historica  de  la  antigua  provincia  del 
Paraguay,  correjida,  aumentada  y  anotada  por  el  Doctor 
Angel  Justiniano  Carranza,  Buenos  Aires,  1868. 

Monroe,  J.,  The  Writings  of  James  Monroe,  including  a  collec- 
tion of  his  public  and  private  papers  and  correspondence  now 
for  the  first  time  printed.  Edited  by  S.  M.  Hamilton,  volumes 
five  to  seven,  New  York  and  London,  1901-1903. 

MooRE,  J.  B.,  Editor.  A  Digest  of  International  Law  as  embodied 
in  diplomatic  discussions,  treaties,  and  other  international 
agreements  .  .  .,  especially  volume  one,  Washington,  1906. 

Moreno,  Mariano,  Coleccion  de  Arengas  en  el  foro  y  Escritos  del 
doctor  dn.  Mariano  Moreno,  abogado  de  Buenos  Aires,  y  sec- 
retario  del  primer  gobierno  en  la  revolucion  de  aquel  estado, 
volume  one,  London,  1836. 

The  only  volume  published,  which  was  presumably  edited 
by  Manual  Moreno. 

Escritos  de  Mariano  Moreno,  con  un  prologo  por  Norberto 

Pifiero,  Buenos  Aires,  1896. 

The  most  complete  edition  of  Moreno's  writings:  it  in- 
cludes the  memorial  of  1809. 

Representacion  que  el  apoderado  de  los  hacendados  de  ias 


campafias  del  Rio  de  la  Plata  dirigio  al  excelentisimo  senor 
virey  don  Baltasar  Hidalgo  de  Cisneros  en  el  expediente 
promovido  sobre  proporcionar  ingresos  al  erario  por  medio 
de  un  franco  comercio  con  la  nacion  Inglesa.  La  escribio  el 
doctor  don  Mariano  Moreno,  Buenos  Aires,  1810. 

An  edition  of  the   famous  memorial  by  which   Mariano 
Moreno  acknowledged  its  authorship. 

Moreno,  Manuel,  Vida  y  Memorias  del  dr.  dn.  Mariano  Moreno, 
secretario  de  la  junta  de  Buenos  Aires,  capital  de  las  pro- 
vincias  del  Rio  de  la  Plata,  con  una  idea  de  su  revolucion  y 
de  la  de  Mexico,  Caracas, — London,  181 2. 

A  biography  of  Mariano  Moreno  by  his  brother. 

MosQUERA,  T.  C.  DE,  Mcmorias  sobre  la  Vida  del  Libertador  Simon 
Bolivar,  New  York,  1853. 

Novisima  recopilacion  de  las  leyes  de  Espana,  mandada  formar 
por  el  Senor  Don  Carlc^  IV,  edicion  publicada  por  don  Vi- 
cente Salva,  five  volumes,  Paris,  1854. 

O'Donoju,  J.,  Modelo  de  virtud  y  filantropia,  loor  eterno  al  exmo. 
seiior  capitan  general  don  Juan  O'Donoju,  carta  de  remision 


354  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

al  gobierao  Espanol  del  tratado  celebrado  en  la  villa  de  Cor- 
doba, por  el  exmo.  sefior  don  Juan  O'Donoju,  Mexico,  1822. 

O'HiGGiNS,  B.,  Epistolario  de  d.  Bernardo  O'Higgins,  capitan  gen- 
eral y  director  supremo  de  Chile,  gran  mariscal  del  Peru  y 
brigadier  de  las  Provincias  Unidas  del  Rio  de  la  Plata,  ano- 
tado  por  Ernesto  de  la  Cruz,  first  volume,  Santiago  de  Chile, 
1 91 6. 

This  volume  of  O'Higgins'  papers  contains  many  inedited 
documents. 

O'Leary,  D.  F.,  Memorias  del  General  O'Leary,  publicados  por 
su  hi  jo  Simon  B.  O'Leary,  thirty-two  volumes,  Caracas,  1879- 
1888. 

Under  this  misleading  title,  was  published  the  most  val- 
uable collection  of  sources  for  the  life  of  Bolivar:  it  also 
contains  a  large  amount  of  material  concerning  his  comrades. 

Olivart,  Marques  de,  Coleccion  de  los  tratados,  convenios,  y 
documentos  internacionales  celebrados  por  nuestros  gobiernos 
con  los  estados  extranjeros  desde  el  reinado  de  dona  Isabel 
hasta  nuestros  dias,  volumes  one  to  eleven,  Madrid,  1890-1902. 
Indispensable  upon  the  recognition  of  the  Spanish  colonies 
by  the  motherland. 

PAez,  J.  A.,  Autobiografia  del  general  Jose  Antonio  Paez,  two 
volumes,  Caracas,  1888. 

[Palacio  Fajardo,  M.],  Outline  of  the  Revolution  in  Spanish 
America,  or  an  account  of  the  origin,  progress,  and  actual 
state  of  the  war  carried  on  between  Spain  and  Spanish  Amer- 
ica containing  the  principal  facts  which  have  marked  the 
struggle.     By  a  South  American,  New  York,  181 7. 

Parish,  W.,  Buenos  Aires  and  the  Provinces  of  the  Rio  de  la 
Plata  from  their  discovery  and  conquest  by  the  Spaniards  to 
the  establishment  of  their  political  independence,  London, 
1852. 

Poinsett,  J.  R.,  Notes  on  Mexico,  made  in  the  autumn  of  1822, 
accompanied  by  an  historical  sketch  of  the  revolution  and 
translations  of  official  reports  on  the  present  state  of  that 
country,  London,  1825. 

An  interesting  account  of  conditions  in  Mexico  under  Itur- 
bide. 

Posada,  E.,  and  Ibanez,  P.  M.,  Editors.  Biblioteca  de  Historia 
Nacional;  especially  volumes  one,  two,  four,  six,  eight,  and 
thirteen,  Bogota,  1902-1914. 

A  meritorious  series — cooperative  in  type — ^published  under 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 


355 


the  direction  of  the  National  Academy  of  History  of  Colom- 
bia. Many  of  its  volumes  contain  much  source  material  con- 
cerning conditions  in  northern  South  America  during  the 
revolutionary  era. 

PouDENX,  H.,  and  Mayer,  F.,  Memoire  pour  servir  a  Thistoire  de 
la  revolution  de  la  capitainerie  generale  de  Caracas,  depuis 
Tabdication  de  Charles  IV,  jusqu'au  mois  d'aout  1814,  Paris, 
1815. 

The  proceedings  of  a  general  court  martial  held  at  Chelsea  hos- 
pital on  Thursday,  January  28,  1808,  and  continued  by  ad- 
journment till  Tuesday,  March  15,  for  the  trial  of  Lieut.  Gen. 
Whitelocke,  two  volumes,  London,  1808. 

Procter,  R.,  Narrative  of  a  journey  across  the  cordillera  of  the 
Andes  and  of  a  residence  in  Lima  and  other  parts  of  Peru  in 
the  years  1823  and  1824,  London,  1825. 

Publicaciones  del  archivo  general  de  la  nacion,  Estados  Unidos 
Mexicanos,  secretaria  de  relaciones  exteriores,  volumes  three 
and  four,  La  Constitucion  de  1812  en  la  Nueva  Espana,  Mex- 
ico, 1912. 

Pueyrred6n,  J.  M.  DE,  .  .  .  Documentos  del  Archivo  de  Pueyrre- 
don,  four  volumes,  Buenos  Aires,  1912. 

Important  for  the  role  of  Pueyrredon  in  the  revolution. 

Recopilacion  de  leyes  de  los  reinos  de  las  Indias,  mandada  im- 
primir  y  publicar  por  la  magestad  catolica  del  rey  don  Carlos 
II  nuestro  seiior,  two  volumes,  Madrid,  1841. 

Registro  oficial  de  la  Republica  Argentina  que  comprende  los  doc- 
umentos espedidos  desde  18 10  hasta  1873,  volumes  one,  two, 
three,  Buenos  Aires,   1879-1882. 

An  important  collection  for  the  history  of  Argentina. 

Rengger  [J.  R.],  and  Longchamp  [M.],  Essai  historique  sur  la 
revolution  du  Paraguay,  et  le  gouvernement  dictatorial  du  doc- 
teur  Francia,  Paris,  1827. 

One  of  the  most  useful  accounts  of  Francia's  rule  by  a 
foreign  visitor. 

Ensayo  historico  sobre  la  Revolucion  del  Paraguay  por 

Rengger  y  Longchamp.  Edicion  especial  precedida  de  la 
biografia  del  Tirano  Francia,  y  continuada  con  algunos  doc- 
umentos y  observaciones  historicas  por  M.  A.  Pelliza,  Buenos 
Aires,  1883.  • 

Restrepo,  J,  M.,  Historia  de  la  Revolucion  de  la  Republica  de 
Colombia  en  la  America  Meridional,  five  volumes,  Besanqon, 
1858. 


356  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

The  best  edition  of  the  classic  history  of  the  Colombian 
revolution,  written  by  a  contemporary  publicist. 

Rey  de  Castro,  J.  M.,  Recuerdos  del  Tiempo  Heroico,  pajinas  de 
la  vida  militar  i  politica  del  gran  mariscal  de  Ayacucho, — 
Guayaquil,  1883. 

La  Revolucion  de  la  Paz  en  1809,  documentos  historicos,  Buenos 
Aires,  1897. 

[RiVA  Aguero,  J.  DE  la],  Mcmorias  y  documentos  para  la  his- 
toria  de  la  independencia  del  Peru  y  causas  del  mal  exito  que 
ha  tenido  esta.  Obra  postuma  de  P.  Pruvoneva,  two  volumes, 
Paris,  1858. 

Riva  Agiiero's  apology,  edited  with  the  aid  of  certain 
priests. 

Robertson,  J.  P.,  and  Robertson,  W.  P.,  Letters  on  Paraguay: 
comprising  an  account  of  four  years'  residence  in  that  repub- 
lic under  the  government  of  the  Dictator  Francia,  two  vol- 
umes, London,  1838. 

Francia's  Reign  of  Terror,  being  the  continuation  of  let- 
ters on  Paraguay,  London,  1839. 

Robinson,  W.  D.,  Memoirs  of  the  Mexican  Revolution,  including 
a  narrative  of  the  expedition  of  General  Xavier  Mina,  .  .  . 
Philadelphia,  1820. 

[RocAFUERTE,  V.],  Bosqucjo  ligerisimo  de  la  Revolucion  de  Me- 

gico,  desde  el  grito  de  Iguala  hasta  la  proclamacion  imperial 

de  Iturbide.    Por  un  verdadero  Americano,  Philadelphia,  1822. 

An  Ecuadorian's  views   concerning  Iturbide's   revolution, 

with  some  illustrative  documents. 

Rodney  (C.  A.),  and  Graham  (J.),  The  Reports  on  the  Present 
State  of  the  United  Provinces  of  South  America,  London, 
1819. 

San  Martin,  J.,  .  .  .  Documentos  del  Archivo  de  San  Martin, 
twelve  volumes,  Buenos  Aires,  1910,  191 1. 

These  useful  documents  were  selected  from  the  manu- 
scripts collected  by  General  Mitre  for  his  life  of  San  Martin, — 
documents  preserved  in  the  Mitre  Museum  under  whose  aus- 
pices these  volumes  and  also  those  concerning  Belgrano  and 
Pueyrredon  were  published. 

.  .  .  San  Martin,  su  correspondencia,   1823-1850,  Buenos 

Aires,  1911. 

Material  on  San  Martin's  life  during  his  retirement  and 
some  after-thoughts  concerning  the  revolution. 
Santa  Anna,  A.  L.  de.  Mi  historia  militar  y  politica,  1810-1874 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 


357 


(volume  two  in  Documentos  ineditos  6  muy  raros  para  la 
historia  de  Mexico,  edited  by  G.  Garcia),  Mexico,  1905. 
Santander,  F.  de  p.,  Archivo  Santander.     Publicacion  hecha  por 
una  comision  de  la  academia  de  la  historia,  bajo  la  direccion 
de  don  Ernesto  Restrepo  Tirado,  volumes  one  to  nine,  Bogota 

(1913-). 

Containing  as  it  does  numerous  inedited  documents  con- 
cerning Bolivar's  great  rival,  this  work  promises  to  be  one  of 
the  most  important  sources  for  the  history  of  northern  South 
Am.erica. 

Smith,  M.,  History  of  the  Adventures  and  Sufferings  of  Moses 
Smith  during  five  years  of  his  life,  from  the  beginning  of 
the  year  1806,  when  he  was  betrayed  into  the  Miranda  expe- 
dition until  June,  181 1,  when  he  was  non-suited  in  an  action 
at  law  which  lasted  three  years  and  a  half,  to  which  is  added 
a  biographical  sketch  of  General  Miranda,  Brooklyn,  1812. 

Stevenson,  W.  H.,  Historical  and  descriptive  Narrative  of  twenty 
years'  residence  in  South  America,  three  volumes,  London, 
1829. 

ToRATA,  El  Conde  de,  Editor.  Documentos  para  la  Historia  de 
la  Guerra  separatista  del  Peru,  five  volumes,  Madrid,  1894- 
1898. 

These  volumes  contain  material  of  value  concerning  the 
last  period  of  the  Peruvian  war  for  independence. 

ToRENO,  El  Conde  de,  Historia  del  levantamiento,  guerra,  y  revo- 
lucion  de  Espana,  seven  volumes,  Madrid,  1848. 

ToRRENTE,  M.,  Historia  de  la  Revolucion  Hispano-Americana, 
three  volumes,  Madrid,  1829,  1830. 

A  royalist  view  of  the  Spanish-American  revolution. 

Torres  Lanzas,  P.,  Independencia  de  America,  fuentes  para  su 
estudio,  catalogo  de  documentos  conservados  en  el  archivo 
general  de  Indias  de  Sevilla,  primera  serie,  six  volumes,  Ma- 
drid, 1912. 

A  catalogue  of  inedited  documents  in  the  Spanish  archives 
which,  at  some  points,  is  detailed  enough  so  that  it  can  be 
used  as  a  source. 

Tratados  celebrados  en  la  villa  de  Cordoba  el  24  del  presente  entre 
los  senores  d.  Juan  O'Donoju,  teniente  general  de  los  ejercitos 
de  Espafia,  y  d.  Augustifi  de  Iturbide,  primer  gefe  del  ejercito 
imperial  Mejicano  de  las  tres  garantias,  Cordoba,  24  de  Agosto 
de  1821, — Mexico,  1821. 

Ultimos  instantes  de  los  primeros  caudillos  de  la  independencia. 


358  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Narracion  de  un  testigo  ocular.     Edited  by  L.  G.  Obregon, 

Mexico,  1896. 
[ViscARDO   Y   Guzman,    P.],    Lettre   aux    Espagnols-Americains. 

Par  un  de  leurs  compatriots,  Philadelphia,  1799. 

A  rare  pamphlet  which  indicts  Spanish  rule  in  America. 
Walton,  W.,  Present  State  of  the  Spanish  Colonies,  including  a 

particular  report  of  Hispaniola,  London,  1810. 
Ward,  H.  G,  Mexico  in  1827,  London,  1828. 
Wellington,  A.,  Supplementary  despatches,  correspondence,  and 

memoranda  of  Field  Marshal,  Arthur,  Duke  of  Wellington, 

K.G.,  volumes  six  and  twelve,  London,  i860- 1865. 
Zercero,  a.,  Memorias  para  la  Historia  de  las  Revoluciones  en 

Mexico,  volume  one,  Mexico,  1869. 

2.   Newspapers,  etc. 

Aurora  de  Chile,  1812-1813.  Reimpresion  paleografica  a  plana  y 
renglon  con  una  introduccion  por  Julio  Vicuna  Cifuentes, 
Santiago  de  Chile,  1903. 

Gaceta  de  Buenos  Aires  (1810-1821).  Reimpresion  facsimilar, 
dirigida  por  la  junta  de  historia  y  numismatica  Amer- 
icana .  .  .,  five  volumes,  Buenos  Aires,  1910-1914. 

Of  great  value  upon  the  revolution  in  the  viceroyalty  of  la 
Plata. 

Gaceta  de  Madrid,  Madrid,  1821-1825. 

Gaceta  Imperial  de  Mexico,  Mexico,  1821,  1822. 

Invaluable  upon  the  Iturbidista  revolution. 

The  Courier,  London,  1822- 1824. 

The  Daily  National  Intelligencer,  Washington,  1822,  1823. 

The  Political  Herald  and  Review,  or,  a  survey  of  domestic  and 
foreign  politics  .  .  .,  London,  1785. 

El  Tiempo,  Caracas,  1910. 

The  Times,  London,  1822-1824. 

El  Universal,  Caracas,  191 5. 

The  Weekly  Register,  edited  by  H.  Niles,  volumes  one  to  thirty- 
seven,  Baltimore,  1811-1830. 

Some  useful  documents  concerning  Spanish  America  found 
their  way  into  this  newspaper. 

5.   Periodicals,  etc. 


Bolivar  y  Sucre,  E.  Martinez  y  T.  Guido;  Preciosas  cartas  para 
servir  a  la  historia  de  las  campafias  de  la  independencia  de 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  35c 

Peru,"  in  La  Revista  de  Buenos  Aires,  volume  eighteen,  pages 

3-16,  Buenos  Aires,  1869. 
"Cartas  del  Libertador  que  no  estan  en  las  Memorias  de  O'Leary," 

in  the  Gaceta  de  los  Museos  Nacionales,  volume  one,  pages  43 

ff.,  Caracas,  1912- 
"Centenario  del  Libertador,"  in  Anales  de  la  Instruccion  publica 

en  los  Estados  Unidos  de  Colombia,  volume  six,  pages  3-64, 

Bogota,  1883. 
"La  Diplomacia  de  la  Revolucion:  misiones  de  Mariano  Moreno  al 

Brazil  y  a  Inglaterra,"  in  La  Revista  de  la  Universidad  de 

Buenos  Aires,  volume  fifteen,  pages  502-514,  Buenos  Aires, 

1911. 

This  contains  some  inedited  documents  on  Moreno's  mis- 
sion. 
"Documents  concerning  the  consular  service  of  the  United  States 

in  Latin  America,  with  introductory  note,  in  the  Mississippi 

Valley  Historical  Review,  volume  two,  pages  561-568,  Cedar 

Rapids,  1916. 
"Documentos  Ineditos,"  in  the  Boletin  de  la  Academia  Nacional 

de  Historia,  volume  two,  pages  139-175,  Caracas,  1913. 
Some  inedited  letters  of  Sucre,  Santander,  and  others. 
"English  Policy  toward  America  in  1790-1791,"  in  the  American 

Historical  Review,  volume  seven,  pages  706-735,  New  York, 

1902. 
"Entrevista  en  Guayaquil  (1822)  de  los  generales  San  Martin  y 

Bolivar,"   in  the  Revista  de  Buenos  Aires,  volume  fifteen, 

pages  66-75,  Buenos  Aires,  1868. 
Gerard,  A.,  "Le  General  Jose  de  San  Martin,"  from  L'Impartial 

de  Boulogne-sur-mer,  Boulogne-sur-mer,  1850. 
"Miranda  and  the  British  Admiralty,"  in  the  American  Historical 

Review,  volume  six,  pages  50»-53o,  New  York,  1901. 
"South  American  Emancipation,"   in  the  Edinburgh  Review,  or 

Critical  Journal,  volume  thirteen,  pages  277-312,  Edinburgh, 

1809. 

This  is  a  review  of  "Lettre  aux  Espagnols-Americains" : 

as  Miranda  evidently  aided  in  preparing  it,  it  partakes  of  the 

character  of  autobiographical  material  concerning  his  career. 
"Sucre  Intimo,"  in  the  Boletin  de  la  Academia  Nacional  de  la 

Historia,  volume  three,  ^ages  1-30,  Caracas,  1914. 


36o  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

4.   Manuscript  Collections 

There  is  an  enormous  amount  of  manuscript  material  concern- 
ing Spanish  America  during  the  revolutionary  period  preserved 
in  archival  repositories.  The  writer  utilized  some  of  this  material 
while  preparing  his  "Francisco  de  Miranda":  a  complete  list  of 
the  archives  then  consulted  will  be  found  on  pages  507-511  of  that 
work.  Since  that  work  was  published,  he  has  used  other  inedited 
materials  upon  certain  phases  of  the  Spanish-American  revolution. 
There  are  collections  of  unexploited  material  in  the  archives  of 
England,  France,  and  the  United  States;  this  material  is  fre- 
quently most  useful  because  it  furnishes  the  impressions  and  the 
viewpoints  of  foreign  observers.  Helpful  suggestions  concerning 
the  material  in  some  of  these  archives  relating  to  Spanish-Amer- 
ican history  may  be  found  in  the  Carnegie  Institution  guides  to 
materials  in  foreign  archives  relating  to  the  history  of  the  United 
States.  As  yet,  the  historical  archives — public  and  private — of 
South  America,  are  virtually  unknown  in  North  America.  Many 
of  those  collections  are  in  the  possession  of  the  respective  govern- 
ments; other  collections  are  in  the  control  of  learned  societies; 
while  some  collections  are,  at  least  in  part,  in  the  hands  of  private 
individuals.  For  the  present  purpose,  the  writer  has  confined  his 
statements  concerning  archival  material  to  a  briefly  annotated  list 
of  the  main  collections  which  he  has  actually  found  useful  upon 
one  phase  or  another  of  the  movement  for  the  emancipation  of 
Spanish  America. 
Archivo  Diplomatico  y  Consular  de  Colombia,  Bogota. 

Through  the  courtesy  of  Sefior  Antonio  Gomez  Restrepo 
the  writer  was  allowed  to  view  in  these  archives  the  original 
of  the  letter  written  by  Bolivar's  general  secretary  concerning 
the  fateful  interview  between  Bolivar  and  San  Martin  at 
Guayaquil. 
A  rchives  of  the  English  Government :  Public  Record  Office,  Lon- 
don. 

A  vast   amount  of  useful  material   concerning   Spanish- 
American  affairs  is  found  among  the  reports  of  English  offi- 
cials in  America  which  are  in  the  various  groups  of  manu- 
scripts found  in  this  repository. 
Archivo  del  general  Jose  E.  Andrade,  Caracas. 

By  the  courtesy  of  Seiior  V.  Lecuna  the  writer  secured 
from  this  collection  some  inedited  letters  of  Jose  E.  Andrade 
'    concerning  the  period  from   1826- 1830. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  361 

The  Library  of  Congress:    Division  of  Manuscripts. 
"Yturbide  Papers." 

This  important  collection  is  concerned  rather  with  Itur- 
bide's  career  as  a  royalist  commander  and  his  role  as  em- 
peror of  Mexico  than  with  his  career  as  liberator. 
Archives  of  the  Mexican  Government:    Archivo  General  de  la 
Nacion,  Mexico  City. 

The  writer  has  used  inedited  papers  in  this  archive  which 
concern  Iturbide's  revolution. 
Archivo  del  Libertador   (Simon  de  Bolivar),  Caracas. 

By  the   courtesy  and  aid  of   Sefior   Lecuna,   the   writer 
secured  copies  of  certain  inedited  papers  of  Bolivar  which  still 
remain  in  this  archive. 
Archives  of  the  Spanish  Government: 

Archivo  General  de  Simancas,  Simancas. 

From  Simancas  material  was  secured  relating  to  the  mili- 
tary services  of  Iturbide,  as  well  as  to  the  early  career  of 
Miranda. 
Archivo  General  de  Indias,  Seville. 

This  is,  of  course,  the  great  repository  of  material  con- 
cerning the  Spanish  Indies.    Many  papers  found  here  are  con- 
cerned with   the    revolution;   they  are   especially   useful   on 
diplomatic  problems. 
Archives  of  the  United  States  Government,  Washington,  D.  C. 
Bureau  of  Indexes  and  Archives. 

There  is  a  large  amount  of  unpublished  material  concern- 
ing the  Spanish-American  revolution,  1810-1830,  reposing  in 
this  bureau  of  the  American  department  of  state. 


INDEX 


Abad  y  Quiepo,  Manuel,  79,  87. 

Abascal,  Jose  de,  viceroy  of 
Peru,  186. 

Abasolo,  Mariano,  82,  99,  100. 

Abella,  Angel,  99,  loi. 

Acuico,  battle  of,  94. 

Adams,  John,  and  Miranda,  43, 
44. 

Adams,  John  Quincy,  and 
Aguirre,  196. 

Aguirre,  Manuel  H.  de,  agent 
from  la  Plata  to  United 
States,  195,  196. 

Alaman,  Lucas,  on  Hidalgo  and 
revolt,  78,  79,  81,  85;  quoted 
on  sack  of  Guanajuato,  89; 
cited  on  Iturbide,  113. 

Alcahala,  12,  16,  95. 

Aldama,  Ignacio,  Mexican  agent 
to  the  United  States,  98,  100. 

Aldama,  Juan,  part  in  Hidal- 
go's revolution,  82,  83,  84; 
capture  and  execution,  99, 
100. 

Allen,  Heman,  United  States 
minister  to  Chile,  327. 

Allende,  Ignacio,  character  and 
role  in  Hidalgo's  revolution, 
82,  84,  85,  94;  deposes  Hidal- 
go, 97,  98;  capture,  99;  e^v 
ecution,  100. 

Amar,  Antonio,  viceroy  of  New 
Granada,  deposed,  223. 


Anderson,  Richard  C,  United 
States  minister  to  Colombia, 
326,  327. 

Antepara,  J.  M.,  edits  South 
American  Emancipation,  59, 
60. 

Apodaca,  Juan  R.  de,  viceroy 
of  Mexico,  115,  117,  118;  re- 
jects Plan  of  Iguala,  122;  de- 
posed, 122,  123. 

Argentina,  see  under  Spanish- 
American  republics. 

Armijo,  Jose  G.  de,  83,  117. 

Artigas,  Jose  G.,  early  career, 
175;  leaves  Spanish  service, 
175;  instructions  of  1813,  176, 
177;  retires  to  Paraguay,  179; 
political  ideas  and  role  in 
revolution  in  v^^ords  ascribed 
to  him,  179;  description  of, 
178,  179. 

Audiencia,  character,  6-8;  at 
Bogota,  6,  16;  Buenos  Aires, 
6,  144,  152;  Caracas,  6;  Cuz- 
co,  6;  Charcas,  6,  7,  286,  289; 
Santiago,  6;  Guadalajara,  5, 
6,  7;  Guatemala,  6;  Havana, 
6;  Lima,  6,  210;  Mexico  City, 
5»  6,  7Z,  107;  Quito,  6,  7. 

Ayacucho,  battle  of,  282,  285; 
Bolivar  on,  285;  Sucre  on, 
283;  Miller  on,  282,  283; 
treaty  of,  283,  284,  318. 


363 


3^4 


INDEX 


Aymerich,  General,  surrenders 
to  Sucre,  251,  252. 

La  Banda  Oriental,  155,  175- 
180.  See  also  Uruguay,  Vice- 
royalty  of  la  Plata. 

Barreiro,  General,  defeated  at 
Boyaca,  241,  242. 

Barros  Arana,  Diego,  "Historia 
Jeneral  de  Chile,"  referred 
to,  197. 

Becerra,  Ricardo,  biography  of 
Miranda  referred  to,  69,  70. 

Belgrano,  Manuel,  member  of 
coterie  at  Buenos  Aires,  145; 
role  in  revolution  of  1810,  150, 
154,  155.  156;  engagements 
with  royalist  army,  184;  emis- 
sary to  Europe,  187;  at  con- 
gress of  Tucuman,  188. 

Bello,  Andres,  meets  Miranda, 
60;  tutors  Bolfvar,  218. 

Bermudez,  General,  244,  245. 

Biggs,  James,  description  of 
Miranda  quoted,  54,  55. 

Bolivar,  Simon  de,  birth  and 
family,  217,  218,  306;  early 
career,  217-223;  in  Spanish 
military  service,  219;  mar- 
riage, 220;  effects  of  wife's 
death,  221 ;  early  interest  in 
revolution,  222;  meets  Mi- 
randa, 53,  60;  shares  in 
Miranda's  betrayal,  6y,  68; 
escapes  from  Venezuela,  223 ; 
manifesto  to  New  Granada 
quoted,  225-229 ;  campaigns 
in  northern  South  America, 
223-226,  241 ;  his  decree  of 
death,  226,  227;  declared  Lib- 
erator of  Venezuela,  227;  in 
West   Indies,   223,   229,   233, 


234;  Andean  march  and  bat- 
tle of  Boyaca,  241,  242;  nego- 
tiations with  Morillo  and  with 
Spain,  242-244;  battle  of 
Carabobo,  244-246 ;  Bolivar 
to  Santander  on,  246;  made 
president  of  Colombia,  247; 
marches  to  Quito,  250-253; 
battle  of  Bombona,  251; 
proclamation  on  battle  of 
Pichincha  quoted,  252 ;  quoted 
on  treaty  of  Cordoba,  2y, 
254;  letter  to  San  Martin 
quoted,  254;  interview  with 
San  Martin  at  Guayaquil, 
254-260 ;  arrives  in  Lima,  272, 
273;  preparations  for  cam- 
paign against  Canterac,  273- 
276;  made  dictator  of  Peru, 
275;  address  to  soldiers 
quoted,  276,  277;  at  battle  of 
Junin,  278,  279;  leaves  united 
army,  279,  280;  on  uti  possi- 
detis of  1 810,  quoted,  286, 
287;  dictator-president  of  Bo- 
livia, 288,  289;  frames  con- 
stitution for  Bolivia,  290,  291, 
294,  295;  O'Leary  on  quoted, 
290,  291 ;  Bolivar's  discourse 
on  quoted,  291,  292,  293;  re- 
turns to  Colombia,  295;  pro- 
claimed dictator  of  Colombia, 
303;  attempt  to  assassinate, 
303;  personality  of,  264-266; 
San  Martin  on  quoted,  255, 
256,  312;  as  a  literary  man, 
310,  311;  role  in  revolution, 
308,  311,  312,  314;  political 
ideas  in  prophetic  letter 
quoted,  230-233;  in  address 
to  congress  of  Angostura 
quoted,  235-241;  in  constitu- 


INDEX 


365 


tlon  of  Bolivia,  291-296;  on 

monarchies  in  Spanish  Amer- 
ica, 300-302;  on  American 
constitutions  quoted,  303;  re- 
nounces chief  magistracy  of 
Colombia,  304;  death,  305; 
farewell  proclamation,  305 ; 
will,  306;  papers,  306.  See 
also  Congress  of  Panama, 
Francisco  de  Miranda,  Mon- 
roe Doctrine,  Jose  de  San 
Martin,  Antonio  Jose  de 
Sucre. 

Bolivia,  see  under  Spanish- 
American  republics. 

Bombona,  battle  of,  251. 

Bonaparte,  Joseph,  proclaimed 
king  of  Spain,  50. 

Bonaparte,  Napoleon,  usurpa- 
tions in  Iberian  peninsula,  49, 
50;  influence  of,  upon  His- 
panic America,  60,  61,  73,  84, 
100,  loi,  145,  149,  185,  223, 
249,  316;  referred  to,  45,  59, 
173,  220  221,  294,  309,  311. 
See  also  Spanish-American 
juntas,  Spanish- American  rev- 
olution. 

Boves,  Jose  T.,  228,  229. 

Boyaca,  battle  of,  241,  242. 

Bracho,  Rafael,  100,  102. 

Braganza,  house  of,  flight  to 
Brazil,  49. 

Bravo,  Nicolas,  companion  of 
Morelos,  108;  supports  Plan 
of  Iguala,  122;  supports  plan 
of  Casa  Mata,  135;  member 
of  executive  power,  140. 

Brazil,  referred  to,  4,  13,  155, 
156,  159,  160,  164,  165,  180, 
188,  323,  324. 

Brissot  de  Warville,  J.  P.,  re- 


lations with  Miranda,  36,  37; 
letter   to   Dumouriez   quoted, 
37. 
Bustamante,     Carlos     M.     de, 
cited,  '/S,  84,  126. 

Caballero,  Pedro  J.,  169. 

Cahildo  (ayuntamiento) ,  char- 
acter of,  9,  10;  referred  to, 
55,  61,  85,  86,  no,  128,  130, 
158,  185,  195,  209,  210,  223, 
227,  252.  See  also  Cahildo 
abierto. 

Cahildo  ahierto,  character,  9; 
role  of,  in  Buenos  Aires,  17, 
150;  Caracas,  61,  228;  Lima, 
209,  210;  Santiago,  185,  195. 

Cadena,  Count  of,  86,  90. 

Calatrava,  Jose  M.,  negotiates 
treaty  with  Mexico,  330. 

Calderon,  battle  of,  97. 

Calleja,  Felix  M.,  royalist  com- 
mander, 87,  88,  90,  94,  97;  re- 
ferred to  on  inscription  at 
Guanajuato,  104;  viceroy  of 
Mexico,  no. 

Cancha  Rayada,  battle  of,  198. 

Canning,  George,  referred  to, 
50,  328,  329. 

Canterac,  Jose  de,  royalist  com- 
mander, occupies  Lima,  272; 
referred  to,  273,  275;  at  bat- 
tle of  Junin,  278;  joins  Val- 
dez  at  Cuzco,  280;  at  battle 
of  Ayacucho,  283. 

Captain  general,  creation  and 
powers,  5;  referred  to,  6,  7; 
of  Guatemala,  5,  6,  131 ;  Ven- 
ezuela, 5,  6,  26,  61 ;  Chile,  5, 
6,  185,  189,  194;  Cuba,  5.  See 
also  Audiencia,  Intendant, 
Viceroy. 


366 


INDEX 


Captaincies  general,  referred 
to,  5,  8,  25,  26,  46,  47,  63,  131, 
132,  185. 

Carabobo,  battle  of,  244-246. 

Carcelen  y  Larrea,  Mariana, 
fiancee    and    wife    of    Sucre, 

299,  300.  304. 
/^   Carlota   Joaquinay- referred   to, 
^9;  intrignes  in  South  Amer- 
ica, 145. 

Carrera,  Jose  M.,  186. 

Carrera,  Juan  J.,  186. 

Carrera,  Luis,  186. 

Castelli,  Juan  J.,  145,  150. 

Castlereagh,  Lord,  Miranda's 
letter  to  quoted,  47  48;  cited, 
48;  referred  to,  328. 

Catherine  IL,  Miranda  and,  32, 

33,  70. 

Central  America,  see  under 
Spanish-American  republics. 

Chacabuco,  battle  of,  194,  195. 

Charles  IV.,  extent  of  American 
dominions,  i,  2;  administra- 
tion, 2;  title  to  Indies,  3;  re- 
nounces right  to  Spanish 
crown,  50. 

Charles  Louis,  Duke  of  Lucca, 
referred    to,    124,    200,    201, 

215. 

Chile,  see  under  Spanish-Amer- 
ican republics. 

Church,  17,  18;  measures  of 
Mexican  Church  against  Hi- 
dalgo, 87.  See  also  Inquisi- 
tion. 

Cisneros,  Baltasar  Hidalgo  de, 
appointed  viceroy  of  Buenos 
Aires,  arrives  in  South  Amer- 
ica, 146;  Moreno's  Represen- 
tacion  to,  146-149;  decree  on 
neutral  commerce  mentioned, 


149;   proclamation,    149;   de- 
posed and  deported,  150,  152. 

Clay,  Henry,  quoted  on  resourc- 
es of  South  America,  i,  2. 

Cochrane,  Lord,  enters  Chilean 
service,  naval  exploits,  200; 
relations  with  San  Martin, 
203,  212,  214. 

Colom.bia,  see  under  Spanish- 
American  republics. 

EL  Colomhiano,  founded  by 
Miranda,  58;  quoted,  58,  59. 

Congress:  of  Bolivia,  288,  289; 
Colombia :  Angostura,  234, 
235;  Cucuta,  246-248;  Mexi- 
co: Chilpancingo,  109-111, 
empire,  127-131,  134-138,  140; 
Paraguay,  1 69-1 71 ;  Peru,  260, 
269-271 ;  United  Provinces 
of  la  Plata:  Tucuman,  188- 
190;  of  1819,  201;  of  1826, 
295.  See  also  Congress  of 
Panama. 

Congress  of  Panama,  suggested, 
233;  convoked  by  Bolivar, 
324;  results  of,  325. 
/Constitution  of  Spain:  of  1812, 
described,  107;  sworn  to  in 
Mexico,  107;  proclaimed  by 
Riego,  115;  proclaimed  in 
Mexico,    115,    116. 

Constitutions  of  Spanish-Amer- 
ican republics :  Argentina, 
of  1826,  295.  {See  United 
Provinces  of  la  Plata  below)  ; 
Bolivia,  of  1826,  291-296,  309; 
Central  America,  of  1824, 
140;  Chile,  of  1818,  198,  199; 
of  1828,  199;  Colombia,  fun- 
damental law  of  1 819,  242; 
Cucuta,  246,  247,  252.  {See 
also    New    Granada   below) ; 


Ecuador,  of  1830,  307;  Mex- 
ico, of  1814,  no,  III ;  of  1824, 
140.  {See  also  Plan  of  Igu- 
ala)  ;  New  Granada,  of  181 1, 
223;  of  1831,  307;  Paraguay, 
of  1813,  169,  170;  Peru,  of 
1822,  270,  295;  of  1826,  295; 
United  Provinces  of  la  Plata, 
of  1819,  201 ;  Uruguay,  of 
1830,  180;  Venezuela,  of 
1811,  64,  65;  of  1819,  240, 
241;  of  1830,  307. 

Consulate,  referred  to,  14,  147, 
211. 

Cooley,  James,  charge  d'affaires 
of  the  United  States  to  Peru, 

327. 

Cordoba,  Jose  M.,  patriot  com- 
mander of  Colombia,  277;  at 
Ayacucho,  282;  leads  revolt, 
302. 

Cordoba,  Treaty  of,  arranged, 
124;  provisions  of,  124,  125; 
compared  with  Plan  of 
Iguala,  125 ;  Mexican  con- 
gress on  in  1823,  136;  Bolivar 
on,  253,  254;  Spain's  attitude 
towards>  318. 

Cortes,  Mexican:  mentioned  in 
Plan  of  Iguala,  119;  in  treaty 
of  Cordoba,  124,  125. 

Cortes,  Spanish:  of  1810,  de- 
cree of  amnesty  referred  to, 
98;  of  1812,  promulgates  con- 
stitution, 107;  of  1820,  passes 
decrees  concerning  Spanish- 
America,  116;  of  1821,  re- 
jects Plan  of  Iguala,  120;  of 
1822,  declares  against  recog- 
nition of  Spanish-American 
colonies,  128,  129;  referred  to, 
319. 


INDEX  367 

Council  of  the  Indies,  person- 
nel, 2;  powers,  3. 

Cruz,  Jose  de  la,  royalist  com- 
mander, 97;  offers  pardon  to 
Hidalgo,  98. 

Declaration  of  Independence  of : 
Argentina  {see  United  Prov- 
inces of  la  Plata  below)  ;  Bo- 
livia, 287,  288 ;  Central-Amer- 
ica, 140;  Chile,  196-198;  Mex- 
ico, of  1813,  109;  in  Plan  of 
Iguala,  119;  "act  of  independ- 
ence" of  1821,  126,  127;  New 
Granada:  at  Cartagena,  224; 
at  Bogota,  224;  Paraguay,  al- 
leged declaration  referred  to, 
170;  Peru,  209-211;  United 
Provinces  of  la  Plata,  188, 
189;  Uruguay,  179,  180;  Ven- 
ezuela, 63,  64. 

De  Liniers,  Santiago  de,  and 
English  invasion,  17;  and  Na- 
poleon's agent,  145 ;  execution 
of,  154. 

Delpech,  Louis,  quoted  on  ca- 
pitulation of  San  Mateo,  68. 

Despertador  Americano,  95. 

El  Diario  erudito,  economico  y 
comercial  de  Lima,  20. 

Dominguez,  Josefa  Ortiz  de, 
wife  of  Miguel  Dominguez, 
warns  conspirators,  82,  83. 

Dumouriez,  General,  relations 
with  Miranda,  37,  38. 

Echeverria,  Jose,  Venezuelan 
envoy  to  Spain,  243,  244. 

Ecuador,  see  under  Spanish- 
American  republics. 

Edinburgh  Review,  referred  to, 
29,  58. 


368 


INDEX 


Education :  elementary  in  Span- 
ish America,  20;  higher,  21; 
universities  and  colleges  in, 
21,  22,  75. 

Elio,  Francisco  X.,  viceroy  of 
la  Plata,  176. 

England,  attempt  to  revolution- 
ize Spanish  America  referred 
to,  16;  attack  on  la  Plata,  i.6, 
17;  influence  of,  17,  48-51; 
treaty  with  central  junta  of 
Spain,  51 ;  commercial  rela- 
tions with  Spanish  America, 
16,  17,  146-150;  British  le- 
gion, 245;  influence  upon 
Spanish-American  independ- 
ence, 328.  See  also  Recog- 
nition of  Spanish-American 
republics. 

Ferdinand  VII,  youth,  2;  be- 
comes king  of  Spain,  enforced 
abdication,  50;  influence  of, 
in  Spain,  50;  in  Mexico,  73, 
85;  Venezuela,  60;  la  Plata, 
145;  Chile,  185;  effects  of 
restoration  of  in  America, 
no;  commission  to  Apodaca, 
5;  effects  in  America  of  his 
acceptance  of  constitution 
of  1 812,  1 1 5-1 17,  242,  243; 
referred  to  in  Plan  of  Iguala, 
1 19 ;  in  treaty  of  Cordoba,  124 ; 
O'Donoju  sends  commission- 
ers to,  128;  policy  toward 
Spanish-American  revolution, 
115,  285,  328,  329.  See  also 
Cortes,  Juntas,  Spain. 

Fernandez  Madrid,  Jose,  poem 
on  Bolivar  quoted,  312,  313. 

Filangieri,  Gaetano,  referred  to, 
148,  160;  quoted    148. 


Filisola,  Vicente,  joins  Itur- 
bide's  following,  122;  leads 
expedition  to  Central  Amer- 
ica, 132;  convokes  a  congress 
there,  140. 

Flores,  General,  referred  to, 
305>  320. 

France,  attitude  toward  Spanish- 
American  revolution,  65,  200, 
201 ;  project  to  revolution- 
ize Spanish  America  in  1792, 
36-38;  influence  upon  revolu- 
tion, 20,  62,  64,  65,  yy,  80,  90, 
143,  160,  294.  See  also  Na- 
poleon Bonaparte,  Raynal, 
Rousseau. 

Francia,  Jose  G.  R.  de,  early 
career,  169;  author  of  a  con- 
stitution of  Paraguay,  169; 
consul  of,  169,  170;  dictator 
of,  170-174;  estimate  of  his 
role,  171,  172,  174;  political 
ideas,  169,  173;  gives  asylum 
to  Artigas,  179;  description 
by  Rengger,  172-174;  his  de- 
nunciation of  Rengger's  essay, 
174;  dictatorship  referred  to, 
321. 

Freire,  Ramon,  referred  to,  320. 

Fuente,  Jose  de  la,  biographer 
of  Hidalgo  cited,  79,  81. 

Gaceta  de  Buenos  Aires,  found- 
ed, 152,  153;  quoted,  59,  161- 
163. 

Gaceta  de  Caracas,  20. 

Gaceta  del  Gobierno  de  Lima 
Indep'endiente,  211. 

Gaceta  de  Lima,  272. 

Gaceta  de  Madrid,  139. 

Gaceta  de  Mexico,  20,  79,  86. 

Gaceta  de  Santa  Fe,  20. 


INDEX 


369 


Gaceta  Imperial  de  Mexico,  126. 

Gachupines,  11,  82,  83. 

Gallegos,  Manuel,  advice  to  Hi- 
dalgo quoted,  90. 

Gamarra,  Agustin,  214,  282. 

Garay,  Bias,  referred  to,  170. 

Garcia  Carrasco,  F.,  captain 
general  of  Chile  deposed,  185. 

Garcia  del  Rio,  Juan,  205,  212, 
214,  215. 

Garibay,  Pedro,  viceroy  of  Mex- 
ico, 73,  81. 

Gil  Fortoul,  Jose,  referred  to, 
222,  311. 

George  III.,  referred  to,  50. 

Godoy,  Manuel  de,  referred  to, 

2,  50- 
Godoy  Cruz,  Tomas,  187,  188. 
Gomez,  Jose  V.,  Platean  agent 

to  France,  200,  201. 
Great  Colombia,  see  Colombia. 
Grenville,   Lord,   on   Miranda's 

designs,  42,  43. 
El  Grito  de  Dolores,  83. 
Guadeloupe,  Virgin  of,  patron 

saint  of  Mexican  revolution, 

8s. 

Gual,  Manuel,  20,  53. 

Guerrero,  Vicente,  early  career, 
role  in  revolution,  118;  rela- 
tions with  Iturbide,  118;  ac- 
cepts Plan  of  Iguala,  121 ; 
supports  Santa  Anna,  135; 
Mexican  president,  320. 

Guido,  Tomas,  secretary  of 
Mariano  Moreno,  167;  quoted 
on,  168;  referred  to,  191,  197, 
261. 

Hall,  Basil,  quoted  on  San  Mar- 
tin, 207,  208,  209,  212. 
Hamilton,  Alexander,   relations 


with  Miranda,  30,  31;  corre- 
spondence with,  43. 

Henriquez,  Camilo,  185. 

Hereida,  Jose  F.,  quoted  on 
Boves,  229. 

Hidalgo  y  Costilla,  Miguel, 
birth  and  family  of,  74,  79; 
early  career,  75,  76;  teacher 
at  San  Nicolas  Obispo,  y6; 
curate  at  Colima,  San  Felipe, 
Dolores,  77-84;  denounced  to 
inquisition,  76-79;  beginnings 
of  his  revolutionary  ideas,  81 ; 
fellow-conspirators  in  1810, 
81,  82;  starts  Mexican  revolu- 
tion, 83;  various  motives  for 
attributed,  84;  on  objects  of 
revolt,  84,  87,  88;  takes  Cel- 
aya,  85;  commissions  More- 
los,  108;  acclaimed  captain 
general,  85 ;  opposition  to  his 
revolt,  86;  besieges  Guana- 
juato, 86,  87;  capture  and 
sack  of,  89;  Alhondiga  of,  re- 
ferred to,  87,  88,  89 ;  captures 
Valladolid,  90;  inquisition  is- 
sues edict  against,  91 ;  his  re- 
ply to  from  Valladolid,  91, 92 ; 
made  generalissimo,  92,  93; 
battle  of  Las  Cruces,  93 ;  bat- 
tle of  Aculco,  94 ;  breach  with 
Allende,  94;  enters  Guadala- 
jara, 94;  reforms  there,  94, 
95;  deposed  by  Allende,  97, 
98;  declines  offer  of  pardon, 
98;  captured  by  Elizondo,  99; 
imprisonment,  trial,  and 
cross-examination,  99-102;  his 
manifesto  to  "All  the  World," 
1 01,  102;  sentence,  102,  103; 
execution,  103,  314;  inter- 
ment, 104;  personality  as  de- 


370 


INDEX 


scribed  by  Alaman,  80,  81 ; 
political  ideas,  'jy,  78,  90,  91 ; 
role  in  Mexican  revolution, 
104-106.  See  also  Inquisi- 
tion. 
Holy  Alliance,  referred  to,  136, 

137,  139,  319,  328. 

Humboldt,  Alexander  von,  re- 
ferred to,  10,  222,  223. 

Hymn  of  provinces  of  la  Plata 
quoted  from,  177. 

Inquisition:  tribunals  of,  ac- 
tivities, 18;  Segur  quoted  on, 
18,  19;  censorship:  prohibited 
books,  18,  19;  Miranda  and, 
2y;  Hidalgo  and:  as  rector, 
y6;  denounced  to,  yy;  report 
on,  90 ;  edict  against,  90,  91 ; 
reply  to,  91,  92;  end  of  case, 
104. 

Instructions  of  1813,  176,  177. 
See  also  Artigas. 

Intendant,  character,  7,  8;  re- 
ferred to,  26,  73,  143.  See 
also  Audiencia,  Captain  Gen- 
eral, Viceroy. 

Internal  provinces  of  New 
Spain,  creation,  division,  8,  9. 

Interview  at  Guayaquil,  255- 
260.  See  also  Bolivar  and 
San  Martin. 

Isthmus  of  Panama,  referred  to, 
4,  40,  42,  49,  233,  249,  324, 

325. 
Vturbide,  Agustin  de,  birth 
and  family  of,  112;  early  ca- 
reer, 112,  113;  marriage,  113; 
in  Spanish  military  service, 
113-118;  quoted  on  Hidalgo's 
revolt,  114;  recalled  by  Cal- 
leja,    115;    quoted    on    condi- 


tions in  1S20,  116,  117;  ap- 
pointed commander  of  royal- 
ist army,  117;  publishes  Plan 
of  Iguala,  118;  interview 
with  O'Donoju;  arranges 
treaty  of  Cordoba,  124,  125; 
entry  into  Mexico  City,  126; 
forms  junta  of  government, 
126;  becomes  president  of  re- 
gency, 127;  quoted  on  his  ele- 
vation to  emperor,  129;  coro- 
nation as,  131 ;  founds  order 
of  Guadeloupe,  131 ;  exten- 
sion of  sway  over  Central 
America,  131,  132;  extent  of 
dominions  in  1822,  132;  rela- 
tions with  congress,  127-134; 
dissolves  congress,  134; 
quoted  on  his  abdication,  135 ; 
congress  annuls  his  acts,  136; 
in  exile,  136;  return  to  Mex- 
ico, detention,  and  execution, 
136-138,  314;  memorial  to 
congress  quoted,  138,  139; 
political  ideas,  114,  116,  117; 
Bolivar  on,  253,  254,  259,  273; 
Poinsett  quoted  on  personal- 
ity, 132,  133;  role  in  Mexican 
history,  139,  140.  See  also 
Plan  of  Iguala,  Treaty  of 
Cordoba. 
Iturrigaray,  Jose  de,  viceroy  of 
Mexico,  73. 

Jefferson,  Thomas,  and  Miran- 
da, 46;  ''Summary  View"  re- 
ferred to,  24. 

Jesuits,  activities,  22;  decree  of 
expulsion,  22;  effects  of,  23; 
Miranda  and,  32. 

Jimenez,  Mariano,  99,  100. 

John,  Prince  of  Portugal,  flight 


INDEX 


371 


to  Brazil,  49;  referred  to, 
190. 

Junin,  battle  of,  278,  279. 

Juntas  of  Spain:  in  1808,  50; 
central  junta,  51,  60. 

Juntas  of  Spanish-America : 
Argentina  (see  United  Prov- 
inces of  la  Plata  below)  ; 
Central  America,  131,  132; 
Chile,  185;  Ecuador,  249,  250; 
Mexico,  73,  81,  108,  126,  134; 
Paraguay,  169;  Peru,  270; 
United  Provinces  of  la  Plata, 
150-160,  163-167,  169,  175, 
183;  Venezuela,  60,  61,  268. 
(See  also  Joseph  Bonaparte, 
Napoleon  Bonaparte.) 

King,  Rufus,  meets  Miranda, 
30;  in  London,  41,  42. 

Knox,  Henry,  relations  with 
Miranda  referred  to,  30,  31, 
36,  37. 

La  Croix,  Peru  de,  Diary 
quoted,  221,  308,  309,  310. 

La  Fond,  G.,  quoted  on  San 
Martin's  opinion  of  Bolivar, 
255,  256. 

La  Mar,  Jose  de,  patriot  com- 
mander, 276,  277,  281,  282; 
leads  revolt,  302 ;  president  of 
Peru,  320,  321. 

Lara,  Jacinto,  277,  282. 

Las  Cruces,  battle  of,  93;  Itur- 
bide  at,  114. 

Las  Heras,  Gregorio  de,  march 
over  Andes,  192,  193;  quoted 
on  Monroe  Doctrine,  327.* 

Las  Piedras,  battle  of,  175,  176, 
177. 

La    Torre,    General,    succeeds 


Morillo,     244;     defeated     at 

Carabobo,  245. 
Lautaro    Lodge,    Miranda    and 

alleged   lodge,    53;    in    South 

American  revolution,  182,  183. 
Lavalleja,  Juan  Antonio,  leader 

of  thirty-three,  179. 
Laws  of  the  Indies,  Recopila- 

cion  de  Leyes  de  los  Reinos 

de  las  Indias,  10. 
Laws  of  Spain,  Novisima  Re- 

copilacion   de    las   Leyes   de 

Espana,  10. 
Lea,  Henry  C,  referred  to,  iii. 
Lebrun,  Charles  F.,  36,  37. 
Lecor,  General,  captures  Mon- 
tevideo, 179. 
Le    Moyne,     Colonel,     French 

agent  to  la  Plata,  200. 
Liberators,  estimate  of  their  in- 
fluence ;  general  discussion  of 

their   governmental   projects, 

319,  320.    See  also  Francisco 

de  Miranda,  etc. 
Liberators  of  Venezuela,  Order 

of,    established    by    Bolivar, 

227. 
Lizanza  y  Beaumont,  Francisco 

J.  de,  viceroy  of  Mexico,  81. 
London    Courier,    referred    to, 

328. 
Lopez,  Charles  A.,  referred  to, 

172. 
Lopez,    Francisco    S.,    referred 

to,  172. 
Lopez,  Vicente  F.,  cited,  160. 
Los  Remedios,  Virgin  of,  patron 

saint  of  royalists,  93,  99. 
Lower   Peru,   see  Peru,   unde* 

Spanish-American  republics. 
Loyalists,  referred  to,  65,  317, 

318. 


%n 


INDEX 


Loyola,  Ignatius,  22. 
Luthman,  A.  C,  translation  of 

Fernandez  de  Madrid,  quoted, 

312,  313. 

Madison,  James,  relations  with 
Miranda  referred  to,  46. 

Maipu,  battle  of,  198. 

Marino,  Santiago,  228,  229. 

Maroto,  Rafael,  194. 

Marquez,  Jose  Ignacio,  address 
concerning  congress  of  Cu- 
cuta,  quoted,  248. 

Matamoras,  Mariano,  108. 

Mendoza,  Antonio  de,  viceroy 
of  New  Spain,  3. 

Mercurio  Peruana  de  historia, 
literatura  y  noticias  publicas, 
20. 

Mexico,  see  under  Spanish- 
American  republics. 

Miller,  William,  261,  277; 
memoirs  quoted  on  Bolivar's 
army,  277,  278;  on  battle  of 
Ayacucho,  282,  283. 

Mina,  Francisco  X.,  in  Spain, 
III;  part  in  Mexican  revolt, 
III,  112;  fate,  112. 

Miranda,  Francisco  de,  birth 
and  family  of,  26,  70;  early 
career,  27-29 ;  supposed  origin 
of  revolutionary  ideas,  29; 
flight  from  West  Indies  and 
trip  through  United  States, 
28-31 ;  relations  with  Hamil- 
ton, Knox,  and  Washington 
discussed,  30,  31 ;  petition  to 
Charles  III.,  from  London, 
quoted,  31,  32;  notice  of,  in 
Political  Herald  and  Review, 
32;  tour  through  Europe,  32, 
33;    relations    with    Pitt    in 


1790.  33-3^,  70;  government- 
al plans  in  1790,  33-35 ;  career 
in  France,  1792-1798,  36-39; 
his  alleged  instructions,  40, 
41 ;  renews  relations  with 
Pitt,  39-45;  with  King,  and 
Hamilton,  41,  43,  44;  attempts 
to  interest  President  Adams, 
43;  Addington,  45;  relations 
with  Madison  and  Jefferson 
in  1805,  46;  leads  filibuster- 
ing expedition  from  United 
States  against  Venezuela,  46; 
pleas  to  Castlereagh,  de- 
scribed and  quoted,  47-49; 
revolutionary  plans  in  1807- 
1808,  48,  49;  his  arguments 
against  Spanish  rule,  51,  52; 
objective  points  of  his  pro- 
jected attacks,  52;  influence 
upon  Spanish-American  lead- 
ers, 53;  interest  in  learning, 
53>  54;  correspondence  with 
Spanish-Americans,  55;  gov- 
ernmental plans  in  1808,  55- 
58;  views  on  dictator  in 
Spanish-America,  quoted,  56, 
57;  relations  with  Antepara, 
60;  with  Bolivar,  60,  62,  66- 
68;  returns  to  Venezuela,  61; 
advocates  a  declaration  of  in- 
dependence, 62,  63;  views  on 
national  flag  and  constitution, 
64 ;  dictator  of  Venezuela,  66, 
6y ;  betrayed  to  Spaniards,  6y ; 
a  prisoner  of  Spain,  67-69; 
death,  69,  314;  personality  of, 
54,  69,  70;  character  of,  70- 
72\  political  ideas,  33-35,  55- 
58;  role  in  history,  71,  72. 
See  also  Simon  de  Bolivar. 
Monroe,  James,  referred  to,  132, 


INDEX 


373 


196.  See  also  Monroe  Doc- 
trine, Recognition  of  Span- 
ish-American Republics. 

Monroe  Doctrine,  original,  re- 
ception in  South  America, 
324,  327,  328. 

Monteagudo,  Bernardo,  212. 

Monteverde,  Domingo,  66,  6'j, 
223,  227. 

Morelos,  Jose  M.,  early  career, 
108;  military  services,  108, 
109;  made  chief  executive 
of  Mexico,  109;  member  of 
executive  power,  1 1 1 ;  cap- 
ture and  execution,  1 1 1 ;  po- 
litical ideas,  109,  no. 

Moreno,  Manuel,  referred  to, 
142,  143;  quoted  on  Mariano 
Moreno,  144,  151;  secretary 
of,  166,  167. 

Moreno,  Mariano,  birth  and 
family  of,  142;  early  career, 
142-144;  author  of  Represen- 
tacion,  146;  Representacion 
described  and  quoted,  146- 
150;  in  cabildo  ahierto,  150; 
made  secretary  of  junta, 
150;  his  decree  on  founding 
of  Gaceta  quoted,  152,  153; 
quoted  from  on  free  speech, 
I53»  154;  founder  of  national 
library  at  Buenos  Aires,  154, 
174 ;  subscribes  for  expedition 
to  interior  provinces,  155; 
correspondence  with  Strang- 
ford,  155,  156;  Plan  of  Oper- 
ations ascribed  to  him  de- 
scribed and  quoted,  156-160; 
influence  of  European  writers 
upon,  160;  edits  translation 
of  Rousseau's  "Social  Con- 
tract," opinion  on  Rousseau,  | 


quoted,  160,  161;  opposes 
Saavedra,  163,  164;  resigns 
secretaryship,  164;  appointed 
diplomatic  agent  to  England, 
164;  character  of  that  mis- 
sion, 164-167;  his  secretaries, 
166;  death,  167,  314;  private 
life  referred  to,  144,  167,  168; 
characterizations  of,  166,  167, 
168;  quoted  on  political  ideas, 
161-163;  role  in  revolution, 
168,  174,  319. 

Morillo,  Pablo,  role  as  royalist 
commander,  233,  234,  242-244. 

Moscoso,  Juan,  appointed  cap- 
tain general  of  New  Spain, 
128. 

Narino,  Antonio,  19,  41,  224. 

Nechochea,  General,  277,  278. 

New  Granada,  see  under  Span- 
ish-American republics. 

New  Spain,  see  Viceroyalty  of 
Mexico,  Mexico  (under  Span- 
ish-American republics). 

Nootka  Sound  Controversy,  33- 

36. 

Novella,  Francisco,  122,  125. 

Ochoa,  Juan,  denounces  Hidal- 
go, 82,  83. 

O'Donoju,  Juan,  appointed  cap- 
tain general  of  Mexico,  123; 
arrives  in  Vera  Cruz,  123; 
address  to  Mexicans,  de- 
scribed, 123,  124;  interview 
with  Iturbide,  124;  in  treaty 
of  Cordoba,  124;  relations 
with  Novella,  125 ;  member  of 
Mexican  regency,  127;  sends 
commissioners  to  Spain,  128. 
See  also  Treaty  of  Cordoba. 


374 


INDEX 


O'Higgins,  Bernardo,  meets  Mi- 
randa, 53;  early  career  in 
Chile,  186;  at  Mendoza,  186; 
march  over  Andes,  192,  193; 
at  Chacabuco,  194;  supreme 
director  of  Chile,  195-199;  in- 
structions to  Cochrane,  203; 
proclamation  to  Peruvians 
quoted,  203;  on  monarchy  in 
South  America,  215 ;  referred 
to,  261,  320. 

O'Leary,  Daniel  F.,  quoted  on 
Bolivar's  methods  of  compo- 
sition, 235,  311;  memoirs  re- 
ferred to,  241,  306;  referred 
to,  253,  268,  269;  quoted  on 
Bolivar's  constitution  for  Bo- 
livia, 290,  291. 

Olmedo,  Jose  de,  249,  278. 

Order  of  Guadeloupe,  131. 

Order  of  Sun,  213. 

Ordinances  of  Bilbao,  14,  322. 

Orea,  Telesforo  de,  Venezuelan 
agent  to  United  States,  65. 

Ortiz  de  Letona,  Pascasio,  Mex- 
ican agent  to  United  States, 
96,  100. 

Osorio,  Mariano,  186,  198. 

Paez,  Jose  A.,  referred  to,  244, 
245,  294,  320;  cited  on  mon- 
archy in  Colombia,  301 ; 
quoted  on  Bolivar,  266;  leads 
faction    in    Venezuela,    302, 

303. 

Paine,  Thomas,  meets  Miranda, 
30;  "Common  Sense"  re- 
ferred to,  148. 

Palacio  Fajardo,  Manuel, 
quoted  on  Bolivar's  address 
to  congress  of  Angostura, 
239,  240. 


Panama,  Isthmus  of,  see  Isth- 
mus of  Panama. 

Pan-Americanism,  327. 

Paraguay,  see  under  Spanish- 
American  republics. 

Paroissien,  Diego,  Peruvian  en- 
voy to  Europe,  214,  215. 

Pasco,  battle  of,  205. 

Pavia,  Joseph,  characterization 
of  Miranda  quoted,  45,  53. 

Pelegrin,  Ramon,  Spain's  colo- 
nial secretary,  circular  of, 
128. 

Peiia,  Nicolas  Rodriguez,  re- 
ferred to,  145;  letter  of  San 
Martin  to  on  Andean  march, 
quoted,  184,  185. 

Perez  Calama,  Jose,  quoted  on 
Hidalgo,  y6. 

Perez,  J.  G.,  quoted  on  inter- 
view at  Guayaquil,  259. 

Peru,  see  under  Spanish-Amer- 
ican republics. 

Pezuela,  Joaquin  de,  viceroy  of 
Peru,  204;  negotiations  v^^ith 
San  Martin,  205;  deposition, 
206. 

Pichincha,  battle  of,  251-253; 
Bolivar  on  quoted,  252. 

Pitt,  William,  relations  with 
Miranda,  33-36,  57,  70;  Mi- 
randa's letter  to,  of  January 
16,  1798,  quoted,  39;  of 
March  19,  1799,  quoted,  44-45- 
See  also  Francisco  de  Mir- 
anda. 

Plan  of  Casa  Mata,  proclaimed, 
supporters,  135;  Agustin  I. 
on,  quoted,  135. 

Plan  of  Iguala,  first  publica- 
tion, 118;  provisions,  119, 
120;  three  guarantees  of,  120; 


INDEX 


375 


Iturbide  on  quoted,  120,  121 ; 
rejected  by  Spanish  cortes, 
129;  relation  to  treaty  of 
Cordoba,  124;  cited  by  Mex- 
ican congress,  130;  congress 
on  in  1823,  136;  referred  to, 
139,  140,  253,  254.  See  also 
Treaty  of  Cordoba. 

Poinsett,  Joel  R.,  sent  to  Mex- 
ico by  President  Monroe,  123 ; 
description  of  Iturbide  quoted, 
132,  133;  minister  of  United 
States  to  Mexico,  327. 

Pont,  Marco  del,  captain  gen- 
eral of  Chile,  189;  flees  from 
Santiago,  194. 

Popham,  Home,  16,  45. 

Population  of  Spanish  America, 
Humboldt  on,  10;  character 
of,  11;  Creoles,  11;  influence 
of  revolution  upon,  321. 

Portugal,  referred  to,  49,  179, 
180,  326. 

Posadas,  Gervasio  A.,  177. 

Presidencies :  character,  7 ;  pres- 
idency of  Charcas,  composi- 
tion, 7;  referred  to,  204, 
285-287;  presidency  of  Quito, 
referred  to,  7,  204,  249-253, 
287. 

Primo       Verdad,       Francisco, 

7Z' 
Pueyrredon,  Juan  Martin  de, 
and  English  invasion,  17;  su- 
preme director  of  la  Plata, 
188;  instructions  to  San  Mar- 
tin described,  192;  confers 
with,  195;  renounces  director- 
ship, 201. 

Quintana,  Hilario  de,  196. 
Quintana  Roo,  Andres,  author 


of    manifesto,    109;    accepts 
pardon  from  king,  112. 

Rancagua,  battle  of  referred  to, 
186;  act  of  described,  201, 
202. 

Raynal,  Abbe,  19,  143. 

Rayon,  Ignacio,  Hidalgo's  secre- 
tary; president  of  Mexican 
junta,  108. 

Recognition  of  Spanish-Ameri- 
can republics:  by  England, 
328,  329;  by  Spain,  early  at- 
titude towards,  128,  129,  134, 
206,  207;  consummated,  329, 
330;  by  United  States,  325- 

327. 

Regency:  Mexican,  127,  128; 
Spanish,  58,  60,  61. 

Rengger,  John,  quoted  on  Fran- 
cia,  172-174;  Francia's  reply 
to  cited,  174. 

Revenga,  Jose  R.,  Venezuela's 
agent  to  United  States,  65 ;  to 
Spain,  243,  244. 

Riano,  Juan  A.,  79,  87,  88. 

Riego,  Rafael,  115. 

Riva  Agiiero,  Jose  de  la,  role 
in  Peruvian  revolution,  204, 
275;  made  president  of  Peru, 
270;  fall  of,  271,  272,  273;  in- 
vades Colombia,  303. 

Rivadavia,  Bernardino,  150,  187, 

327- 
Rivera,  Fructuoso,  179. 
Rocafuerte,  Vicente,  113,  320. 
Rodney,  Caesar  A.,  minister  of 

United    States    to    la    Plata, 

327- 
Rodriguez,  Simon,  218,  221,  222, 

289. 
Rondeau,  Jose,  177,  201. 


376 


INDEX 


Rousseau,  Jean  J.,  influence  on 
Mariano  Moreno,  i6o,  i6i ;  on 
Simon  de  Bolivar,  221,  306; 
referred  to,  18,  19,  173,  185. 

Saavedra,  Cornelio  de,  17,  150, 
163,  164;  quoted  on  Mariano 
Moreno's  death,  167. 

Salta,  battle  of,  184. 

San  Lorenzo,  battle  of,  183. 

San  Martin,  Jose  Francisco  de, 
birth  and  family,  180,  181, 
182,  261,  263;  early  career, 
i8i,  182;  quoted  on  depar- 
ture from  Spanish  military 
service,  182;  appointed  colo- 
nel by  junta  of  Buenos  Aires, 
183;  defeats  royalists  at  San 
Lorenzo,  183;  succeeds  Bel- 
grano,  184;  made  governor  of 
Cuyo,  184;  supports  declara- 
tion of  independence,  188, 
189;  march  across  the  Andes 
projected,  184,  185,  191 ;  prep- 
arations for,  190,  191 ;  exe- 
cuted, 192-194;  letters  to 
Pueyrredon  on  quoted,  193, 
194,  195;  at  battle  of  Chaca- 
buco,  194;  at  Maipu,  198; 
made  Chilean  general,  199; 
expedition  to  Peru  referred 
to,  195,  196;  preparations  for, 
198-202 ;  farewell  proclama- 
tion to  la  Plata  quoted,  202; 
departure  from  Valparaiso, 
202,  203 ;  instructions  referred 
to,  203,  211;  proclamations  at 
Pisco  quoted,  204;  negotia- 
tions with  Pezuela,  205 ;  en- 
ters  Lima,  209 ;  proclaims  inde- 
pendence of  Peru,  210;  pro- 
claims himself  protector,  211, 


212;  policy  as,  212-216;  inter- 
view with  Bolivar  at  Guya- 
quil,  254-260;  quoted  on,  256- 
258;  farewell  address  to  Pe- 
ruvians quoted,  261 ;  in  exile, 
261-262;  illness,  214;  death, 
262,  314;  description  of  by 
Hall  quoted,  207,  208;  per- 
sonality of,  262,  263;  Bolivar 
upon,  255;  political  ideas,  187, 
188,  205,  206,  207,  208,  210, 
214,  215,  259,  260,  263;  role  in 
revolution,  263,  264.  See  also 
Sim6n  de  Bolivar. 
San  Mateo,  capitulation  of,  66, 

67. 

Santa  Anna,  Antonio  Lopez  de, 
supports  Plan  of  Iguala,  121, 
122,  relations  with  O'Donojii 
and  Iturbide,  124;  declares 
against  Agustin  L,  134 ;  advo- 
cates plan  of  Casa  Mata, 
135;  referred  to  as  Mexican 
president,  320. 

Santa  Maria,  Miguel,  Mexican 
envoy  to  Spain,  330. 

Santander,  Francisco  de  Paula, 
patriot  commander  of  New 
Granada,  241 ;  made  vice-presi- 
dent of  Colombia,  247 ;  decree 
on  Isthmus  of  Panama  re- 
ferred to,  249 ;  leader  of  party 
against  Bolivar,  302,  303;  re- 
ferred to  as  president  of  Co- 
lombia, 320. 

Sassenay,  Marquis  de,  Napo- 
leon's agent  to  South  Amer- 
ica, 145. 

Schryver,  S.  de,  cited,  311,  312. 

Segur,  Count,  quoted  on  inquisi- 
tion, 18,  19. 

Serna,   Jose  de   la,   viceroy  of 


INDEX 


377 


Peru,  206;  takes  charge  of 
army,  280;  marches  against 
Sucre,  280 ;  at  Ayacucho,  282, 
284. 

Soler,  Miguel,  march  across 
Andes,  192,  193. 

Spain,  colonial  empire  under 
Charles  IV.,  i,  2;  administra- 
tion of,  2-10;  fiscal  policy,  12- 
15;  policy  towards  Creoles,  11, 
168;  constitution  of  1812,  de- 
scribed, promulgation  in  Mex- 
ico, 107;  proclaimed  by  Riego, 
115;  effects  of,  in  America, 
115-117,  242,  243;  San  Mar- 
tin on,  204 ;  conditions  in,  dur- 
ing Spanish-American  revolu- 
tion, 319;  attempts  to  negoti- 
ate peace  with  American  rev- 
olutionists, 134,  205,  206,  207, 
242,  243,  244,  318;  persistence 
of  influence  in  Spanish  Amer- 
ica, 322.  See  also  Audiencias, 
Cahildos,  Captain  Generals, 
England,  Intendants,  Juntas, 
Joseph  Bonaparte,  Napoleon 
Bonaparte,  Recognition  of 
Spanish-American  Republics, 
Viceroys. 

Spanish-American  Republics : 
Argentina,   referred  to,   295,- 
327,^330.  "^^  See   also    United 
Provinces  of  la  Plata  below, 
Viceroyalty  of  la  Plata. 
Bolivia,  declaration  of  inde- 
pendence, 287,  288;  early  his- 
tory,  286-289,   295-298.     See 
also   Presidency   of   Charcas, 
Upper  Peru. 

Central  America,  revolution- 
ary movement  in,  131,  132; 
independence  proclaimed,  140. 


See  also  Captain  General  of 
Guatemala. 

Chile,  revolts  in,  185,  186,  191- 
196;  declaration  of  independ- 
ence, 196-198;  early  history, 
198-203.  See  also  Captain 
General  of  Chile. 
Colombia,  revolution  in  and 
early  history,  224-226,  229, 
241-260,  301-307.  See  also 
New  Granada,  Viceroy  of 
New  Granada,  Viceroyalty  of 
New  Granada. 

Ecuador,  revolts  in,  249-259. 
See  also  Presidency  of  Quito, 
Colombia. 

Mexico,  revolts  in,  y^,  74,  81% 
100,  108-112,  1 16-129;  decla- 
ration of  independence  in 
1813,  109;  act  of  independ- 
ence in  1821,  119,  126,  127; 
empire,  130-136.  See  also 
Viceroy  of  Mexico,  Viceroy- 
alty of  Mexico. 
New  Granada,  revolts  in,  16; 
declarations  of  independence, 
224.  See  also  Colombia. 
Paraguay,  revolutionary 
movement  in,  155,  168-170; 
alleged  declaration  of  inde- 
pendence referred  to,  170: 
early  history,  170-174. 
Peru,  revolts  in,  15,  16,  204- 
209;  declaration  of  independ- 
ence, 209,  210;  protectorate, 
212-215;  early  history,  209- 
216,269-286.  See  also  Viceroy 
of  Peru,  Viceroyalty  of  Peru. 
United  Provinces  of  la  Plata, 
revolution  in,  149-167,  175- 
177;  declaration  of  independ- 
ence, 188,  189.    See  also  Ar- 


378 


INDEX 


gentina,  Viceroy  of  la  Plata, 
Viceroyalty  of  la  Plata. 
Uruguay,  declaration  of  inde- 
pendence quoted,  i8o.  See 
also  la  Banda  Oriental,  Vice- 
royalty  of  la  Plata,  Viceroy 
of  la  Plata. 

Venezuela,  revolts  in,  60-63; 
declaration  of  independence, 
6^;  early  history,  64-69,  223, 
226-229,  233-241.  See  also 
Captain  General  of  Venezue- 
la, Colombia,  New  Granada. 
On  the  Spanish-American  Re- 
publics, see  also  Constitutions, 
Juntas,  Recognition  of  Span- 
ish-American republics,  Spain, 
Spanish-American  revolu- 
tion. 

Spanish-American  revolution, 
summary  of  causes,  315,  316; 
compared  with  revolution  of 
English  colonists  in  North 
America,  316-318;  military 
and  political  influence  of,  320- 
322,  330;  social  and  economic 
results  of,  321,  322,  330;  in- 
ternational results,  323,  324. 
See  also  Cabildo  ahierto,  Fer- 
dinand VII.,  Joseph  Napo- 
leon, Napoleon  Bonaparte, 
Juntas,  Spain,  Spanish-Amer- 
ican republics. 

Star  of  the  South,  17. 

Strangford,  Lord,  correspond- 
ence with  junta  of  Buenos 
Aires,  155,  156,  165;  quot- 
ed on  Mariano  Moreno, 
168. 

Sucre,  Antonio  Jose  de,  birth 
and  family,  267,  308;  early 
career,  267,  268;  meets  Boli- 


var, 269;  peace  commissioner 
to  Morillo,  243;  leads  expedi- 
tion to  Quito,  249-250;  battle 
of  Pichincha,  251-253;  Boli- 
var's agent  to  Lima  and  re- 
lations with  Riva  Agiiero, 
270-272 ;  preparations  for 
campaign  against  Canterac, 
275,  276;  campaign  against 
Canterac,  276-279 ;  corre- 
spondence with  Bolivar  con- 
cerning rearguard  quoted, 
279;  becomes  commander  of 
united  patriot  army,  280; 
maneuvers  preceding  battle  of 
Ayacucho,  280-282;  battle  of 
Ayacucho,  282-285 ;  quoted 
on,  283 ;  leads  army  into  presi- 
dency of  Charcas,  286 ;  issues 
proclamation  convoking  as- 
sembly, 286;  chief  executive 
of  Bolivia,  287-290;  presents 
Bolivar^s  constitution  to  Bo- 
livian congress,  291 ;  becomes 
first  president  of  Bolivia,  295 ; 
president  of  Bolivia,  296-299; 
farewell  message  to  Bolivians 
quoted,  296-298 ;  marriage, 
299 ;  private  life,  299,  300 ;  de- 
feats Peruvians  at  Tarqui, 
303;  commissioner  to  negoti- 
ate with  Venezuelans,  304; 
assassination,  304,  314;  his 
wife  quoted  on,  304;  Bolivar 
on  quoted,  305;  Bolivar 
on  Sucre  quoted,  267,  269, 
274,  275;  views  on  Boli- 
var's constitution  for  Bo- 
livia, 298,  299;  personality, 
307-309;  Bolivar  on  quoted, 
308,  309.  See  also  Simon  de 
Bolivar. 


INDEX 


379 


Talamantes,  Melchor,  73,  74. 

Tarqui,  battle  of,  303. 

Teodoro  de  Croix,  viceroy  of 
Peru,  quoted  on  censorship, 
19. 

Torre  Tagle,  Marquis  of,  254, 
272. 

Torres,  Camilo,  223. 

Torres,  Manuel,  charge  d'af- 
faires of  Colombia  to  United 
States,  326. 

Trujillo,  Torcuato,  at  I>as 
Cruces,  93,  114. 

Tucuman,  battle  of,  184;  con- 
gress of,  see  under  Congress. 

Tupac  Amaru,  15,  35. 

Unanue,  Hipolito,  204,  212. 
United  Provinces  of  la  Plata, 
see  under  Spanish-American 
republics. 
United    States,    filibusters    re- 
cruited in,  46,  III ;  attitude  to- 
ward early  revolt,  44,  46,  65, 
195,  196;  agents  from  Spanish 
America    to,    96,    195,    196; 
sends   consuls   and   ministers 
to    Spanish-American   repub- 
lics, 321,  326,  327;  influence  of 
upon  Spanish-American  revo- 
lution suggested,   19,  24,  63, 
64,  235,  237.  See  also  Monroe 
Doctrine,      Recognition      of 
Spanish-American  republics. 
Upper  Peru,  7,  286-289.    See  al- 
so   Bolivia,    under    Spanish- 
American  republics.  Presiden- 
cy of  Charcas. 
Uruguay,    see    under    Spanish- 
American  republics. 
Uti  Possidetis  of  1810,  Bolivar 
upon  in  1825  quoted,  286,  287; 


results  of  principle  suggested, 
322. 

Valdez,  General,  273,  280,  282. 

Velasco,  Bernardo  de,  governor 
of  Paraguay  deposed,  169. 

Venegas,  Francisco  J.,  viceroy 
of  Mexico,  81,  86,  87,  99, 
107. 

Venezuela,  see  under  Spanish- 
American  republics. 

Viceroy, character, 4, 5 ;  viceroy: 
in  Mexico,  3,  5,  8,  9,  11,  73, 
81,  93,  99,  107,  114,  115,  117, 
118,  122,  123,  131;  in  New 
Granada,  223,  241,  242;  in  la 
Plata,  16,  17,  142,  146,  150, 
152;  in  Peru,  3,  4,  186,  204, 
205,  206,  207,  209,  280,  282, 
284.  See  also  Audiencia, 
Captain  General,  Intendant, 
Viceroyalty. 

Viceroyalty  of :  Mexico,  3,  5,  8, 
II,  73,  86,  no,  131,  140;  New 
Granada,  4,  242;  la_jPlata.  4. 
142;  Peru,  4,  203,  204. 

Victoria,  Guadeloupe  (sobri- 
quet), 108,  134,  I35»  140,  141, 
320. 

Villanueva,  Carlos  A.,  70, 
264. 

Viscardo  y  Guzman,  J.  P.,  his 
Lettre  aux  Espagnols-Ameri- 
cains,  quoted,  23,  24;  origin 
and  publication  of,  25;  dis- 
cussed in  Edinburgh  Review, 
58. 

Washington,    George,    30,    95, 

320. 
Wellesley,      Arthur,      relations 

with  Miranda,  49-5i»  57;  sails 


38o 


INDEX 


for  Iberian  peninsula,  57.  See 
also  Wellington,  Duke  of. 

Wellesley,  Marquis,  relations 
with  Bolivar  and  Lopez  Men- 
dez,  61 ;  letter  of  junta  of 
Buenos  Aires  to,  quoted,  165- 
166. 

Wellington,  Duke  of,  quoted  on 
Miranda,  50,  51. 

Williams,    John,    charge    d'af- 


faires   of   United    States   to 
Central  America,  327. 

Yegros,  Fulgencio,  169. 

Zarate,  Julio,  cited,  118. 
Zea,  Francisco  A.,  240,  242,  268. 
Zenteno,  Jose  I.,  195,  203. 
Zozaya,  Jose  M.,  first  minister 

of    Mexico    to    the    United 

States,  326. 

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